Article

Journal for the Study of

the New Testament
Investigating the Apocalyptic 2016, Vol. 39(1) 315
The Author(s) 2016
Texture of Pauls Martial Reprints and permissions:
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Imagery in 2Corinthians 46 DOI: 10.1177/0142064X16660910
jsnt.sagepub.com

Lisa M. Bowens
Princeton Theological Seminary, 64 Mercer Street, Princeton, NJ 08540, USA

Abstract
This article argues for the presence and importance of Pauls warfare terminology in
2Corinthians 46. It provides a sample of Greco-Roman sources which utilize the same
martial imagery that Paul employs in these chapters and asserts that the apostle weaves
a martial motif in the early chapters of this epistle to depict a cosmic and apocalyptic
contest. Although Paul borrows military language from the human arena, he employs it
to portray a supernatural conict and to provide a glimpse into his apostolic role and
identity which are shaped by the existence of this cosmic combat.

Keywords
Apocalyptic, cosmic, Paul, suprahuman, warfare, 2 Corinthians

In 2Cor. 46 the apostle Paul utilizes martial imagery to depict the existence of
an apocalyptic conict between God, Satan and human beings. In describing this
cosmic warfare Paul outlines the bodily sufferings he endures on the battleeld
and the effect of this cosmic struggle on the world.1 In what follows I will argue

1. The denition of cosmic and apocalyptic employed in this article takes its cues from Pauls
own language in this letter: 2Cor 2.11; 4.4; 10.3-6; 11.3-4, 14-15; 12.7. Paul has a view of the
world in which humans and suprahuman beings interact with each other. The human realm
and the supernatural realm interpenetrate and intermingle in a manner that shows the two
spheres are inextricably linked, and so the conict taking place in the supernatural realm
between God and Satan impacts humanity. The apostle utilizes a dualistic two-age schema, a
framework critical to an apocalyptic understanding of the world. His description of

Corresponding author:
Lisa M. Bowens, Princeton Theological Seminary, 64 Mercer Street, Princeton, NJ 08540, USA.
Email: lisa.bowens@ptsem.edu
4 Journal for the Study of the New Testament 39(1)

that the martial background of Pauls language in these chapters is signicant for
understanding the apocalyptic dimensions of the letter and for understanding
how the apostle perceives his apostolic identity in relation to the larger cosmic
conict. The apostle, in his life and calling, becomes a sign to the Corinthians of
the cosmic nature of this struggle.

Martial Imagery in 2 Corinthians 4

With the semantic choices that Paul makes in 4.4-11, the apostle depicts himself
as involved in a contest with spiritual dimensions. The cosmic participants in this
spiritual contest are outlined in the verses preceding 4.8-9, in which he under-
scores the clash between the god of this age (Satan) who blinds (4.4) and God
who speaks light into the world (4.6). The cosmic clash between Satan and the
God who brings light plays out upon the apostle, resulting in his carrying the
death of Jesus in his body (4.10). In 4.8-9 Paul highlights the characteristics of
spiritual engagement. He declares: ,
, ,
(4.8-9): In every way we are being
aficted and pressed but we are not crushed, we are perplexed and at a loss but
not distraught, we are being pursued, but we are not abandoned, we are being
struck down but we are not destroyed. This language occurs elsewhere in mili-
tary contexts and suggests that, in this brief survey of his afictions, the apostle
underscores the existence of cosmic conict.2 An investigation of ancient litera-
ture reveals that, in several places, authors roughly contemporaneous with Paul
refer to martial combat and describe the effects of warfare, utilizing the same

the present age as one in which God, Satan and their respective emissaries engage in combat
corresponds to this perspective. Specically, in terms of 2Corinthians I dene cosmic/apoca-
lyptic as human and spiritual beings shar[ing] social space, which comes from Stuckenbruck
2006: 163. This view aligns with de Boers cosmological pattern (1998: 358-59), which he
identies as one track of apocalyptic dualism. According to de Boer, the cosmological pattern
includes the notion that the world is under the dominion of evil angelic powers and that Gods
rights over the world have been arrogated. These evil powers have perverted and wreaked
havoc upon the earth. However, God in the nal judgment will rectify and overcome all oppo-
sition. This denition is used and explicated further in Bowens 2014: 42-45.
2. Bernard (1900: 62) does believe that the apostle employs military terminology here. Plummer
(1915: 129) raises the possibility that the language of 4.8-9 may originate from the battleeld
but does not discuss this option in detail. Although some scholars have put forward the
battleeld as a possible background for Pauline language in these verses, I am not aware of an
attempt to do what I undertake here, which is to provide a sample range of sources in which
this language appears and to demonstrate that Paul depicts an apocalyptic contest by empha-
sizing this language. For works concerning Pauls military imagery in other letters, see
Gaventa 2013; Geoffrion 1993; Williams 1999: 211-44. Additional hardship lists in the letter
occur in 6.4-5; 11.23-33; 12.10.
Bowens 5

language that Paul employs in these verses. In the following excerpts one nds
examples of each term appearing in reference to warfare. We begin with
Onasander, who discusses being crushed as one of the effects of combat, and in
another instance he combines the ideas of being crushed and in a narrow place.

For those whose cause is weak, when they take up the heavy burden of war, are
quickly crushed () by it and fail.3
The general must attempt to make the marching order of his army as compact as
possible, and should lead his troops through such a country so far as he is able that
the ranks may not be so cramped (), being narrow () and having no
width, that they cannot be deployed to a considerable distance laterally.4

In the following excerpt from Diodoruss discussion of the war between the
Athenians and the Syracusans the terms , and appear to
describe the warfare.

Now though the Athenians had fast-sailing triremes and enjoyed the advantage from
their long experience at sea as well as from the skill of their pilots, yet their superiority
in these respects brought them no return since the sea-battle was in a narrow area
( ); and the Syracusans, engaging at close quarters and giving the enemy no
opportunity to turn about to ram, not only cast spears at the soldiers on the decks, but
also, by hurling stones, forced them to leave the prows, and in many cases simply by
ramming a ship that met them and then boarding the enemy vessel they made it a land-
battle on the ships deck. The Athenians, being pressed () upon from every
quarter, turned to ight; and the Syracusans, pressing in pursuit (), not only
sank seven triremes but made a large number unt for use.5

Another quotation from Diodorus demonstrates similarity between his words

and those found in Pauls discourse.

For now and then it happened that some Syracusan triremes would be destroyed along
the walls and their crews slain before the eyes of their kinsmen, and parents would
witness the destruction () of their children, sisters and wives the pitiable end
of husbands and brothers. For a long time, despite the many who were dying
(), the battle would not come to an end, since not even the men who were
in desperate straits () would dare ee to the land.6

3. Onasander, The General 4.4 (Illinois Greek Club, LCL).

4. Onasander, The General 6.2. Cf. Josephus, War 3.330.2
5. Diodorus 13.10.5-6 (trans. C.H. Oldfather; LCL; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
1951).
6. Diodorus 13.16.717.1.
6 Journal for the Study of the New Testament 39(1)

In the following excerpt the terms , and occur together to

depict the Boetians experience of warfare.

Therefore, the Boetians being pressed (), on the one hand, because of the
war and the death () of many soldiers and on the other hand being at a
loss () for nancial resources sent ambassadors to Philip to ask for
assistance.7

Along with Onasander, Diodorus identies as an effect of war.

While these events were taking place, the Megarians were nding themselves in
distress () because of their war with the Athenians, on the one hand, and
with their exiles, on the other hand.8

In his Anabasis, Xenophon describes how warfare situations create moments of

uncertainty and anguish.

When they had come to their quarters, the troops were busy about provisions, but the
generals and captains gathered in council. And here there was great despondency
(). For on one side of them were exceedingly high mountains and on the other
side a river so deep that not even their spears reached above water when they tried its
depths. In the midst of their perplexity () a Rhodian came to them and
spoke.9

When writing about the Sabines, Dionysius of Halicarnassus describes their

despair and their experience of being pursued in war.

The Sabines, learning that the Roman cavalry was coming against them, left their
plunder and the other booty they were carrying and driving off, and ed to their camp;
and when they perceived that this too was in the possession of the infantry, they were
at a loss () which way to turn and endeavored to reach the woods and
mountains. But being pursued () by the light-armed foot and the horse, the
greater part of them were destroyed, though some few escaped.10

We nd the use of in several places as well. It occurs in a description

of Niciass exploits, the affairs of the Lacedaemonians, and the struggles of the
Carthaginians.

7. Diodorus 16.58.2 (modied translation). For additional occurrences of , see Diodorus

25.17.1; 28.8.1; Dionysius of Halicarnassus 8.12.4.
8. Diodorus12.66.1. See also The Histories of Polybius 3.115.5; Josephus, War 3.330.2.
9. Xenophon, Anabasis 3.5.7-8, modied translation.
10. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities 3.40.5.
Bowens 7

Nicias then sailed to Crommyon, ravaged its territory, and seized its stronghold. Then
he immediately removed from there and built a stronghold near Methon, in which he
left () a garrison for the twofold purpose of protecting the place and ravaging
the neighboring countryside; then Nicias plundered the coast and returned to Athens.
After these events the Athenians sent sixty ships and two thousand hoplites to Cythera,
the expedition being under the command of Nicias and certain other generals. Nicias
attacked the island, hurled assaults upon the city and received its formal surrender.
And leaving a garrison behind () on the island he sailed off to the
Peloponnesus and ravaged the territory along the coast.11
Consequently, when the Lacedaemonians were on the point of being left
() in the lurch by the Megarians, it so happened that the Lacedaemonian
garrison of the long walls abandoned () them and sought safety in Nisaea,
as it is called, which is the sea-port of the Megarians.12
The Carthaginians, being at a disadvantage partly because of the trouble in their own
ranks and partly because of the sudden appearance of the enemy, and in particular at
a loss () because of their ignorance of the place and their narrow
() position, were driven into ight Hamilcar at rst withstood the
enemy stoutly and exhorted those drawn up near him to join with him in the ghting;
but afterwards the soldiers abandoned () him on account of the
confusion and panic, and he, being left alone, was pounced upon by the Syracusans.13

The notion of pursuit occurs in reports about battles involving the Syracusans,
Athenians, Tyrrhenians and the Cumaeans.

And since the Syracusans had broken their battle order and had become scattered in
the pursuit (), the Athenians, attacking with their ships in a body, sank eleven
triremes and pursued () the rest as far as the island.14
Many [of the Tyrrhenian army] were killed in the pursuit () by the
Cumaeans, but many more, dispersing themselves about the country, ed into the
elds of the Romans, which were not far distant, having lost () their
arms and being unable by reason of their wounds to proceed farther.15

In the following selection from Diodorus one observes the occurrences together
of pursuit () and being thrown down ().

11. Diodorus 12.65.7-8.

12. Diodorus 66.3. Cf. Diodorus 20.59.4; Dionysius of Halicarnassus 5.35.3; 13.12.2. For a text
which includes , , and , see Diodorus 13.17.1-5.
13. Didorus 20.29.10-11, modied translation. Note that in this excerpt a number of terms are
present together that also occur collectively in Pauls list. Along with ,
and the noun (which is related to the verb ) appear here.
14. Diodorus13.9.6.
15. Dionysius of Halicarnassus 5.36.3. For additional references regarding , see also 2.43.4;
2.43.1-2; 8.66.2; Herodotus, History 4.124.7.
8 Journal for the Study of the New Testament 39(1)

Since the assault had not been expected, they [Eurymedon, Demosthenes, forces from
the Thurians and Messapians] overpowered some forts, and breaking into the
fortications of Epipol threw down () a part of the wall The Syracusans
and their allies, pursuing () after them, slew two thousand ve hundred
of the enemy, wounded not a few, and captured many weapons.16

These examples illustrate that in 2Cor 4.8-9 Paul relies on the lingua franca
of the martial arena. His Corinthian audience would have been familiar with
such military imagery and, more than likely, would have understood these terms
in such a manner. The sufferings that Paul experiences reect the sufferings of
his Lord and occur as a result of the battle between God and Satan, light and
darkness, good and evil. As J.Louis Martyn writes,

Against the background of apocalyptic war, Paul sees that Jesus death is death on the
battleeld, and that means that it is from Jesus death that one begins to perceive the
contours of the real battleeld In the crucixion God meets on the battleeld not
the Jews, not the Sanhedrin, not even the Gentile Romans, but rather Satan and his
hosts, who act in and through and on human beings 17

For the apostle, just as Jesus suffering and death happened on the battleeld, so
too do Pauls afictions.
The nature of this clash is again highlighted when Paul declares in 4.11 that he
is always being handed over to death on account of Jesus. The term
(hand over) often occurs in a context of conict, and the apostles use of
, here coupled with his earlier martial language, suggests that the
combat connotation of this term remains.18 In this contest the apostles life
reects the life of his Lord, in which he, like Jesus, is also handed over to death.
The present tense of the verb denotes that Paul is continually being handed over
to death, an enemy and active agent. The constant peril and the ongoing dangers
he encounters illustrates the power of death and its ceaseless activity. With this
ominous depiction of death, one can understand why the apostle declares its
ultimate end in 1Cor. 15.54-57, that eventually death itself will be overcome by
the Lord. The apostles various encounters with conict, such as being aficted
and pursued, denote the hostile struggle. Yet his experiences of neither being
crushed by the enemy nor abandoned by the divine afrm Gods presence in the

16. Diodorus 13.11.3-5, modied translation; Xenophon, Cyropaedia 1.3.14. Fitzgerald (1988)
acknowledges that is a technical term for defeating ones opponent in both battle
and the agon, but he nevertheless concludes that Paul is quite clearly drawing on Stoic
depictions of the sage at this point (169 n. 148).
17. Martyn 1997a: 285-86 (emphasis his).
18. Herodotus, Histories 1.45.1; 3.13.3; Xenophon, Cyropaedia 5.1.28; 5.4.51. See a discussion
of the martial connotation of this term in Gaventa 2007: 114-18.
Bowens 9

midst of the conict. God does not desert Paul in the contest but acts on his
behalf through divine power and preservation.19
Pauls life has a revelatory function, graphically displaying to the Corinthians
the cosmic struggle in the supernatural realms.20 In 2Cor 4.8-12 we catch a
glimpse of his apostolic role and identity. He afrms in 4.5 that the gospel spreads
through him orally: We do not preach ourselves, but Jesus Christ the Lord. He
also declares that his body becomes the locus through which the gospel procla-
mation takes place. To indicate this reality the apostle uses the same verb
() to connect the spread of the gospel (2.14) to the manifestation of
Jesus life in his body (4.10-11). He writes in 4.10 that he always carries the
dying of Jesus in his body so that the life of Jesus may be made known ().
He continues this thought in 4.11, declaring that he is continually being handed
over to death for the sake of Christ so that Jesus life may be revealed ()
in his mortal esh. As Jesus death brought life to the world, Pauls sufferings
bring life to the Corinthians. Through his afictions the audience descries the
agonies of Christ, and through his preservation they witness Gods power mani-
fested. The apostle suffers because he preaches the gospel and, paradoxically, the
gospel spreads through his adversities. Hence, Paul can proclaim in 4.12: Death
is at work in us but life in you.
The knowledge of God spreads through Paul both in his travails, which reect
Jesus own suffering life, and in Gods preservation power, which reveals Gods
ultimate vindication of Jesus, the resurrection (2Cor. 4.14). Susan Eastman
observes the apostles depiction of his body in this way. She writes, [Paul] inter-
prets his own afictions as representing and making known the death of Jesus.
His physical experiences, shared with his fellow missionaries, are a mode of
knowledge for himself, as knowledge of Jesus, and for others, as a visible sign
of Jesus (Eastman 2013: 204). As Eastman notes, Paul considers himself and his

19. The cosmic apocalyptic character that Paul interweaves with his martial imagery has prece-
dent. Pauls view of a cosmic battle with human and suprahuman participants is not unlike the
War Scroll in which Israel, angels and the sons of light ght against Belial, sons of darkness
and the wicked (1.1-17; 7.6). In this document the eschatological war entails three victories
for Belial and three victories for the sons of light, and, in the seventh and nal lot, God steps
in and decisively wins the battle. The two-tier nature of the struggle runs throughout this work
and sheds light on Pauls own perspective. Satan (2Cor 2.11; 4.4; 11.3, 14-15), Satans angels
(12.7), satanic spirits (11.4) and servants (11.14-15) are at war with the Corinthian congrega-
tion and unbelievers, yet God, along with the apostles and believers, war against these powers
refusing to allow evil to annihilate humanity. God is present in the battle, and divine power
causes triumph. In a similar fashion, God remains powerfully present with the righteous in the
battles found in the War Scroll. I am indebted to Loren Stuckenbruck for the recognition that
Gods presence occurs in the midst of battle in the War Scroll and is not completely
futuristic.
20. The next two paragraphs contain revised sections of the authors unpublished dissertation
(Bowens 2014).
10 Journal for the Study of the New Testament 39(1)

afictions as a medium of knowing the Lord (cf. Phil. 3.10) and proclaiming the
gospel, for through his body the gospel is manifested and revealed in every place
(2Cor. 2.14). Pauls status as Gods revelatory agent is exemplied by his proc-
lamation and his hardships. To be sure, Pauls intermediary role derives from
God, for God shone divine knowledge into his heart (2Cor. 4.6), such that Pauls
intermediary status does not result from a human endeavor or from human
authority but originates with God. As a result of this divine initiative, Paul has
the ability to understand and perceive what is really taking place. For Paul, the
contest between God and Satan is a tangible one that plays out in the human
sphere, and his life becomes a canvas that depicts vividly the conict. The human
and the suprahuman share social space, and so the body and the spirit world are
deeply interwoven.
Pauls depiction of his afictions in these verses portrays his apostolic identity
as one that is intricately connected to the present cosmic contest. At the same
time his afictions point away from him to a larger reality. He becomes a sign to
the Corinthians of what is really taking place behind the scenes, and he acts as
revealer and signier to his audience of the supernatural contest in progress. In a
sense, Paul links his apostolic identity to an apocalyptic struggle and, simultane-
ously, proclaims the primacy of this apocalyptic contest. In other words, Paul
maintains that his apostolic identity should not be the main issue at hand for the
Corinthians but rather the struggle in the earthly and heavenly realms.

Martial Imagery in 2Corinthians 56 with a

Retrospective Glance at 2.11
The language of reconciliation and ambassadorship in ch. 5 also denotes a con-
text of conict, since these concepts often appear in a setting where opposition
and struggle exists or once existed. The terms and occur
in a number of military texts. Some sample texts will sufce to illustrate this fact.
In the rst selection Xenophon narrates Orontass actions against Cyrus.

At this time Orontas, a Persian, who was related to the King by birth and was reckoned
among the best of the Persians in matters of war, devised a plot against Cyrus in fact,
he had made war upon him before this, but had become friends () again.21

Cassio Dio in recounting Hersilia and the women attempting to quell the ghting
writes,

Hersilia and the rest of the women of her kin, on discovering them one day drawn up
in opposing ranks, ran down from the Palatine with their children for some children

21. Xenophon, Anabasis 1.6.1

Bowens 11

had already been born and rushing suddenly into the space between the armies said
and did many things to arouse pity. Looking now at the one side and now at the other
they cried: Why do you do this, fathers? Why do you do it, husbands? When will you
cease ghting? When will you cease hating each other? Make peace ()
with your sons-in-law! Make peace () with your fathers-in-law! but if
you are indeed irreconcilable () and some bolt of madness has fallen
upon your heads and drives you to frenzy, then rst kill us on account of whom you
are ghting, and rst slay these children whom you hate Moved by what they
heard and saw the men began to weep, and they desisted from battle and came together
for a conference there, just as they were, in the comitium, which received its name
from this very event. 22

In these passages one finds that reconciliation between two warring parties
involves peace and friendship. Signicantly, in the last selection reconciliation
involved the termination of ghting. In another important warfare scene from
Diodorus one finds several terms discussed thus far, , 23
and , appearing together in a martial context.

Thus, Pyrrhus sailed unchallenged into Syracuse, and accepted delivery of the Island
from Thoenon, and of the rest of the city from the citizens and Sosistratus. This
Sosistratus had made himself master of Acragas and of many other cities, and had an
army of more than ten thousand men. Pyrrhus effected a reconciliation ()
between Thoenon and Sosistratus and the Syracusans and restored harmony, thinking
to gain great popularity by virtue of the peace. The king took over the missiles, the
engines of war, and such equipment as was in the city While he was busy with
these matters envoys () arrived from Leontini, sent by Heracleides the ruler,
who said that he would hand over () to the king the city and its forts,
together with four thousand infantry and ve hundred cavalry. Many other embassies
also came to Syracuse, offering to hand over () their cities and saying that
they would cooperate with Pyrrhus.24

The martial context of reconciliation, ambassadorship, and handing over in this

excerpt is evident and supports what has been argued up to this point, that the
martial background of Pauls language in 2Corinthians 46 is signicant and
indicates that warfare remains an important theme in these chapters. The fact that
military language both precedes and follows ch. 5 suggesting an underscoring of
the martial background of and here as well. That God has

22. Cassio Dio, Roman History 1.5.5-7 (trans. Earnest Cary; LCL, 1; London: William Heinemann,
1915); cf. 5.18.7; 5.18.9; 37.7.5; 37.56.1; Herodotus 1.61.10; 5.95.8-9; 6.108.24; 7.145.6.
23. In this passage the noun form appears.
24. Diodorus 22.8.4-5 (trans. Francis R. Walton; LCL, 11. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1959). For other occurrences of and its related noun forms in a martial con-
text, see Diodorus 16.58.2; 25.15.16; Dionysius of Halicarnassus 3.40.5; Cassio Dio 37.6.5.
12 Journal for the Study of the New Testament 39(1)

to reconcile the world indicates that the world in a previous state stood in opposi-
tion to God or at least in a hostile position toward God. Here, because of the
following phrase (not reckoning
to them their trespasses), world denotes primarily human beings (5.19). Yet
the condition of humanity is inescapably linked to creations predicament as evi-
denced by the apostles earlier language of (new creation) in 5.17.
The believers transformed status as in the present is (the
pledge) of the entire new creation in the eschaton. As the apostle states in Rom.
8.22, creation itself groans, awaiting liberation. Pauls declaration, then, that
God reconciles the world in Christ forefronts human beings but implicitly
embraces creation because it too has fallen into the hands of evil powers hostile
to God. But God through Christ removes the worlds hostile stance and brings it
into peaceful relation to the divine. Paul depicts a cosmic battle that involves
himself, the Corinthians and all of humanity. As Cilliers Breytenbach notes,
Pauls God does not change, he does not reconcile himself to his human ene-
mies, instead, he reconciles humans to himself (2010: 177). God changes the
relationship between God and the world by changing the world and by changing
those in the world.25 The world, both human and creation, once in opposition to
God, now experiences reconciliation.26
That God initiates reconciliation underscores the benevolent nature of the
divine and illustrates Gods power to rescue humanity from the evil that seeks to
blind it and destroy it. These verses demonstrate that Paul adheres to an apoca-
lyptic framework in which the world has been taken over by anti-God powers
and, as a result, exists in opposition to God.27 Through the Christ event, the god
of this age has lost his claim upon the world, and although Satan has sought to
dominate and alienate the cosmos, setting it up in opposition to God, God restores
the world to its divinely appointed status a state of peace with God.28 Therefore,

25. Breytenbach 2010: 182. Breytenbach argues that Paul uses in a unique manner:
Though other Jews writing in Greek have used this terminology to depict the change in Gods
attitude towards humans, Paul uses the terminology in a hitherto unprecedented
way. He does not share the notion of an easy reconcilable God, who puts his anger behind him
to be reconciled. God is the one who reconciled Paul, the hostile persecutor of his church to
himself. The action is completed; God changed the relationship between Paul and himself by
changing Paul. He did it through Christ (2010: 182). See his discussion of this term in
2Maccabees, Josephus and Philo (2010: 172-79). Breytenbach recognizes that
is used as part of the process of peace making, denoting the change from enmity to peace,
from hostility to friendship. Reconciliation can also be seen as the result of peace negotia-
tions (173). He also writes: Paul depicts his role as apostle to the Corinthians metaphorically
in the language of the Hellenistic and Roman polis-diplomacy (175).
26. Nave (2007: 317) aptly comments: God is reconciling the world, not merely delivering indi-
viduals (emphasis his). Viewing the world as standing in opposition to God occurs elsewhere
in the New Testament; see, e.g., 1Jn 2.15-17; 5.19.
27. The expression anti-God powers comes from Martyn 1997b: 370-73, 417.
28. God acting to save the world appears most pointedly in Jn 3.16: For God so loved the world,
that he gave his only begotten Son Johns gospel, however, also contains a hostile under-
standing of the world. See, e.g., Jn 15.18-19; 17.14-16.
Bowens 13

the god of this age, which blinds unbelievers in 4.4 and is at work among believ-
ers in 4.8-9, 10.3-6 and 11.2-3, 14-15 (cf. 2.11; 12.7), ultimately experiences
defeat (4.14; 12.10; 13.4).
Military imagery appears again in ch. 6, where the apostle states that he has
weapons for the right hand and for the left (6.7). Some scholars note that such
weapons denote offense and defense, whereas others maintain that this language
suggests Pauls complete preparedness for any kind of attack (Harris 2005: 478).
At any rate, no matter how one construes these words, the apostle asserts his
absolute readiness for the conict at hand. In addition, his use of demon-
strates that the power of God remains key to the employment of these weapons.
Pauls martial imagery is not about human strength or human weapons but about
Gods action behind the weapons.
Although the focus has been on chs 46 in this brief discussion, the apostle
earlier signals to the Corinthian audience the martial contours of the conict that
they face (2.11). Forgiveness of the offender in their midst prevents Satan from
taking advantage of Paul, the Corinthians and the entire situation.29 The verb
occurs in military texts to denote taking advantage of, or outwitting,
an enemy.30 If the martial connotation lies in the background here, and the pres-
ence of subsequent martial imagery suggests this possibility, then Paul informs
the Corinthians as early as 2.11 that Satan is at war with them and with him and
desires to take advantage of them if given the opportunity. Furthermore, he
acknowledges that Satan has strategic schemes and designs of which believers
cannot afford to be ignorant.

Conclusion
As demonstrated in this investigation, in 2Cor. 46 Paul repeatedly returns to
warfare terminology which underscores the momentous weight he gives to the
existence of a current apocalyptic conict. Although Paul describes this cosmic
conict with the language of human warfare, the supernatural dimension of the
war shapes the contour of the battle. For him, this conict is primary and affects
all humanity and, in fact, involves the entire cosmos, both human and suprahu-
man beings. That Paul would use language from the human military arena to
depict such a struggle is not unusual for, as commentators have noted, using mili-
tary language to describe personal struggles was not uncommon in Pauls day.31

29. The identity of the offender in this passage is the subject of much discussion. See the analysis
in Harris 2005: 222-34.
30. Diodorus 13.10.3; 36.2.6; Plutarch, Caesar 52.6.4; Cassio Dio, Roman History 48.1.2.
31. Malherbe (1983: 148) writes that Paul and other early Christians were not unique in using
martial imagery. It was used in a transferred sense by all kinds of persons, including philoso-
phers, adherents of mystery cults, and orators It is not clear who rst used martial imagery
14 Journal for the Study of the New Testament 39(1)

Yet Paul utilizes this language not just to describe his own personal afictions as
an apostle of God who carries (the word of reconcili-
ation), but also to denote that all of humanity is entangled in the cosmic clash
between God and Satan.
In these chapters, Paul begins to lay out the groundwork for his ensuing depic-
tion in the rest of the letter regarding a cosmic struggle between God and Satan,
a depiction which reappears in a profound way in 2Cor. 10.3-6. Satan, the apos-
tle declares, is at war with believers, willing to take advantage of them (2.11),
afict them (4.8-9), deceive them (11.13-15) and corrupt their minds (10.4-5;
11.3). Satan is also at war with unbelievers, blinding their minds to the gospel
(4.4). This cosmic conict, Paul insists, affects believers and unbelievers alike.
The nature of this contest, which involves God, humans and suprahuman beings
means that the outcome of this struggle does not rest upon human ingenuity,
skill, wisdom or endurance. The outcome of the contest: that Paul proclaims rests
upon God and Gods power.32

References
Bernard, J.H.
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George H. Doran).
de Boer, Martinus C.
1998 Paul and Apocalyptic Eschatology, in John J. Collins (ed.), The Encyclopedia
of Apocalypticism: The Origins of Apocalypticism in Judaism and Christianity
(New York: Continuum): 345-83.
Bowens, Lisa M.
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pology in the Context of Spiritual Warfare in 2 Corinthians 12.1-10 (PhD. dis-
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Breytenbach, Cilliers
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32. I am grateful to Beverly Gaventa and Stephanie Bowens for reading an earlier version of this
essay and for offering helpful suggestions and remarks.
Bowens 15

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