THE LORD'S PRAYER AND THE EUCHARIST.

THE SYRIAN TRADITION

EMMANUEL J. CUTRONE

After completing his explanation of the eucharistic prayer

to the neophytes, Cyril of Jerusalem continues his mystagogy in
this fashion, Then, after this, we recite that prayer which the
Savior delivered to His own disciples, with a clear conscience
designating God as our Father, saying: Our Father who are in
heaven .1 This gives the first clear evidence of the Our Father
in the eucharistic liturgy anywhere. In the West there is no
witness until the De Sacramentis, V of Ambrose who dedicates
the second part of this lecture to the Lord's Prayer. Even Apos-
tolic Constitutions VIII, 13, a late fourth century Syrian docu-
ment, makes no reference to the Our Father in the communion
service. 2 But from the earliest times at least some of the peti-
tions of the Lord's Prayer have been interpreted as referring to
the Lord's Supper and this has led some to suggest a much
earlier inclusion of the prayer in the eucharistic liturgy. 3 What
follows is a review of the biblical witness on the relationship of
the Our Father to the eucharistic themes and liturgy, and a
suggestion on why the Lord's Prayer enters into the Syrian
eucharistic liturgy in the middle of the fourth century.

1 Mystagogical Catechesis V, 11. Translation from ANTHONY A. STEPHEN-

SON, The Works of Saint Cyril of Jerusalem, vol. II (The Fathers of the
Church, 64) Edited by Leo McCauley and Anthony Stephenson, Washing-
ton, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1970, 198.
2 ROBERT F. TAFT, How Liturgies Grow: The Evolution of the Byzan-
tine Divine Liturgy , Beyond East and West: Problems in Liturgical Under-
standing, Washington: The Pastoral Press, 183-184. 4-

3 Taft, however, clearly favors a later entrance. So all we can say

with certainty is that the Our Father is a later addition, and that previous
to its introduction the litany just before communion may have been fol-
lowed by only one prayer . Ibid. 184.
94 Emmanuel J. Cutrone
1. The Biblical evidence
Two separate issues need to be addressed in considering
the biblical witness of the relationship of the Lord's Prayer to
eucharistic worship. The first has to do with whether or not
any of the petitions of the Our Father, as given by Jesus,
included a reference to eucharistic worship - either directly or
by implication. The second, quite different from the first, asks
whether the Our Father was one of the prayers actually used by
the early church when it gathered in eucharistic worship. If so
what structural role did it play in the liturgy of the assembly?
On both points, of course, information is quite limited forcing
an exegesis which does not bring forth much certainty. Still
there is enough evidence to forge plausible theories.
First, do any of the petitions refer directly to the eucharist?
The Lord's Prayer is found in two places in the New Testament,
a shorter version in Luke 11.2-4, and a longer version with
some variation in Matthew 6.9-13. There is also the extra bibli-
cal text in Didache 8 which is virtually the same as Matthew
6.9-13. In Luke, Jesus gives the prayer in response to the
request of the disciples, {( Lord, teach us to pray (Lk. 11.2),
and continues with a catechesis on prayer. This account seems
to be concerned with establishing the right kind of prayer. 4 In
Matthew there is no request, but the prayer is given as part of
the Sermon on the Mount where it is proposed as a prototype
for all christian prayer. Jesus begins his teaching on prayer by
contrasting his prayer with that of the {( hypocrites . Proper
prayer should not be done as a public display, but in such a
way that {( ... your Father who sees all that is done in secret
will reward you (Mt. 6.6). Further, prayer should not multiply
many words, but it should address a Father who knows your
needs before you ask (Mt. 6.8). The final petition for forgive-
ness is extended with further admonitions that forgiveness will
be given by the Father in proportion to the manner in which
the individual forgives. The Sermon on the Mount continues
with directives on the proper way to fast (Mt. 6.16-18). Didache
VIII contains many of the same themes found in Matthew: the
4 JOACHIM JEREMIAS, The Prayers of Jesus (Studies in Biblical Theology,
6) Alec R. Allenson, Inc., 1967, p. 87.
The Lord's Prayer and the Eucharist. The Syrian tradition 95
Lord's Prayer is introduced by contrasting fasting of the hypo-
crites with that of the christians, and then prayer is different
from the hypocrites when christians pray as the Lord taught
them. It concludes with the directives to pray the Our Father
three times a day.
Jeremias divides the prayer into {( Thy-petitions and
{( We-petitions . 5 There are two {( Thy-petitions in Luke: Hal-
lowed be Thy name, and Thy kingdom come. A third is added
in Matthew: Thy will be done. In Luke there are three We-
petitions : give us bread, forgive our sins, and lead us not into
temptation. Matthew adds a fourth {( we-petition : deliver us
from evil.
Since the eucharist is described as the breaking of the
bread in the early church (Acts 2.42), it is quite natural to
begin by asking if the petition for daily bread has a direct
eucharistic reference. The exact petition in Matthew, {( Give us
today our daily bread, or {( our bread for tomorrow, give us
today, 6 has a definite eschatological focus. The bread for
tomorrow is a reference to the future kingdom, so it seems to
look more to the future than to the present, more to the king-
dom than temporal food or ritual meals. 7 Even though Jere-
mias interprets this petition in an eschatological manner, he
feels it also includes the ritual meals of the apostolic commu-
nity - especially in those communities identified as the Jewish
Christian church. 8. Further, Rordorf also proposes that this
eschatological petition undergoes a transformation {( ... into a
realized eschatology (or, perhaps better, a self-realizing escha-
tology) precisely because of the Church's liturgical life, in
which the Lord's Prayer was anchored .9 He seems to be of
5 Ibid., 89-91.
6 Ibid., 99-102.
7 WILLY RORDORF, The Lord's Prayer in the Light of its Liturgical Use
in the Early Church , Studia Liturgica 14 (1980-81) 6-7.
8 . their daily fellowship meals were the customary meals for suste-
nance, and yet at the same time they were a 'Lord's Supper' (I Cor. 11:20)
which mediated fellowship with Him and linked in fellowship with one
another those sitting at table (I Cor. 10:16-17). In the same way, for all his
followers, every meal is a meal in his presence. He is the host who fills the
hungry and thirsty with the fullness of his blessings . Jeremias, 102.
9 Rordorf, 9.
96 Emmanuel J. Cutrone
the opinion that the Our Father was always prayed before com-
munion, or at least from a very early time. 10
The Thy-petitions}) for the sanctification of the Name
and the coming of the kingdom are also primarily eschatologi-
cal. I Cor. 15.26 connects communion with the eschatological
focus of the early church so there are several petitions of the
Lord's Prayer which connect with eschatological themes of
eucharistic worship. 11
Finally, the petition for forgiveness of sins also has a
strong relationship with eucharistic worship. Mk 11.25 con-
nects proper prayer with forgiveness of ... whatever you have
against anybody, }) and Mt 5.23-24 puts the condition of for-
giveness prior to offering at the altar. Didache XIV makes it
clear that these biblical passages were very much on the minds
of early christian communities because forgiveness is a condi-
tion for the purity of the sacrifice. 12 Rordorf finds liturgical
implications in the different versions of the petition for forgive-
ness, and the location of the kiss of peace implying an early
liturgical usage of both the lucan and matthean versions of the
Our Father. 13
10 The first commentators on the Lord's Prayer confirm, therefore,
once again what we already knew from liturgical research and from the
study of the eucharistic exegesis on the fourth petition which we have
just made - i.e. that the Lord's Prayer was prayed before Communion .
Ibid., 11.
11 Ibid., 6.
12 On the Lord's day of the Lord, come together, break bread, and
give thanks, having first confessed your transgressions, that your sacrifice
may be pure. But let none who has a quarrel with his companion join
with you until they have been reconciled, that your sacrifice may not be
defiled . Didache XIV.
13 Do not the Liturgical traditions of East and West, which we have
been able to distinguish, reflect the two Greek versions of the fifth petition
of the Lord's Prayer? In other words, is not the Eastern liturgy, which puts
the exchange of the kiss of Peace before the recitation of the Lord's Prayer,
the concrete expression of the Matthaean version, which stresses the duty
of reconciliation with one's brethren before asking God for the forgiveness
of one's own sins: Forgive us our trespasses, as we have forgiven those
who have trespassed against us ? And is not the Western liturgy, which
puts the exchange of the Kiss of Peace after the recitation of the Our
Father, the concrete expression of the version in the Gospel of Luke,
The Lord's Prayer and the Eucharist. The Syrian tradition 97
Biblical scholars, then, do find direct connection between
several of the petitions of the Lord's Prayer and eucharistic
worship. Further, Jeremias identifies the Matthean version as
richly liturgical but does not give any details as to the precise
nature of its liturgical use. 14 Rordorf argues aggressively for a
very early inclusion of the Our Father as a prayer said by the
assembly prior to communion. Apart from thematic connec-
tions between the petitions, direct evidence is lacking for an
early inclusion of the prayer in eucharistic worship.
This leads to the second question: is there any liturgical
evidence for inclusion of the Our Father in eucharistic wor-
ship? Heinemann's use of a form critical method is perhaps the
best indication of how the early church used the Lord's Prayer
in formal worship. 'Form' in the widest possible sense serves
as a clear indication of the character of any particular prayer
and helps us to answer questions like: to what category does a
prayer belong? and what purpose did it serve in the liturgy? An
attempt to assign the Prayer of Jesus its proper place must take
account not only of Jewish prayer which may employ similar
turns of phrase and share some motifs and ideas expressed in
it but, first and foremost, of matters of style and liturgical
function . 15
Heinemann considers three possible categories of Jewish
prayers which relate to the text of the Lord's Prayer as it
appears in the gospels. The three categories of Jewish prayer
are: 1) the statutory liturgy of the regular synagogue service;
2) private worship; and 3) prayers associated with the public
which imposes no conditions on the one who would wish to receive for-
giveness from God, but emphasizes the result flowing from that forgive-
ness: Forgive us our sins; and, lo! - we ourselves forgive (i.e., in our
turn) anyone who is indebted to us ,,? Rordorf, 13.
14 Bradshaw finds a liturgical use of the Lord's Prayer in the develop-
ment of the divine office, and not euch~rist. PAUL F. BRADSHAW, Daily Prayer
in the Early Church: A study of the Origin and Early Development of the
Divine Office, New York: Oxford University Press, 1982, 27-28.
15 JOSEPH HEINEMANN, The Background of Jesus' Prayer in Jewish
Liturgical Tradition", The Lord's Prayer and Jewish Liturgy, Edited by
Jakob Petuchowski and Michael Brocke, New York: The Seabury Press,
1978, 81.
98 Emmanuel J. Cutrone
sermon (which was also frequently given in the synagogue,
but did not constitute an integral part of the prescribed ser-
vice). 16
The prayers of the regular synagogue service employed
strict rules and regulations for their content, structure and pre-
cise formulae. They always followed a definite pattern. 17 At the
heart of the synagogue service is the Eighteen Benedictions .
These prayers were recited during the weekday service along
with the Shetna. They functioned as the most important
prayers of the statutory synagogue service, and were also part
of the statutory prayers to be said by the individual even if he
did not attend the synagogue. 18 It has been suggested that the
eighteen benedictions has directly influenced the composi-
tion of the Our Father. 19 Jesus' prayer shows some similarity
to the Eighteen Benedictions in that it opens with an
expression of praise prior to a series of petitons and concludes
with brief words of praise and adoration. 20 Heinemann con-
cludes, In this respect, then, (but not in others), Jesus' prayer
appears to have been modelled upon the pattern employed in
the set synagogue prayers, especially the Eighteen Benedic-
tions . 21 But, he finds that the prayer does not sufficiently
correspond to the strict pattern of prayers for the synagogue
either in the forms of address or in its thematic content and
thus rejects the connection. 22 Bahr, on the other hand, pro~
poses that the first Christians made direct use of this prayer
form because they used Our Father as a substitution for the
16Ibid., 82.
17Ibid., 82.
18 JAKOB J. PETUCHOWSKl, The Liturgy of the Synagogue The Lord's
Prayer and Jewish Liturgy, Edited by Jakob Petuchowski and Michael
Brocke, New York: The Seabury Press, 1978, 55.
19 For two developments of this theory see, ROGER BECKWITH, Daily and
Weekly Worship: Jewish to Christian, (Alcuin/Grow Liturgical Study, 1)
Bramcote, Notts.: Grove Books Limited, 1987, 23. Also GORDON J. BAHR,
The Use of the Lord's Prayer in the Primitive Church , The Lord's Prayer
and Jewish Liturgy, 152-154.
20 Jeremias, 85.
21 Heinemann, 86.
22 Ibid.
The Lord's Prayer and the Eucharist. The Syrian tradition 99
Eighteen Benedictions . 23 In either case, the synagogue
prayers do not correspond to the prayers of the ritual meals.
An identification of the source of the Our Father in a syna-
gogue setting would in no way suggest that it is a form of
prayer which would have any setting or use in the meal service
and thus no use in the Lord's Supper would be likely.
Another prayer which shows great affinity to the Lord's
Prayer is the Kaddish. This prayer opens with the words, Glo-
rified and sanctified be His great name throughout the world
which He has created according to His will. May He establish
His kingdom in your lifetime and during your days... speedily
and soon; and say, Amen. The Kaddish did not take the
important role it presently plays in Synagogue service until the
end of the Talmudic period in the fifth century. 24 But, at the
time of Jesus, it did function as a prayer at the conclusion of
the sermons. Such prayers given in connection with the ser-
mon were not considered an integral part of the synagogue
service. There were no fixed patterns to the prayers associated
with the sermon but... a number of favorite patterns are seen
to emerge. Prayers following the sermon - of which the Kad-
dish (in its original function) is a prominent example - mostly
strike the messianic note and contain fervent petitions for
redemption and the establishment of the eschatological King-
dom of God: these arise organically out of the messianic prom-
ises with which the sermons themselves concluded most
frequently. 25 Despite the similarites between the opening of
the Kaddish and the Our Father, Heinemann rules it out as a
source for the Our Father because of stylistic differences. 26
23 These observations suggest that the primitive church uses the
Lord's Prayer in exactly the same way as the contemporary synagogue
used the Eighteen Benedictions . Bahr, 154.
24 Heinemann, 81.
2S Ibid., 82.
26 It has been claimed, with some justification, that there is 'com-
plete conformity of the Paternoster with Jewish norms of prayer', and that
Matt. 6:9c-lOa 'have their exact equivalent in the Kaddish, except for the
difference of person'. But the Kaddish, in spite of the prominent place
which it occupies in the prayers of the synagogue today, did not do so
until the end of the Talmudic period in the fifth century CE; hence it can
hardly be considered an example of 'Jewish norms of prayers' in the first
100 Emmanuel J. Cutrone
Once again, even if the Kaddish is the prayer form on which
the Lord's Prayer was patterned, its proper liturgical setting is
not within a meal context, making it unlikely that the early
christian assembly prayed it within the celebration of the
Lord's Supper.
The final prayer form which Heinemann considers is pri-
vate prayer. This type of prayer is limited in scope and usually
lacks elaborate structures. Two or three specific requests con-
stitute the prayer, not a lengthy, complex series. The language
is normally Aramaic and there is an absence of prescribed for-
mulae. 27 Certain styles and patterns were eventually preferred,
especially those which emphasize an intimate, personal rela-
tionship with God. 28 Using these characteristics Heinemann
concludes, There can be no doubt that the prayer of Jesus in
Matt. 6.9 displays all of the characteristics of Jewish private
prayer: it opens with an address employing one of the epithets
used frequently in private petitions; 29 it addresses God in the
second person; its style is simple; it is quite brief, as are its
component sentences; it lacks the form of the 'liturgical bene-
diction' . 30 Heinemann points out that in the words which
century. And 'the difference of person' is hardly a negligible quantity when
one prayer addresses God directly and unhesitatingly in the second per-
son, and another speaks of Him indirectly and without even identifying
Him by name or epithet - especially when, in place of the Paternoster's
direct address of God, we find the Kaddish turning to the congregation in
the second person plural ('and say [ye], Amen') . Ibid., 81.
27 Ibid., 83.
28 The favorite one is undoubledly the opening formula 'May it be
Thy will [literally: May it be the will from before Thee], 0 Lord, my God
and the God of my fathers .. .' In this pattern, adonai is used invariably,
followed by the additional epithet, elohai, 'my God' (with the first person
pronominal suffix), and God is addressed in the second person. All of the
foregoing points emphasize the intimate, personal relationship with God
of which the worshipper is conscious . Ibid., 83.
29 No special importance should be attached to the fact that God is
addressed as 'Father' or as 'our Father' at the opening of Jesus' prayer -
instead of the address, 'Master' or 'God', often used in Jewish private
prayer . Ibid., 88.
30 It is true that the phrase, 'hallowed be Thy name, Thy Kingdom
come', is analogous to the opening of the Kaddish, which does not belong
to the category of private prayers. But we should not forget that this style
also occurs in private prayer... . Ibid., 88.
The Lord's Prayer and the Eucharist. The Syrian tradition 101
precede the giving of the Our Father (Matt. 6.5-6), Jesus actu-
ally gives his unequivocal approval of the tradition of private
prayer. Such a prayer is ... intimate and inward-directed in
place of a public prayer; a brief prayer in place of a long series
of benedictions; the simple popular style of private prayer in
place of the more formal and elaborate style of the synagogue
prayer; a prayer in the vernacular Aramaic tongue in place of
the literary semi-Scriptural style, in which the common folk
were not .sufficiently fluent; a prayer which every man can
recite for himself, rather than one which he must hear recited
by the Prayer leader: that is the force of Jesus' instructions to
his disciples and of his exemplary prayer . 31
If Heinemann is correct in this analysis of the origins of
the Our Father, there certainJy is no meal context for the reci-
tation of such a prayer. These private prayers would not be
compatible with the ritual meals which have their set of formu-
las, be they the weekly sabbath meals, or the more solemn
feasts throughout the year - such as passover. The similarities
between Jewish prayer forms and the Our Father onJy enforce
the position that the prayer was not part of eucharistic worship
because the prayer forms which are suggestive of the Our
Father are not the type found in a ritual meal. This is further
supported by Didache VIII which is an instruction on the
proper manner of prayer, but is not a commentary on eucha-
ristic prayer. The command to pray the Lord's Prayer three
times a day suggests private prayer, or congregational prayer
which is independent of eucharistic worship. Didache XIV does
connect the Lord's Supper with forgiveness of one's brethren,
and even though this is a theme similar to one of the petitions
of the Lord's Prayer, there is nothing suggestive of actual inclu-
sion of the prayer in the meal service.
The conclusion from the biblical evidence is that there are
some thematic similarities between the petitions of the Our
Father and eucharistic worship. There is also some evidence of
structural parallels between the our Father and Jewish prayers.
The most likely candidate is the prayer form of private devo-
tion. If there were some christian adaptation of Jewish rituals,
31 Ibid., 88-89.
 102 Emmanuel J. Cutrone
more support is found for the word service. Nowhere is there
anything suggestive of a prayer form which could function
within a meal, making the likelihood of early eucharistic use
very remote.
2. Witness of the Syrian tradition
In the Syrian liturgical tradition the Our Father is men-
tioned in Didache, Apostolic Constitutions, and then by Cyril of
Jerusalem. Didache VIII, which gives the text of the Our Father
and the command to pray the prayer three times a day,
appears to be the last in the sequence of baptismal instruc-
tions. This is an instruction on how to pray, and a definite
point is made to contrast the discipline of the christian with
that of the Jews, both as to the time of the fast, and the con-
tent of the prayer. 32 The command to pray three times a day
can be a direct parallel with the synagogue service, or another
spacing of daily prayer, 33 but there is no evidence of any meal
context for this prayer. Didache XIV does describe a meal ser-
vice on the Lord's Day with the exhortation to reconciliation
and confession of transgression so that the sacrifice may not be
defiled. 34 Here is the first definite passage which relates to one
of the petitions in the Our Father: and forgive us our debts as
32 Your fasts should not coincide with those of the hypocrites. They
fast on Mondays and Thursdays; you should fast on Wednesdays and Fri-
days. And do not pray as the hypocrites do, but pray as the Lord has
commanded in the Gospel: Our Father... Say this prayer three times a
day". Didache, VIII.
33 C. W. DOUGMORE, The Influence of the Synagogue upon the Divine
Office (Alcuin Club Collections,S) Faith Press Ltd, 1944, 61-62. PAUL F.
BRADSHAw, Daily Prayer in the Early Church: A study of the Origin and Early
Development of the Divine Office, New York: Oxford University Press, 1982,
25-26.
34 On the Lord's day of the Lord, come together, break bread, and
give thanks, having first confessed your transgressions, that your sacrifice
may be pure. But let none who has a quarrel with his companion join
with you until they have been reconciled, that your sacrifice may not be
defiled. For this is that which was spoken by the Lord, 'In every place, and
at every time, offer me a pure sacrifice; for I am a great king, says the
Lord and my Name is wonderful among the nations'. (Malachi l:11b) ".
Didache, XIV.
The Lord's Prayer and the Eucharist. The Syrian tradition 103
we also forgive our debtors (Didache VIII), but this falls into
the category of similar themes rather than an actual command
to use the prayer.
Didache IX, X treat eucharistic praying directly. Is there a
possible connection with the Lord's Prayer here? Some have
suggested that the Lord's Prayer was offered more as an exam-
ple of how to pray, rather than a prayer formula to be used by
the worshipping assemply. The assumption that the Lord's
Prayer is an outline for prayer may be lurking behind the word
Outos which is often used to introduce the text of the prayer.
Origen (18,1) uses it, and before him Didache (8,2), and before
that, the Gospel according to Matthew. (6:9) ... I would suggest
that it is an example of the ideal prayer in the sense that it is
an outline of the parts which the ideal prayer should contain
and of the items which the ideal prayer should include . 35 The
presumption here is that this thematic suggestion applies to
all prayers, both private, as well as the prayers offered within
the assembly. Many years ago Richardson suggested that the
basis forthe eucharistic prayers in Didache IX-X is really the
Our Father. 36 In this article Richardson does not propose that
the Our Father was the actual text of the eucharistic prayer,
but that the petition themes of prayer are actually the same as
those found in the Our Father. While there is some plausibility
in his presentation, this theory never received much accep-
tance, especially in light of the commonly accepted position
that the Jewish meal prayers function as the model of the
eucharistic prayer. 37
In the Apostolic Constitutions (Syrian document from the
4th century) the Our Father is given in two places. Book III
and again in Book VII. AC, Book Ill, 18 deals with the baptized
and the qualities of the person who prays. Thus, it is here as
part of the baptismal instructions, and there is no mention of
eucharist. AC, Book VII, 24 is based upon Didache - expand-
35 Bahr, 150.
36 R.D. RrCHARDSON, The Lord's Prayer as an Early Eucharist", Angli-
can Theological Review 39 (1957) 123-130.
37 T.J. TALLEY, Sources and Structure of the Eucharistic Prayer",
Reforming Tradition, Washington, DC: The Pastoral Press, 1990, 11-34.
104 Emmanuel J. Cutrone
ing and gIVlllg further comment. 38 So what was said about
Didache VIII above also applies here. As in the Didache there is
the instruction, Pray thus thrice in a day... , followed with
exhortations on proper attitude and worthiness for the prayer.
Both instructions seem to continue to reflect private devotion
rather than a liturgical setting. Apostolic Constitutions VIII, 13,
which gives a detailed description of the meal service and the
communion service, makes no mention of the Our Father
before communion.
So the Syrian tradition provides no evidence of the pres-
ence of the Lord's Prayer in eucharistic worship before Cyril of
Jerusalem, and from the investigation given above there is no
reason to propose its presence until the middle of the fourth
century. Cyril describes the order of the meal service in his
fifth mystagogical catechesis. The hand washing is followed by
the kiss of peace. Then the dialogue and the eucharistic prayer.
Immediately following the eucharistic prayer is the Our Father,
Holy things to the holy, and the communion. The service
closes with a final prayer.
Cyril begins his instruction on the Lord's Prayer indicating
clearly that it was a prayer said by all, We recite that prayer
which the Savior delivered to His own disciples... , 39 When he
comments on who art in heaven he says, They also are a
'heaven' who bear the likeness of the heavenly man, since God
is dwelling in them and mingling with them. 40 Here, as in
other places throughout his mystagogy Cyril uses a theology of
comparison - here the word likeness. This is reflective of
his whole approach to ritual activity which he sees functioning
as an imitation of the Image, who is Christ. In MC Il, 5 and
again in MC Ill, 1 Cyril describes the rituals as a real partici-
38 Didache is the source of AC 7:1-32. L. O'Leary has analyzed the
redaction of the Didache in AC 7.1-32. The compiler has; (1) inserted
scriptural (especially OT) quotations and illustrations; (2) used more con-
temporary liturgical formulae and practices; (3) softened difficulties. There
is no doubt that the same hand was at work here as in AC books one
through six ". DAVID A. FIENSY, Prayers Alleged to be Jewish: An Examination
of the Constitutiones Apostolorum (Brown Judaic Studies, 65) Scholars
Press, 1985, 22.
39 Mys. Cat. V, 11.
40 Mys. Cat. V, 11.
The Lord's Prayer and the Eucharist. The Syrian tradition 105
pation and share in the mystery of Christ in such a way that
the faithful identify with Christ by ritually undergoing the same
saving events He did. Elsewhere I have described this as an
eikon-mimesis theology. 41 This leads Cyril to find in the rituals
as close an identification with the deeds of Christ as.possible. I
have argued that until the time of Cyril the eucharistic prayer
did not know an institution narrative, and it was primarily
under the influence of his eikon-mimesis theology which places
a high priority on the very words of Jesus that the narrative
finds its way into the Jerusalem anaphora by the end of the
fourth century. 42
This same eikon-mimesis liturgical theology can also
explain the introduction of the Our Father into the Jerusalem
eucharistic liturgy. Cyril certainly knew the tradition, which
goes back to the gospels, of identifying certain petitions of the
Lord's Prayer with eucharistic worship. But despite this tradi-
tion, the Our Father was still said as a private prayer, or per-
haps as part of the daily prayer of the assembled church. Cyril,
however, articulates a new liturgical attitude which models
prayers and ritual actions as closely as possible to what Jesus
actually said and did. 43 This provides a rationale and a motive
to eventually introduce the institution narrative into the Jerus-
alem anaphora. 44 The same rationale could be responsible for
the introduction of the Our Father into eucharistic worship.
The commentaries offered by Tertullian, Origen, and Cyprian
expanded the relationship between the Lord's Prayer and
41 EMMANUEL CUTRONE, Cyril's Mystagogical Catecheses and the Evo-
lution of the Jerusalem Anaphora", OCP 44 (1978) 52-64.
42 Ibid.
43 This seems to be a pervasive attitude in Jerusalem in the fourth
century. Egeria continually states that prayers and readings were done
which were proper to the place.
44 The absence of the institution narrative in Syrian anaphoras is
indicated as early as the Anaphora of Addai and Mari, and Mazza argues
that as late as Theodore of Mopsuestia there is still evidence of a Syrian
eucharistic prayer which did not contain an institution narrative. See my
article, The Anaphora of the Apostles: Implications of the Mar Esa ya
Text", Theological Studies 34 (1973) 624-642; and E. MAZZA, La struttura
dell'Anafora nelle Catechesi di Teodoro di Mopsuestia", Presiedere alla
Carita, ed. by E. MAZZA e D. GIANOTTI, Genova: Marietti, 1988.
106 Emmanuel J. Cutrone

eucharist. But prior to the fourth century the evidence from the
Syrian tradition indicates that it was sufficient to have the rit-
ual actions sustain this relationship without actually introduc-
ing the words of the prayer itself. The ritual meal was under-
stood as the daily bread, and the eschatological banquet. The
petition for forgiveness was associated with the kiss of peace, a
ritual Taft describes as ... one of the most primitive rites of
the Christian liturgy . 45 Patristic commentaries had associated
the petition for forgiveness in the Our Father as a necessary
preparation for communion, but, as Taft states, the kiss of
peace functioned as a ritual realization seeking forgiveness
from one's neighbor. The pax was left proximate to the ana-
phora because of its interpretation by almost all commentators
as a preparation for offering at the altar according to the text
of Matthew 5:23-24 .46 But, for Cyril this was not sufficient.
His eikon-mimesis liturgical theology wanted the actual verba
of Jesus in addition to the traditional ritual actions. Cyril, then,
is the first and clearest spokesman of a liturgical evolution
which actually establishes within eucharistic worship the pres-
ence of the Our Father because of its relation to communion.
Driven by. an eikon-mimesis theology of the ritual, for the first
time there is a felt need for the actual saying of the Our Father
within the meal service.

45 See the full development Taft gives of the Kiss of Peace in chapter
XI. ROBERT F. TAFT, The Great Entrance: A History of the Transfer of Gifts
and other Preanaphoral Rites of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, (OCA
200) Rome 1978, 374-377.
46 Ibid., 377.