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W. P. Grundy
University of Cambridge, UK
The author argues that Thomas Hobbes anticipates a set of questions about
meaning and semantic order that come to fuller expression in the 20th
century, in the writings of W.V.O. Quine, Ludwig Wittgenstein, Donald
Davidson, Jacques Derrida, and Richard Rorty. Despite their different points
of departure, these 20th-century writers pose a number of profound questions
about the conditions for the stability of meaning, and about the conditions
that govern the use of the term language itself. Though the more recent
debate benefits from a set of philosophical tools unavailable in the seven-
teenth century, the author further argues that Hobbes performs a number of
maneuvers in his texts from which his 20th-century successors would profit.
I.
Authors Note: I wish to thank Raymond Geuss, Martin Kusch, and Simon Schaffer for dis-
cussion of the ideas in this article. I am also grateful to Daniel Garber and Paul Lodge for the
opportunity to present an early version of the argument to the Oxford Seminar in Early Modern
Philosophy.
486
utterance,1 but, more fundamentally, the conditions for using the word lan-
guage itself. Moving beyond questions of how the words of language refer,
this new form of interrogation pushes the question a step backward, or
downward, and asks whether language itself is a term with a referent: if
we want to persist in calling the human being the animal that has language,
what exactly are we saying that this particular kind of animal has?
It is a form of questioning that cuts across 20th-century philosophy and
that bridges traditional gaps between English-, German-, and French-
language traditions. Davidson, for example, concludes in A Nice Derange-
ment of Epitaphs that there is no such thing as a language, not if a lan-
guage is anything like what many philosophers and linguists have
supposed (Davidson [1986] 2005, 107); the later Wittgenstein treats the
word language not as a super-concept but as a term on the same level
as our more humble words (PI 97); and Derrida argues that linguistic
meaning is in a continual state of postponement and deferralit is forever
unrealizable.2 In a study of Derrida and Wittgenstein as deconstructive
philosophers, Henry Staten draws the following conclusion:
rather in the following spirit, that while many of the linguistic themes that
troubled Hobbes may have been more fully and more subtly addressed in
the 20th century, his texts, and especially Leviathan, contain a series of
maneuvers from which his 20th-century successors would profit.
Though Ian Hacking (1975, 23) argues that Hobbes does not have a
comprehensive theory of meaning, there are nevertheless compelling rea-
sons for reading Leviathan as a text in the philosophy of language. A small
literature has developed around exactly such an enterprise.5 As a text in the
philosophy of language, Leviathan prefigures the 20th-century tradition of
texts and thinkers that I have cited. As a text in the philosophy of politics,
Leviathan goes beyond Quine, Davidson, Wittgenstein, Derrida, Rorty,
and others in linking questions of semantic stability to the logic of power
to the logic of the publique sword. It is in that double spiritthe func-
tioning of Leviathan as a reflection on language and the functioning of
Leviathan as a reflection on powerthat I want to examine Hobbess
understanding of linguistic activity. More specifically, I assess the way in
which Hobbes understands a type of relation especially significant to 20th-
century thinkers, namely the relation between language and temporality
and the role of power in stabilizing that relation. According to Hobbes, in
the state of nature we would have no Letters and no account of Time
(Hobbes 1996, 13/89). In what sense, if any, are these two ideas connected?
In the following discussion, I have three aims. First, I sketch the prob-
lem of languagethe problem of what a language isas articulated by the
20th-century figures cited above. Second, I turn primarily to Leviathan, but
also to other Hobbesian texts, with the specific intention of identifying
points of contact between his understanding of language and those more
familiar to 20th- and 21st-century readers. Third, I show the way in which
Hobbes ties a resolution of the problem of language to a resolution of the
problem of power and politics.
Before pursuing those aims, I also want to add one note of clarification.
It is not my present intention to defend the tradition in the philosophy of lan-
guage that I recount here. Though I have sympathies with many of the
figures and texts that I describe, my discussion is rather meant to acknowl-
edge the significance of that tradition to contemporary philosophy and to
trace one of its central themesthe delimitation of languageto a set of
overlapping themes in the texts of Thomas Hobbes. My aim here is primar-
ily historical rather than programmatic. Furthermore, the discussion that fol-
lows should not be read as suggesting more general claims about the deep
nature of analytic philosophy. The points of contact that I trace between
Thomas Hobbes and 20th-century philosophy of language are specific
claims about the figures and texts that I discuss rather than a more general
reading of linguistic philosophy as such.
II.
Though the passage does not in itself provide a clear account of the rela-
tion between language and time, it nevertheless anticipates a thematic con-
nection fundamental to many projects in 20th-century philosophy of
language. In the 20th century, the relation between linguistic meaning and
temporal stability is not only a question of the durability of meaning. It is a
question of the possibility of meaning. Derrida argues, for example, that our
very concept of a language, as transmitted down through the Western tradi-
tion, depends on the possibility of temporal repeatability. In Speech and
Phenomena, he writes,
The above passage tells us two things in particular. First, according to tra-
ditional Western metaphysics, a system of signs must be constituted by
more than merely empirical application. It must be underpinned by a sys-
tem of ideal, nonempirical meanings that transcend the idiosyncrasies of
particular language events.8 Words must, that is, be more than the mere spa-
tial and temporal dimensionality of their bodily shells. Second, a system of
signs must be characterized by samenessa sameness of meanings at the
ideal levelto overcome the diversity of empirical factors that contextual-
ize individual graphical and phonic events. In both cases, the possibility of
linguistic meaning depends on counteracting changes in time.
In a recent book, Samuel Wheeler (2000) identifies a set of themes
common to Quine, Wittgenstein, Davidson, Derrida, and Rorty.9 One of
Wheelers principal themes is their shared insistence on the embodiment of
words and signs and their corresponding rejection of disembodied concep-
tions of meaning. Insistence on embodiment is at the same time an insis-
tence on the historical and temporal conditions of language events.
Remarking on Davidson, Derrida, and Quine, Wheeler writes,
On my reading, the basic thought common to [them] is that any language con-
sisting of any kind of marks, whether marks on paper or marks in the soul, is
no better than words. The marks that constitute intentions, then, are also mate-
rial, and thus are present to us with something other than just an essence. . . .
If there were a part or aspect of the intention that carried the essence, that part
or aspect would itself have a materiality. (Wheeler 2000, 61-62)
[The magic language] is the language of nous, a language that is, in Wittgensteins
terms, self-interpreting. The magic language is the language in which we know
what we mean, think our thoughts, and form intentions. There is no question of
interpreting sentences in the magic language, since the magic language is what
interpretation is interpretation into. (Wheeler 2000, 3)
and interaction rather than a form of stability secured outside of space and
time. We use the word language meaningfully only when we can set indi-
vidual events and encounters into a wider system of regularized practice.
Wittgensteins aim is to show the ordinariness of the concept of language
to show that it does not refer to an ideal and a-temporal substructure of sig-
nification but that it is a word we use under particular conditions to categorize
human behaviors in particular ways. The word language is of a kind with
our more ordinary words: Whereas, of course, if the words language,
experience, world, have a use, it must be as humble a one as that of the
words table, lamp, door (PI 97). One of the central conclusions of this
strand of 20th-century thought is that our practices cannot meet the condi-
tions of self-presence that an ideal and essentialist conception of language
sets down. It is in that sense that we might speak of the denial of language.
III.
On this second interpretation, Letters achieve many of the same ends as print-
ing, for example, the cultural and political integration of spatially discon-
nected peoples. But they also provide more localized benefits, for example,
the augmentation of personal and social memory.12 In both cases, however,
the principal role of Letters is synthetic. Letters bring order to the disorders
of time and space by documenting past forms of signification and by bring-
ing disparate speakers and writers into reliable patterns of communication.
The synthetic role of Letters is evidence that Hobbes sees language as an
essential tool in the conquest of time. But the interaction between language
and time is one of dialectics rather than one-way dependencetime itself
is also an underlying condition of language. To appreciate that interaction,
we must also be clearer on what Hobbes might mean by an account of
Time. Again, there are two different ways in which we might think about
an account of Time. First, as we see in the following passage from De
Corpore (1655; hereafter DeCorp), we can think about Time from a tech-
nological point of view. Here, an account of Time is what we produce
within our metrological patterns and practices:
Now, the greatest commodities of mankind are the arts; namely, of measur-
ing matter and motion; of moving ponderous bodies; of architecture; of nav-
igation; of making instruments for all uses; of calculating the celestial
motions, the aspects of the stars, and the parts of time; of geography, &c.
(DeCorp, 1.7)
of language and time at the level of social history; and third, the interaction
of language and time at the level of linguistic historythe search, in his-
torical time, for a foundational act of meaning.
The role of language in the temporal experience of the individual human
being is evident throughout Hobbess writings. In Leviathan (1651), he
writes that the first use of names is as Markes, or Notes of remem-
brance (Hobbes 1996, 4/25). A decade earlier, in Human Nature (1640;
hereafter HN), he writes that a mark is a sensible object which a man
erecteth voluntarily to himself, to the end to remember thereby somewhat
past, when the same is objected to his sense again (HN, 5.1). And he cred-
its the invention of names with the drawing [of] men out of ignorance, by
calling to their remembrance the necessary coherence of one conception to
another (HN, 5.13). Later, in DeCorp, Hobbes writes, A name is a word
taken at pleasure to serve for a mark, which may raise in our mind a thought
like to some thought we had before (DeCorp, 2.4). And he describes
Marks as sensible things by which such thoughts may be recalled to our
mind as are like those thoughts for which we took them (DeCorp, 2.1).
Hobbess insistence on the links among language, remembrance, recollec-
tion, and the re-presentation of thoughts arises from his unflattering view of
mans native capacities for memory. How unconstant and fading mens
thoughts are, and how much the recovery of them depends upon chance,
there is none but knows by infallible experience in himself, he says
(DeCorp, 2.1). Whatsoever a man has put together in his mind by ratioci-
nation without such helps [as words], will presently slip from him, and not
be recoverable but by beginning his ratiocination anew (DeCorp, 2.1).
Memory itself is defined negatively, rather than positively: But when we
would express the decay, and signifie that the Sense is fading, old, and past,
it is called Memory (Hobbes 1996, 2/16).14 As the units of graphical and
audible language, Letters are thus one technology for enhancing these lim-
ited temporal horizons of the individual human being. The tools of lan-
guage create conditions for the retention of past thoughts and ideas or for
the recollection of events in the past, at which forms of classification and
differentiation are first established.
Letters also function, alongside other technologies, as a tool in social
memory. In the passage from Leviathan cited above, Hobbes links a tempo-
ral processthe continuing [of] the memory of time pastto a social
processthe conjunction of mankind (Hobbes 1996, 4/24). But Hobbess
attitude toward literary technologies of social memory is more guarded than
his attitude toward techniques of personal memory. Our mobilization of
names and definitions in the practice of science is an unambiguous good.15
But, according to Hobbes, the use of words to construct cultural and histori-
cal narratives can often obstruct, rather than advance, the epistemic practices
of the individual. In the ideal case, Hobbes believes that history, both natural
and civil, should serve as the Register of Knowledge of Fact (Hobbes 1996,
9/60). But history is more typically a source of error and confusion. To orga-
nize ones life within the written or spoken historical framework of ones
community is to show an unwarranted faith in the words of man: So that
it is evident, that whatsoever we believe, upon no other reason, then what is
drawn from the authority of men onely, and their writings; whether they be
sent from God or not, is Faith in men onely (Hobbes 1996, 7/49). Faith in
men is a weak foundation for the literary construction of social memoryit
is, after all, our natural lack of faith in other men that motivates Hobbess phi-
losophy from the outset.16 Later in Leviathan, attacking the form of religious
historiography dominant in Western Europe, Hobbes asks,
What is all the Legend of fictitious Miracles, in the lives of the Saints; and all
the Histories of Apparitions, and Ghosts, alledged by the Doctors of the Romane
Church, to make good their Doctrines of Hell, and Purgatory, the power of
Exorcisme, and other Doctrines which have no warrant, neither in Reason, nor
Scripture; as also all those Traditions which they call the unwritten Word of
God; but old Wives Fables? (Hobbes 1996, 46/473; also see HN, 13.8)
The sense in which language can both advance and counteract the stabi-
lization of society and the pursuit of knowledge only underscores the power
of Letters as a tool for the social ordering of time.
According to Hobbes, these first two kinds of relation between language
and timeindividual memory and collective memoryare linked. In
DeCorp, for example, he claims that Letters advance the purposes of both
the individual and the social group at one and the same time:
Though some one man, of how excellent a wit soever, should spend all his
time partly in reasoning, and partly in inventing marks for the help of his
memory, and advancing himself in learning; who sees not that the benefit he
reaps to himself will not be much, and to others none at all? For unless he
communicate his notes with others, his science will perish with him. But if
the same notes be made common to many, and so one mans inventions be
taught to others, sciences will thereby be increased to the general good of
mankind. (DeCorp, 2.2)
As the passage shows, personal and social memory operate within a kind of
mnemonic hierarchy. The elementary instruments of languagenames,
The trace is not only the disappearance of originwithin the discourse that
we sustain and according to the path that we follow it means that the origin
did not even disappear, that it was never constituted except reciprocally by a
nonorigin, the trace, which thus becomes the origin of the origin. (Derrida
[1967] 1976, 61)
IV.
My argument thus far has been in the following spirit, that in claiming
that we would have no Letters outside of political society, Hobbes means
to say something about the unavailability of a semantics that stands outside
of the changing spatial and temporal conditions of human life. I said at the
beginning of the discussion that Hobbes attempts to resolve the problem in
a way that surpasses the attempts of his 20th-century successors and that his
innovation is to pursue a political solution where others have attempted a
straight solution. I want to conclude with some remarks on what a political
solution to the problem of Letters involves, as developed by Hobbes pri-
marily in Leviathan.
Saul Kripkes (1982) study of Wittgensteins Philosophical Investigations
is a useful place to begin when trying to understand solutions to problems
about meaning that are not, in his terms, straight. Kripkes distinction
between a straight and a skeptical solution to problems of meaning is well
known, and I do not want to discuss his account at length. It would be prob-
lematic, for a number of reasons, to frame the Hobbesian project in overly
skeptical terms.24 Kripke can serve as an instructive point of departure, how-
ever, if we want to appreciate the particular way in which a political solution
responds to the crisis of meaning by recasting the nature of the problem in
alternative terms. For Kripke, the distinction between a straight solution and
a skeptical solution can be characterized in three parts. A straight solution (1)
accepts the framework in which the original problem is articulated, (2) seeks
a hitherto undetected argument capable of addressing the problem within that
framework, and (3) delivers a specific kind of candidate item, object, or
meaning. The skeptical solution differs in all three senses. It (1) rejects the
framework in which the original problem is articulated, (2) rejects arguments
that draw on the terms of that framework, and (3) delivers a therapeutic
response rather than a specific kind of item, object, or meaning (also see
Kusch 2006). In the context of Kripkes discussion, a skeptical response is
therapeutic, in the sense that we are cured of the mistaken desire to seek out
a specific meaning, or fact (or logoi, Form, idea, etc.), that might secure our
linguistic activity at a level outside of everyday interaction.
In giving a political solution to the problem of Letters, Hobbes too
rejects the notion that ideas, thoughts, or conceptions can serve to stabilize
meanings across space and time, and he instead redescribes acts of lan-
guage use within a new frameworka political framework. Although the
Kripkean solution uses the logic of everyday assertion and attribution, the
Hobbesian solution uses the logic of power, or of the publique Sword.
Hobbess particular way of exploiting a logic of power is to organize lan-
guage around the figure of the Sovereign, who becomes in Leviathan not
only a political archetype but also a linguistic archetype. In relation to his
role as interpreter of Scripture, for example, Hobbes presents the words of
the Sovereign as foundational. In chapter 33 (Of the Number, Antiquity,
Scope, Authority, and Interpreters of the Books of Holy Scripture),
Hobbes concludes that, in the absence of widespread supernaturall revela-
tion, the Sovereign alone is able to adjudicate matters of scriptural mean-
ing effectively:
The question is not of obedience to God, but of when, and what God hath
said; which to Subjects that have no supernaturall revelation, cannot be
known, but by that naturall reason, which guided them, for the obtaining of
Peace and Justice, to obey the authority of their severall Common-wealths;
that is to say, of their lawfull Soveraigns. (Hobbes 1996, 33/260)25
The passage ties the question of actionof what it is right to do, of how
one should rightfully obey the intentions of Godto an antecedent ques-
tion of meaningof how we come to know the meanings of the words that
express those intentions. But the political solution works by again inverting
that relationby showing how the problem of meaning is then resolved by
in our capacity to use and to respond to marks and sounds. Though Hobbes
remarks that Nature hath made men so equall, in the faculties of body, and
mind (Hobbes 1996, 13/86), he nevertheless notes a still greater equality
in our rational and speech-making capacities: And as to the faculties of
mind, . . . he says, I find yet a greater equality amongst men (Hobbes
1996, 13/87).
It is clear in the vast literature on Hobbes that Commonwealth aims to
resolve the competing claims of originally equal men and women.28
Commonwealth discharges a parallel function, however, as a distinct type of
language space. Commonwealth centralizes the problem of semantics in
response to the multiple origins of language and meaning. Again, the need for
uniformity, both of action and of speech, arises from exactly such native
equality, from the equal claims of human beings to judge for themselves the
meanings of their words and the consequences they should have. But, for
Hobbes, it arises also from a deep suspicion of the idea that meanings can be
stabilized across time and space, absent an external mechanism for deter-
mining, in Wittgensteins sense, how to go on. In a number of ways,
Hobbes thus uses Commonwealth also as a means of resolving the forms of
linguistic disorder that arise from the original equality of language users. If
each individual idiolect fails to stabilize itself across long stretches of time, a
collection of competing idiolects only magnifies the problems of equality.
The role of Commonwealth as an artificially constructed language space
answers to the following question: how can a unitary and ordered space of
public discourse be shaped from the idiolectic activities of individual speak-
ers and writers? The question echoes throughout the 20th century, and it is
especially evident in Wittgensteins Philosophical Investigations. Throughout
the text, Wittgenstein describes attempts to create shareable language spaces,
as in the following encounter between a teacher and a pupil:
Perhaps we guide his hand in writing out the series 0 to 9; but then the possi-
bility of getting him to understand will depend on his going on to write it down
independently.And here we can imagine, e.g., that he does copy the figures
independently, but not in the right order: he writes sometimes one sometimes
another at random. And then communication stops at that point. (PI 143)
encouragement. I let him go his way, or hold him back; and so on (PI
208). As Wittgensteins remarks make clear, there is no simple way of
accounting for the continuation of action:
For, whosoever hath a lawfull power over any Writing, to make it Law, hath
the power also to approve, or disapprove the interpretation of the same.
(Hobbes 1996, 33/269)
Combining the two roles, Hobbes demarcates the power of the Sovereign
as both legislative and interpretative:
The passage says two things about the relation between language and
power in Hobbess project. First, it reminds us that the problem of private,
or mental, semantics will be no different from the problem of public, or tex-
tual, semantics (also see Part I: Writing before the Letter in Derrida
[1967] 1976, 1-94). As Wheeler notes in the remark cited earlier, The basic
thought . . . is that any language consisting of any kind of marks, whether
marks on paper or marks in the soul, is not better than words (Wheeler
2000, 62). Second, precisely because the problems of meaning overflow
distinctions between private and public, the language of the Sovereign can-
not bring an end to linguistic disorder simply in virtue of its unique seman-
tic properties. Even with the power of hermeneutics, the Sovereign will
nevertheless suffer, according to Wittgenstein, from the regress of interpre-
tation: Any interpretation still hangs in the air along with what it interprets,
and cannot give it any support. Interpretations by themselves do not deter-
mine meaning (PI 198).29 What the Sovereign offers, rather, is the asym-
metrical power to determine how to go on.
While Wheeler, Wittgenstein, Derrida, and others all recognize the
iterated nature of semantic origins, none provides a clear mechanism for
countering the dilemma of inscription. Wittgenstein famously resolves
the problem of meaning by reducing it to the brute fact of action: If I
have exhausted the justifications I have reached bedrock, and my spade is
turned. Then I am inclined to say: This is simply what I do (PI 217).
But none of the 20th-century writers I have cited gives systematic atten-
tion to the role of power in resolving the iterability of interpretations or
in halting the continuous deferral of origins. Hobbess own insistence on
that connection is clear in the passages cited above. The problem of
imprinting is offset by the fact that it is now secured by political force
the language of the individual is stabilized by whatsoever by Publique
Authority shall be imprinted on him. As Hobbes writes in De Cive, the
speech acts of the Sovereign are taken as canonical: It belongs to
the same chief power to make some common rules for all men, and to
declare them publicly, by which every man may know what may be called
his, what anothers, what just, what unjust, what honest, what dishonest,
what good, what evil (DeCive, 6.9).30 But it should by now be clear
exactly why that sense of the canonical is expressive of a political solu-
tion. As a form of inscription, coercive imprinting cannot overcome
the failure of semantic origin. The maneuver that I want to highlight in
Hobbess account, and particularly as presented in Leviathan, is instead
that it is this sense of coercionthe organization of language around the
publique swordrather than of imprinting alone that creates the condi-
tions for semantic order. I have further tried to argue that those conditions
are conditions of closure rather than conditions of origin. Like those in
the 20th century who reject Ideas, or logoi, or meanings, as the underly-
ing datum of linguistic order, Hobbes shows that we misunderstand the
Notes
1. I associate that other kind of project with figures such as Paul Grice (1969), J. L. Austin
(1962), and John Searle (1969).
2. My use of Derrida in the following discussion is based primarily on the following writ-
ings: Derrida ([1967] 1976), Derrida (1978), and Derrida ([1968] 1984).
3. References to Hobbess texts are made according to the following patterns: For
Leviathan, all references are to the Cambridge University Press edition edited by Richard Tuck
(1996) and are given as (Hobbes 1996, [chapter number]/[page number in Tuck edition]). For
Human Nature, I refer to Hobbes ([1640] 1994). For De Homine, I refer to the translation by
Bernard Gert (1972). For De Corpore, I refer to Hobbes (1655). Citations for Human Nature, De
Homine, and De Corpore, are given as ([abbreviation of text], [chapter number].[section
number]).
4. There are a number of excellent philosophical and historical studies aimed at situating
Hobbess work within the social and political events of his time. See, for example, Martinich
(1999), Shapin and Schaffer (1985), Skinner (1966), Tuck (1979, 1993).
5. The most sustained attempt to assess Hobbess philosophy of language is Anat
Biletzkis (1997) book-length study, Talking Wolves: Thomas Hobbes on the Language of
Politics and the Politics of Language. Biletzki develops a reading of Hobbess writings, and
especially his texts Human Nature (1640), Leviathan (1651), and De Corpore (1655), that con-
nects him to the performative theories of language advanced by, among others, J. L. Austin and
Paul Grice. Biletzki draws on a number of studies of Hobbes, most specifically Ball (1985),
Barnouw (1988), Bertman (1978, 1988), Danford (1980), De Jong (1990), Hacking (1975),
Hungerland and Vick (1973), MacDonald Ross (1987), Minogue (1990), Nerny (1991). Also
see the discussions of language in Sorrell (1986) and Martinich (2005).
6. I have in mind here the following remarks: Hereby it is manifest, that during the time
men live without a common Power to keep them all in awe, they are in that condition which
is called Warre; and such a warre, as is of every man, against every man (Hobbes 1996,
13/88). Whatsoever therefore is consequent to a time of Warre, where every man is Enemy
to every man; the same is consequent to the time, wherein men live without other security,
than what their own strength, and their own invention shall furnish them withall (Hobbes
1996, 13/89).
7. The connection between social order and epistemic order in Leviathan has been amply
documented by Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer (1985). As Schaffer and Shapin write,
Solutions to the problem of knowledge are embedded within practical solutions to the prob-
lem of social order. Commonwealth is, in other words, a strategy both for regulating human
bodies and for regulating human minds: Within Hobbess overall attempt to show men the
nature of obligation and the foundations of secure social order, he developed a theory of
knowledge (Shapin and Schaffer 1985, 100).
8. Saussures ([1916] 1983) Course in General Linguistics is the locus classicus for this
idea in the 20th century.
9. Wheeler emphasizes the following texts in particular: Quine (1960), Davidson
(1984), Wittgenstein ([1951] 1997), Rorty (1991), Derrida (1973). Also see Wheeler (2000)
and Staten (1985).
10. I do not mean to associate my use of the term idealist with the more specific tradition of
philosophy known broadly as Idealism (e.g., Berkeley, Kant, Fichte, Hegel, Green, Bradley). I
use it here, and in what follows, only as a general way of identifying theories of language that
cite nonmaterial entities in their accounts of meaning. As I show in this section, Hobbes too ties
meaning to mental entities, such as thoughts and conceptions, and my aim is to show why those
entities cannot themselves constitute meaning nor provide a stable basis for language.
11. Biletzki (1997) is especially sensitive to the variety of language acts that Hobbess iden-
tifies. Her principal example is Hobbess different use of the terms Mark and Sign to distinguish
between acts of private reference and acts of public communication. Biletzki reads Hobbes
through the lens of performative theories of language in the 20th century, and she argues that
Hobbes too insists on the things that language does, rather than on the thing that language is.
12. Also see Leviathan, chapter 4: Nor is it possible without Letters for any man to
become either excellently wise, or (unless his memory be hurt by disease, or ill constitution of
organs) excellently foolish. For words are wise mens counters, they do but reckon by them:
but they are the mony of fooles, that value them by the authority of an Aristotle, a Cicero, or
a Thomas, or any other Doctor whatsoever, if but a man (Hobbes 1996, 4/28-29).
13. This more robust sense of the dialectic between technics and phenomenology is evi-
dent, for example, in Crosby (1997) or Le Goff (1980). More recently, Peter Galison consid-
ers the way in which Einsteins theoretical achievements were linked to his everyday
experience with clocks and other technologies (see Galison 2003).
14. Hobbes draws a contrast between Memory and Imagination. The contrast he has in mind is
one of connotation rather than reference. Both refer to the same process, but Imagination suggests
the minds abilities where Memory suggests its deficiencies: So that Imagination and Memory, are
but one thing, which for divers considerations hath divers names (Hobbes 1996, 2/16).
15. We recall that Science is a technical term for Hobbes. Its role in the organization of
time is clear in Leviathan. In chapter 5, for example, he defines Science as the knowledge
of Consequences, and dependance of one fact upon another; by which, out of that we can
presently do, we know how to do something else when we will, or the like, another time
(Hobbes 1996, 5/35).
See also Tom Sorrells discussion in Sorrell (1986).
16. Our natural lack of faith in the intentions of others is recorded in Hobbess concept of
Diffidence. As Martinich notes, Diffidence is to be equated with distrust: Since a person P1
knows that a person P2 is in competition for objects, P1 knows that it is rational for P2 to try
to attack P1 preemptively in order to gain an advantage. This makes P1 diffident of P2
(Martinich 2005, 68-69; also see Hobbes 1996, 13/88).
17. The names of such things as affect us, that is, which please, and displease us, because
all men be not alike affected with the same thing, nor the same man at all times, are in the
common discourses of men, of inconstant signification (Hobbes 1996, 4/31); How fallacious
it is to judge of the nature of things, by the ordinary and inconstant use of words (Hobbes
1996, 25/176)
18. For the significations of almost all words, are either in themselves, or in the metaphor-
icall use of them, ambiguous; and may be drawn in argument, to make many senses; but there is
onely one sense of the Law (Hobbes 1996, 26/194); For all words, are subject to ambiguity;
and therefore multiplication of words in the body of the Law, is multiplication of ambiguity
(Hobbes 1996, 30/240).
19. A name or appellation therefore is the voice of a man arbitrary, imposed for a mark
to bring into his mind some conception concerning the thing on which it is imposed (Human
Nature [HN], 5.2).
As Derrida separately argues in relation to Saussure, the temporal instability of words
arises precisely from the arbitrary character of the sign, which applies equally, for Hobbes, to
inner and to outer referents. In her study of Derrida, Christina Howells (1999, 49) writes,
In Saussures case, as so often in Derridas work, it is Saussure himself who provides the tools of
his own undoing. His two major theories, that of the arbitrary nature of the sign and that of the dif-
ferential nature of signification, prove to have implications that run entirely counter to his theses
about the priority and independence of speech. Saussure maintains simultaneously that there is a
natural relationship between signifiers (phonic and graphic) and signifieds in general, but that it
is unmotivated in any particular case. The lack of motivation for the individual sign points neces-
sarily to the conventional nature of signification: for communication to be possible, meanings must
be instituted. (also see Wheeler 2000, 18-19)
would not be a sufficient objection to say (referring to this passage in particular) that, for
Hobbes, the language user can rely for his or her semantics on his or her own naturall rea-
son rather than on the guidance of the Sovereign. One of Hobbess principal justifications for
Commonwealth is that multiple actors endowed with individuated capacities for reason
inevitably produce a state of competition and disorder. Hobbesian natural reason, we might
say, is antithetical to an ordered language space rather than productive of it.
26. I also want to note that the problem of meaning in Hobbess writing eclipses the ques-
tion of cognitive dissent. It may be true, as many commentators have argued, that subjects of
the Commonwealth retain the ability to hold beliefs that differ from those of the Sovereign.
My argument is rather that the Sovereign achieves order by shaping the semantic content out
of which those beliefsany beliefsare constructed. In other words, the Sovereign achieves
a more profound measure of control by establishing the conditions for what the words and
images of private beliefs mean.
27. Hobbes excludes children from the class of rational creatures. Children are deficient in
their possession of reason, but, as Hobbes makes clear, they are not deficient in their capacity
for reason: Children therefore are not endued with Reason at all, till they have attained the
use of Speech: but are called Reasonable Creatures, for the possibility apparent of having the
use of Reason in time to come (Hobbes 1996, 5/36).
28. The natural equalities among men contribute to the essential instability of pre-political
life. Martinich (2005, 65), for example, specifically ties the equalities of body and mind to the
continuous possibility of violence: Hobbes says that in the state of nature, people are roughly
equal, in both physical strength and intelligence, in the only dimension that really matters,
ability to kill another person. Martinich argues that these natural equalities, and the ways in
which they counteract the aims of peace, necessitate the ninth law of nature: That every man
acknowledge other for his Equall by Nature (Hobbes 1996, 15/107). By driving us to
acknowledge the equality of others, the ninth law creates the conditions in which we can form
Commonwealth through symmetrical principles of alienation and retention. Inequality, both of
action and of speech, arises only after the creation of political society. As Hobbess writes,
The question who is the better man, has no place in the condition of meer Nature; where, (as
has been shewn before,) all men are equall. The inequality that now is, has bin introduced by
the Lawes civill (Hobbes 1996).
29. In the context of Wittgensteins work, one way of resolving the problem of interpreta-
tion at the level of the mental is to take meanings as primitive. On this view, meanings are self-
justifying and are not in need of a further source of interpretation. Such views emphasize
Wittgensteins claim in Philosophical Investigations (201), for example, that there is a way
of grasping a rule which is not an interpretation, but which is exhibited in what we call obey-
ing the rule and going against it in actual cases (see especially McGinn 1984).
30. Also see, The makers of civil laws, are not only declarers, but also makers of the jus-
tice and injustice of actions (Hobbes 1996, 42/386); It belongs to kings to discern between
good and evil (DeCive, 12.1).
31. Again, my account here is in broad sympathy with those, such as Bertman (1978) and
Biletzki (1997), who take a performative view of Hobbess philosophy of language.
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W. P. Grundy, PhD, is a member of the Department of History and Philosophy of Science at the
University of Cambridge. He has published previously on Wittgenstein and Stanley Cavell, and
his research interests include the relations between theories of language and theories of politics.