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Historical Aspects of Printing and Publishing

in Languages of the Middle East


Islamic Manuscripts and Books

Arnoud Vrolijk
Leiden University

VOLUME 4

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/imb


Historical Aspects of Printing
and Publishing in Languages
of the Middle East

Papers from the Third Symposium on the History


of Printing and Publishing in the Languages
and Countries of the Middle East,
University of Leipzig, September 2008

Edited by
Geoffrey Roper

Leidenboston
2014
Cover illustration: Case layout for Arabic ligature sorts, used at the Imprimerie Nationale, Paris,
in the 19th century. Reproduced by courtesy of the Houghton Library, Harvard University, USA

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Symposium on the History of Printing and Publishing in the Languages and Countries of the
Middle East (3rd : 2008 : Universitt Leipzig)
Historical aspects of printing and publishing in languages of the Middle East : papers from
the Third Symposium on the History of Printing and Publishing in the Languages and
Countries of the Middle East, University of Leipzig, September 2008 / edited by Geoffrey Roper.
pages cm. (Islamic manuscripts and books ; volume 4)
This volume contains revised and edited versions of papers presented at the Third Interna-
tional Symposium on the History of Printing and Publishing in the Languages and Countries of
the Middle East, held at the University of Leipzig, 24-27 September 2008, in conjunction with
the 24th Congress of the Union Europeenne des Arabisants et Islamisants (UEAI) and in coop-
eration with the Oriental Institute, University of LeipzigPreface.
Papers chiefly in English; one paper each in French and German.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-25505-0 (hardback : acid-free paper) ISBN 978-90-04-25597-5 (e-book)
1.PrintingMiddle EastHistoryCongresses. 2.Publishers and publishingMiddle East
HistoryCongresses. 3.Printing, ArabicHistoryCongresses. 4. Middle Eastern literature
PublishingHistoryCongresses. I.Roper, Geoffrey, editor of compilation. II.Title.

Z186.M628S96 2013
686.20956dc23
2013029648

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Contents

List of Illustrations........................................................................................... vii


Preface................................................................................................................. xi

Medival Arabic Block Printing: State of the Field.............................. 1


Karl Schaefer

Frher Druck mit arabischen Typen in Leipzig, 17.18.


Jahrhundert................................................................................................... 17
Boris Liebrenz

Enlightenment in the Ottoman Context: brahim Mteferrika


and His Intellectual Landscape.............................................................. 53
Vefa Erginba

Waiting for Godot: The Formation of Ottoman Print Culture.......... 101


Orlin Sabev (Orhan Salih)

Printing and the Abuse of Texts in al-abarts History of Egypt.... 121


Sarah Mirza

Judo-Arabic Printing in North Africa, 18501950................................ 129


Yosef Tobi

Marginal Miniatures: The Tehran Edition of al-Damrs ayt


al-ayawn (1285/1868)............................................................................. 151
Ulrich Marzolph

The Establishment of the Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate Press......... 181


Ahmet Tan and Robert Langer

LImprimerie Ebzziya et lart dimprimer dans lEmpire ottoman


la fin du XIXe sicle................................................................................ 193
zgr Tresay
vi contents

A Champion of Printing Quality in the Ottoman Turkish Press


of the Second Constitutional Period: ehbal Journal....................... 231
Bora Ataman and Cem Pekman

Arabic and Bilingual Newspapers and Magazines in Latin America


and the Caribbean...................................................................................... 245
Philipp Bruckmayr

A Short History of Kurdish Publishing and Prospects for its


Future............................................................................................................. 271
Blair Kuntz

The Bulaq Press Museum at the Bibliotheca Alexandrina................. 287


Ahmed Mansour

Index.................................................................................................................... 317
List of Illustrations

Schaefer

Fig. 1.Block Print from Almera, Spain dated 750 Hira


(134950 AD)................................................................................................ 3
Fig. 2.P.Vindob. A.Ch. 12145 sterreichische Nationalbibliothek,
Papyrussammlung...................................................................................... 4
Fig. 3.P.Vindob. A.Ch. 12151 sterreichische Nationalbibliothek,
Papyrussammlung...................................................................................... 5
Fig. 4.Arabic printing block 1919.80.e, source: Glasgow Museum
Resource Center.......................................................................................... 11

Liebrenz

Abb. 1.Beispiele von Christoph Fleischers kurzlebiger, nur 1687



angewandter Schrift. Pfeiffer: Theologiae, S. 267 u. 281.................. 22
Abb. 2.Wallin, Georg: Sive Historia Josephi Fabri
Lignarii. Liber Apocryphvs Ex Codice Manvscripto Regiae
Bibliothecae Parisiensis. Lipsiae (literis Andreae Zeidleri), 1722.... 28
Abb. 3.Heinrich Christian Tacke (1683 um 1744).............................. 30
Abb. 4.Die Entwicklung der dominanten arabischen Druckschrift
in Leipzig an ausgewhlten Buchstaben............................................. 38
Abb. 5.Ligaturen............................................................................................. 40

Marzolph

Plate 1 (fol. 1a).Title-page of vol. 1............................................................ 161


Plate 2 (fol. 134b).Final page of vol. 1...................................................... 162
Plate 3 (fol. 1b).First text page of vol. 1................................................... 163
Plate 4 (fols. 2b, 6b, 7b).The lion, the camel, the (female)
donkey............................................................................................................ 164
Plate 5 (fols. 208b, 243b).The horse, the dog........................................ 165
Plate 6 (fols. 41a, 84a).The chameleon, the falcon.............................. 166
Plate 7 (fols. 9b, 60a).The crocodile, the rabbit................................... 167
viii list of illustrations

Plate 8 (fols. 45a, 46b).Fleas, mosquitos................................................. 168


Plate 9 (83b, 115a).Specific larger groups of animals.......................... 169
Plate 10 (fol. 2a).A fabulous lion (al-ward)............................................ 170
Plate 11 (fols. 16b, 201b, 39a).The waterman, the l, al-ilfa............. 171
Plate 12 (fols. 57b, 191a, 43a).Harpy, al-Brq, Bint al-m................ 172
Plate 13 (fols. 37a, 22a).Abbasid caliphs, Muwiya............................. 173
Plate 14 (fols. 64b, 65b).The Lions Share, The Sick Lion.................. 174
Plate 15 (fols. 242b, 90a).The Seven Sleepers, The Equivocal
Oath................................................................................................................. 175
Plate 16 (fols. 101a, 119a).Tales from the Arabic tradition.................. 176
Plate 17 (fols. 67a, 85b).The staff of Moses turns into a snake;
the Pharaohs army..................................................................................... 177
Plate 18 (fols. 80b, 177b).King Solomons court.................................... 178
Plate 19 (fols. 1a, 135a).Title-pages of vol. 1 and 2................................ 179
Plate 20 (fol. 189b).The rose and the nightingale................................ 180

Tan and Langer

Fig. 1.(right to left:) Patriarch Petrus IV, Archibald Tait


(Archbishop of Canterbury), and Metropolitan Abd Allh
Saf in Canterbury.................................................................................. 183
Fig. 2.Ottoman archive documents on the Syrian printing press.... 184
Fig. 3.Title page of book by Afrm Barm, published at Dayr
al-Zafarn, 1917............................................................................................ 186
Fig. 4.The journal al-ikma (191314)...................................................... 190

Bruckmayr

Fig. 1.Orientalist scholarship covered in the Mahar press:


Philip K. Hitti in al-Gliya (1925)........................................................... 246
Fig. 2.Page from al-Gliya newspaper (Sao Paulo, est. 1922)
citation: Philip Hitti Papers, IHRC894, Box 33, Immigration
History Research Center, University of Minnesota.......................... 251

Mansour

Fig. 1.The old building of the Bulaq Press. The faades


overlooking the Nile and Bulaq district............................................... 295
list of illustrations ix

Fig. 2.The new building of the Bulaq press established in 1958,


on a 30,000 m2 piece of land at Embaba in Cairo............................ 296
Fig. 3ab.Intertype slug-composing machine
(before renovation).................................................................................... 297
Fig. 4ab.Intertype slug-composing machine
(after renovation)........................................................................................ 298
Fig. 5.Stanhope machine (before renovation)...................................... 299
Fig. 5ab.Stanhope machine (after renovation).................................. 300
Fig. 6.Gilding press (before renovation). Made in France, 1900..... 301
Fig. 7.Gilding press (after renovation).................................................... 302
Fig. 8.Envelope printer (before renovation). Used to print all
kinds of envelopes. Made in England, 1902........................................ 303
Fig. 9.Envelope printer (after renovation)............................................. 304
Fig. 10.Manual shears for cutting lead lines.......................................... 305
Fig. 11.Manual shears for cutting lead lines........................................... 305
Fig. 12.Line printing machine. Used to print lines on
blank pages................................................................................................... 306
Fig. 13.Line printing machine. Used to print lines on
blank pages................................................................................................... 307
Fig. 14.The Bulaq Press catalogue (2005)................................................ 307
Fig. 15.Iron safe. Dates back to Muammad Al Pasha; used to
keep the royal stamps of the Bulaq Press, as well as pens and
later gadgets of the casting machine.................................................... 308
Fig. 16.The foundation text of the Bulaq Press in Turkish,
1235 AH (1820 CE)....................................................................................... 309
Fig. 17.The first issue of Al-Waqi al-Mirya, published in 1828.... 310
Fig. 18a.A Golding Pearl manual press.................................................... 311
Fig. 18b.A Golding Pearl manual press................................................... 312
Fig. 19.The plaque recording Khedive Tawfqs restoration of the
press in 1880................................................................................................. 313
Fig. 20.Muammad afar Bey: the first on the left, seated............. 313
Fig. 21.Srat al-Ftia printed with the Bulaq Press Qurn font.... 314
Fig. 22.General view of the Bulaq Press Museum at Bibliotheca
Alexandrina.................................................................................................. 315
Preface

This volume contains revised and edited versions of papers presented at


the Third International Symposium on the History of Printing and Pub-
lishing in the Languages and Countries of the Middle East, held at the
University of Leipzig, 2427 September 2008, in conjunction with the 24th
Congress of the Union Europenne des Arabisants et Islamisants (UEAI)
and in cooperation with the Oriental Institute, University of Leipzig. This
was part of a series of international symposia on this subject: the first was
held at the Gutenberg-Museum in Mainz in 2002,1 and the second at the
Bibliothque nationale de France in Paris in 2005.2 Since then, a fourth
symposium has taken place at the Bibliotheca Alexandrina in Egypt in
September 2011.3
The purpose of these gatherings, and the collections of papers presented
at them, is to build a corpus of knowledge and understanding of a hitherto
neglected aspect of Middle Eastern intellectual and social history. Only
when a substantial amount of data and factual knowledge of the subject
has been accumulated will it be possible to attempt any soundly-based
assessment of the role of printing and publishing in the development of
Middle Eastern societies, and their influence on patterns of intellectual
and cultural life. The level of interest shown in these symposia indicates
that the subject may now be ready to claim its rightful place in the study of
both Middle Eastern history and printing history. This is indicated also by
the arrival of intellectual and academic controversies in the fielda sure
sign that a certain level of maturity has been reached. These mainly con-
cern the relationship between the communications revolution brought
by the advent of printing in the Middle East, and the contingent cultural
factors which impeded or advanced it.
Some of the essays in the following pages enter into these debates, and
all of them make significant contributions to our knowledge and under-
standing of how and why the development of print both affected and
was affected by historical, social, and intellectual currents in the areas

1 Papers published in History of Printing and Publishing in the Languages and Countries
of the Middle East, ed. P. Sadgrove (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).
2Papers published in Printing and Publishing in the Middle East, ed. P. Sadgrove (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2008).
3Papers to be published by them in a forthcoming volume.
xii preface

considered. These range geographically from Iran to Latin America, via


Kurdistan, Turkey, Egypt, the Maghrib, and Germany, temporally from the
tenth to the twentieth centuries, and linguistically through Arabic, Judo-
Arabic, Syriac, Ottoman Turkish, Kurdish, and Persian. It is pleasing to
be able to encompass, within this modest volume, such a wide range of
scholarship.

Geoffrey Roper
October 2012
Medival Arabic Block Printing: State of the Field*

Karl Schaefer

It has taken somewhat more than a century, but awareness of medival


Arabic block printing is finally gaining traction in the broader academic
community. This is to say that scholars of the Middle East beyond the
circle of those who specialise in this rather arcane field have begun to
take note of the phenomenon, and to include the fact of its existence
in the calculi of their respective interpretations when they write about
the social, artistic, economic, scientific, technical, cultural, and historical
aspects of life in the medival Islamic world. While much work has been
done over the past twelve decades or so to increase our knowledge and
understanding of medival Arabic block printing, much remains to be
done. Our appreciation of this aspect of medival Islamic cultures will
no doubt deepen as new discoveries are made and a clearer picture of the
practice is brought into focus.
The function of the present essay is to provide an overview of the state
of our knowledge about block printing in the medival Islamic lands of
the Middle East. To this end, I review significant contributions of scholars
in the modern period, including important treatments of individual exam-
ples and collections, a brief review of the historical evidence for print-
ing in Arabic writings of the medival period, and more recent efforts to
expand our knowledge of the scope and breadth of medival block print-
ing. Finally, I attempt to consolidate the present state of that knowledge
into a coherent, meaningful narrative. Above all, the thrust of this dis-
course is to promote and encourage more scholarship on the issue, lead-
ing, one hopes, to an even clearer understanding of the phenomenon.
We owe much of our current knowledge of medival Arabic block print-
ing to a fairly recent development in the larger field of Middle East studies,
one that has drawn together a cadre of people interested in all aspects of
printing in the Middle East. It is within this intellectual environment that
expositions of the block printing phenomenon have found an appreciative
audience, thereby serving to broaden awareness of the subject.

* This project has been supported in part by the Center for the Humanities at Drake
University.
2 karl schaefer

Any account of our present state of knowledge about medival Arabic


block printing specifically must take into consideration the fact that its
rather specialised nature has influenced its development (and perhaps its
appeal) as a field of intellectual enquiry. The history of modern investiga-
tions into medival Arabic block printing is characterised, even to the
present time, by a piecemeal approach. Until quite recently, nearly all of
the published research focused on individual examples of the craft. This is
not to say that the study of the subject is inchoate in any sense. Examples
of the phenomenon have been known since the mid-1800s and the bib-
liography of studies on block printing in the medival Muslim world is
quite extensive.1 However, as I hope to show in what follows, the devel-
opment of critical scholarship about medival Arabic block printing as a
cultural phenomenon has really just begun.
The first published notice on Arabic block printing that I have been able
to find is a case in point. In the year 1852, an article by Joseph Hammer-
Purgstall (17741856) appeared in Journal asiatique.2 In that brief piece,
Hammer-Purgstall discusses a puzzling passage in an Arabic work dat-
ing to fourteenth-century Islamic Spain,3 which seems to refer to some
sort of printing activity. To support this reading of the work in question,
he reproduces the image of a text printed from a wooden printing block
sent to him by a Spanish colleague. The printed text is contained in a
circular field surrounded by a scallop design. The content indicates that
the stamp was used by a qaysarya, a kind of depot or warehouse (in this
case one apparently operated by the government of a city, Almera) where
goods being brought into a city for sale in the marketplace would be safe-
guarded, inventoried and, most likely, have their value assessed for tax
purposes. The print bears a hir date: 750 (=1349/50 CE), thus informing
us of the precise year of its use.
In truth, this example of printing is simply an official stamp, and to
adduce it alone as evidence for the existence of printing in the medival
Islamic world could be seen as a bit of a stretch. Indicating little more
than its function (ab), its origin, and the date, the text is no literary opus,

1 See the bibliography in my work on medival block printed amulets, Enigmatic


Charms (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 235240, for an extensive listing of books and articles on
Arabic block printing up to the publication of that volume.
2Joseph Hammer-Purgstall, Sur un passage curieux de lIhathet, sur lart dimprimer
chez les arabes en Espagne, Journal asiatique 4e. serie, 20 (AoutSeptembre 1852):
252255.
3Muammad b. Abdallh Ibn al-ab (13131374), Kitb al-ia f abr gharna
(Cairo, 1976).
medival arabic block printing: state of the field 3

Fig. 1.Block Print from Almera, Spain dated 750 Hira (134950 AD)

and arguably it is not even printing as we might define it. The technique
used to create this stampengraving or carving alphabetic characters in
reverse on a matrix in order to create texthad been employed already
for a long time in carving signet rings and in striking coins; these latter
two practices were in use from the earliest days of Islam. However, nei-
ther of these applications is considered printing, except in the strictest
sense. Both were functional in nature and their texts, characteristically,
very brief. They were a far cry from the mass production of literary works
with which we now tend to associate the process of printing. However, if
printing is defined as the creation of images or texts through mechanical
means, then the stamp published by Hammer-Purgstall, however quotid-
ian, would seem to be valid evidence for such an activity.
Moreover, if this were the only example of text created in the medival
Islamic world in this manner, then one might argue that it was either an
experiment that bore no fruit, or that the technology was never put to any
purpose other than marking personal belongings or meeting some mun-
dane bureaucratic need. In the event, however, other examples of Arabic
block printing came to light in the nineteenth century. Among documents
4 karl schaefer

Fig. 2.P.Vindob. A.Ch. 12145 sterreichische Nationalbibliothek,


Papyrussammlung

obtained from Egypt in the late nineteenth century by the Viennese


Museum fr Kunst und Industrie (today known as the Museum fr Ang-
ewandte Kunst) was a small number of block-printed documents and
fragments. These came to the attention of a researcher at that institution,
one Josef Karabacek (18451918), who although primarily interested in the
old paper for the light it might shed on the history of papermaking in the
Muslim Middle East, took note of them and included twenty of them in
a major exhibition of the Arabic documents mounted at the museum in
1894.4 These pieces of paper, all amulets containing printed prayers for the
protection of their bearers against various dangers they risked encounter-
ing or to which they might be exposed, are true block prints and attest to
the existence in medival Islam of a technology for producing multiple
copies of any text.
Over the course of the next several decades, occasional notice was
taken of the existence of the Vienna collection5 and other examples of
block printing in the medival Islamic world. Yet, while there was some
dim awareness of the Vienna collection, it was not strong enough to gen-
erate sustained interest in Arabic block printing and there was a lengthy

4Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. Fhrer durch die Ausstellung (Vienna: Hlder, 1894).
5Now in the Papyrussammlung of the Austrian National Library (sterreichische
Nationalbibliothek).
medival arabic block printing: state of the field 5

Fig. 3.P.Vindob. A.Ch. 12151 sterreichische Nationalbibliothek,


Papyrussammlung

hiatus between this exhibition and the next publication dealing with
the subject. In the 1920s, Thomas Carter (18821925), a young American
returning across Asia and Europe from a protracted stay in China, where
he had developed an interest in printing history, stopped in Vienna to
look at the block prints there. He took advantage of this sojourn to speak
with a number of scholars in Europe about the transmission of printing
technology and they encouraged him to pursue a deeper study of the sub-
ject. This prodding resulted in the publication of his landmark work, The
History of Printing in China and its Spread Westward.6 His was the first
work in English to place medival Arabic block printing into a historical
context and to suggest possible connections with that activity in other
cultures, particularly Chinese.
As time went on, a gradually increasing number of scholars (and some
collectors), including several prominent scholars of the Middle East and
the Arabic language, did begin to show interest in Arabic block printing.
Adolf Grohmann, who based his major work on Arabic manuscripts on

6Thomas Francis Carter, The Invention of Printing in China and Its Spread Westward
(New York, 1925; 2nd ed. 1955). Carter taught Chinese at Columbia University and was
head of the Chinese Department for a brief time after his return from China, but died
prematurely, at the age of forty-three, just as his book rolled off the presses.
6 karl schaefer

the Vienna collection,7 is known also to have studied the small number
of examples of Arabic block printing in the library at Universitt Heidel-
berg in the years leading up to World War II. It is more than likely that
his knowledge of the Vienna block prints allowed him to identify the
six examples held in Heidelberg at that time.8 Again, however, since
Grohmanns primary concern was with manuscript texts and the material
on which they were composed, the block prints were accorded secondary
importance as a mode of cultural production.
About a decade later, the block print baton was picked up by the noted
Iranologist Karl Jahn, whose 1938 article on a section of Vafs Tar-i
Vaf dealt with the attempt to introduce paper money into the thir-
teenth-century economy of Tabriz.9 That paper money, like the Chinese
currency upon which it was modelled, was printed. Here, then, was fur-
ther evidence for printing activity in the medival Islamic world. Not only
was printing being carried out (albeit for a very brief time) in a different
part of the Islamic world, but it had been put to a different purpose as
well. In fact, Jahn himself seems to have been unaware of other kinds of
block printing in the Islamic medival period, for he says at the end of
his article, Gaykhats currency notes are extremely remarkable as being
almost the only known examples of the use of block printing in the Near East10
(emphasis mine). It appears that no examples of this currency survive, so
it is impossible to draw conclusions about the manner of its production,
but given the fact that it was a Chingisid ruler who produced it, it is logical
to assume that a Chinese influence was involved.
Scarcely a decade later, Giorgio Levi della Vida published a brief article
about another amulet, this belonging to the University of Pennsylvania

7Adolf Grohmann, Allgemeine Einfhrung in die arabischen Papyri nebst Grundzgen


der arabischen Diplomatik (Vienna, 1924), 7.
8Currently, only one Arabic block print resides in the Heidelberg University Library.
When I visited there in 1999, the erstwhile director of the library, Dr. Dietrich Hagedorn,
told me that, prior to World War II, it was not uncommon for the library to lend out special
collections materials to scholars. It is quite possible that the missing items were either lost
or destroyed while on loan in the chaos of the war.
9Karl Jahn, Das Iranische Papiergeld: ein Beitrag zur Kultur- und Wirtschaftsge-
schichte Irans in der Mongolzeit, Archiv Orientlni 10 (1938): 308340. Also published in
English: Paper Currency in Iran: A Contribution to the Cultural and Economic History of
Iran in the Mongol Period, Journal of Asian History 4 (1970): 101135.
10Jahn, Das Iranische Papiergeld, 335; Paper Currency in Iran, 131. Jahn acknowl-
edges Carters book in his notes, however, and must have known of the existence of the
block-printed amulets described there.
medival arabic block printing: state of the field 7

Museum of Art and Archaeology.11 The University of Pennsylvania example


had the added distinction of being printed on vellum. Unfortunately, this
example is now lost. Apparently, only one other medival Arabic block
print was printed on vellum and that, too, is missingfrom the University
of Heidelberg Library collection. Fortunately, the Heidelberg example, like
the one at the University of Pennsylvania, has been described and illus-
trated, so a record of it also exists.12
Similar articles devoted to individual amulets have continued to appear
over the last several decades, with just enough infrequency to elicit some
surprise when each one is published. In 1954, Andr Demeerseman pub-
lished an example found in Tunisia;13 again, a decade had passed since
Levi della Vidas short piece had been published. Another article in the
popular magazine Aramco World, which came out in 1981, referred to Ara-
bic block printing as the Missing Link;14 Richard Bulliets 1987 article
on Arabic block printing carried the subtitle A Forgotten Chapter in the
History of Arabic Printing.15 Likewise my own first foray into the field
was prompted in part by the perception that the single example held by
Princeton University Library was rare in the extreme and worthy of pub-
lication on that basis alone.16 This piecemeal approach to the study of
the block printing phenomenon in medival Islam has, on the one hand,
brought to light a large number of examples of block printing. On the

11 Giorgio Levi della Vida, An Arabic Block Print, Scientific Monthly 59, no. 6 (1944):
473474.
12T. W. Arnold and A. Grohmann, The Islamic Book (Paris, 1929), 29; plate 15.
13A. Demeerseman, Limprimerie en Orient et au Maghreb (Tunis, 1954), 22.
14Paul Lunde, A Missing Link, ARAMCO World 32, no. 2 (1981): 2627.
15Richard W. Bulliet, Medieval Arabic arsh: A Forgotten Chapter in the History of
Arabic Printing, Journal of the American Oriental Society 107 (1987): 427438. It would be
remiss of me not to mention also the article by Miroslav Krek, Arabic Block Printing as
the Precursor of Printing in Europe: Preliminary Report, ARCE [American Research Center
in Egypt] Newsletter 129 (1985): 1216. This article, while important for the wealth of infor-
mation it contains, did not have a wide circulation and thus had little influence on the
course of subsequent scholarship in the field, at least until relatively recently. Nonethe-
less, Mr. Krek, who was a librarian and bibliographer (at Brandeis University), was very
interested in Arabic block printing and also, for a time, planned to compile a descriptive
bibliography of all the Arabic manuscripts held in American libraries. (Elements of that
project appeared intermittently, most notably in MELA Notes, the journal of the Middle
East Librarians Association.) He dutifully noted Arabic block prints wherever he found
them in the course of his project. It is through his writings that I became aware of the
locations of several previously unknown examples.
16Karl R. Schaefer, The Scheide Tarsh, Princeton University Library Chronicle 56,
no. 3 (1995): 400430. This impression was not quickly altered. When I began to conduct
research on the topic, I was quite surprised at the paucity (since then only moderately
relieved) of substantive scholarship on the matter.
8 karl schaefer

other hand, such treatments, while individually valuable and illuminating,


have done little to advance our knowledge of block printing as a practice,
as a craft.
The history of the study of medival Arabic block printing seems to be
characterised to a great extent by the element of chance. Manyif not
mostof the researchers who have encountered block prints did so in the
course of investigations into other text-related phenomena. Karabacek
was interested in tracing the history of paper in Egypt. That some of the
documents he encountered in his research were block printed seems to
have struck him as worthy of study, but such a tack was not on his agenda.
Likewise, Arnold and Grohmann found the existence of block prints wor-
thy of note, but they were interested in pursuing codicology, papyrology,
and palaeography in turn; the block prints were interesting only insofar as
they illustrated specific points in arguments directed elsewhere.
However, these publications may have also served to raise awareness
about medival Arabic block printing and led to the discovery of yet more
examples. Since the two articles by Lunde and Bulliet in the 1980s, there
have been three more articles on Arabic block printed amulets17 as well as
two archaeological reports detailing the discovery of additional examples.18
Block-printed Arabic amulets have also begun to appear in the catalogues
of auction houses and rare book and manuscript dealers.19 Such notice
would seem to indicate that knowledge about the existence of such arte-
facts is expanding among the cognoscenti, who are, coincidentally, willing
to pay a premium to own one.
While amulets constitute the most common type of medival Arabic
block print known to date, they are by no means the only form of text to
have been produced using this technology. As already noted above,20 one
of the earliest block prints published in the modern period was an official
stamp used in Almera, Spain. There was, then, at least at one time and

17The piece cited immediately above, a second article by the same author, Karl R.
Schaefer, Eleven Medieval Arabic Block Prints in the Cambridge University Library, Ara-
bica 48, no. 2 (2001): 210239, and Paul B. Fenton, Un xylographie arabe mdivale la
Bibliothque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg, Arabica 50, no. 1 (2003): 114117.
18Wadysaw Kubiak and George T. Scanlon, Fu Expedition Final Report, vol. 2:
Fu-C. (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1989), 6970; Li Guo, Commerce, Culture, and
Community in a Red Sea Port in the Thirteenth Century (Leiden: Brill, 2004).
19For example, Sothebys, Arts of the Islamic World: London, Thursday 25 April 2002, and
Sam Fogg, Ltd., Islamic Calligraphy, Catalogue 27 (London, 2003).
20See above, pp. 46. Another example of an owners stamp is to be found in Cam-
bridge University Librarys Taylor-Schechter collection. T-S AS 181.228. See my Enigmatic
Charms, 94; plate 12.
medival arabic block printing: state of the field 9

place, a notarial or commercial application for block printing, in addition


to the abortive pecuniary experiment in thirteenth-century Tabriz. Still
another use for block printing came to light in 1964 when two French
scholars, Dominique Sourdel and Janine Sourdel-Thomine, published an
account of a collection of documents residing in the Museum of Turk-
ish and Islamic Art in Istanbul (Trk ve slam Eserleri Mzesi).21 A great
number of the texts were documents from the Seljuk and Burid periods
(eleventh and twelfth centuries), but most important for the history of
block printing were a number of block-printed a (pilgrimage) certifi-
cates dating from the eleventh to fourteenth centuries.22
The publication of the early a texts by Sourdel and Sourdel-Thomine
was succeeded in 2000 by a study devoted specifically to the block-printed
materials from the thirteenth century.23 This contribution reveals that
block printing had achieved a high degree of technical and artistic sophis-
tication in that period. Not only was text elegantly reproduced, but so
too were renderings of significant landmarks and structures associated
with the Muslim pilgrimage. Interestingly, Sourdel and Sourdel-Thomine
intimate24 that the block-printed certificates were designed for a clientele
of modest means.
Reports of newly discovered block prints continue to appear inter-
mittently and block-printed amulets are no longer the rarity they once
were. Indeed, in just the six years since the publication of my study of the
known American and European collections,25 several more amulets have

21 D. Sourdel and J. Sourdel-Thomine, Nouveaux documents sur lhistoire religieuse


et sociale de Damas au Moyen-Age, Revue des etudes islamiques 32 (1964): 125. Most
recently, these scholars have published Certificats de plerinage dpoque ayyoubide (Paris:
Acadmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 2006), which deals specifically with the a
certificates.
22The collection was first brought to notice in Sourdel-Thomine and Sourdel, Nou-
veaux documents. A more detailed and comprehensive treatment of the materials relat-
ing to the pilgrimage was presented in D. Sourdel and J. Sourdel-Thomine, Une collection
mdivale de certificats de plerinage Mekke conservs Istanbul, tudes Mdivales et
Patrimoine Turc, ed. J. Sourdel-Thomine (Paris: CNRS, 1983), 167273.
23ule Aksoy and Rachel Milstein, A Collection of Thirteenth-Century Illustrated Hajj
Certificates, in M. Uur Derman armaan: altmbeinci ya mnasebetiyle sunulmu
tebliler. M.Uur Derman Festschrift: papers presented on the occasion of his sixty-fifth birth-
day, ed. rvin Cemil Schick (Istanbul: Sabanc niversitesi letiim Merkezi, 2000), 101134.
Subsequently, at the First Symposium on the History of Printing and Publishing in the
Languages and Countries of the Middle East in Mainz in 2002, Prof. Milstein presented
an illustrated lecture on these materials (Thirteenth-century Stamped Documents from
Damascus, 9 Sept. 2002).
24Sourdel and Sourdel-Thomine, Certificats de plerinage, 77.
25Schaefer, Enigmatic Charms.
10 karl schaefer

been brought to my attention by colleagues. For example, Dr. Matt


Malczycki, formerly at the American University in Cairo and now at Auburn
University, has told me of a small collection of unknown extent housed
in the J. Willard Marriott Library at the University of Utah. Dr. Malczycki
encountered these examples while he was a graduate student at Utah
and has provided me with digital images of some of them.26 Both he and
Dr. Geoffrey Roper also have called to my attention four fragmentary
examples held in the Gayer-Anderson Museum in Cairo. One of the lat-
ter is remarkable for the inclusion of representations of animal figures,
something I personally have not previously encountered in block-printed
amulets.
One of the most potentially exciting (re)discoveries relating to medival
Arabic block printing was quite the result of serendipity. Recently, I was
conducting one of my periodic literature searches to see if I had over-
looked any possible sources for block prints. Having long since learned
that it was unlikely that earlier scholars would have recognised medival
Arabic amulets as printed objects, I had begun to alter my search param-
eters. Instead of using such words or phrases as print, printing, or
block print, in conjunction with the word Arabic, I replaced those
words with the term amulet or equivalent terms in Arabic. While such
searches invariably retrieved records for articles and books that had noth-
ing to do with block printing, I occasionally found usefuland previously
overlookedpieces of research. One such search in the electronic ver-
sion of Index Islamicus returned a contribution to a 1920 Festschrift with
the unremarkable title, Some Specimens of Moslem Charms.27 The book
containing this article is not widely held, but I was able to obtain a copy
through a second-hand book service.
Upon its receipt, I turned to the chapter in question and found, facing
the opening page, a photo of a metal disc bearing Arabic text.
The text was quite clear and legible and I was at the point of assuming
that this was simply a metal amuletof which a number of examples are
known to exist. Fortunately, however, I took the trouble to begin read-

26This collection has now been published. The library at the University of Utah holds
seven block-printed amulets. See Mark Muehlhaeusler, Eight Arabic Block Prints from the
Collection of Aziz S. Atiya, Arabica 55, nos. 56 (Oct. 2008): 528582. The eighth block
print in the title of this article is held by the Lilly Library at the University of Indiana and
was also published in Schaefer, Enigmatic Charms.
27William Barron Stevenson, Some Specimens of Moslem Charms, in Studia Semitica
et Orientalia (Glasgow: Glasgow University Oriental Society, 1920): 84114.
medival arabic block printing: state of the field 11

Fig. 4.Arabic printing block 1919.80.e, source: Glasgow Museum Resource Center

ing the text and found in the very first paragraph this statement: The
engraving of the characters is reversed, so that it would seem to be a stamp
or matrix for the stamping or printing of charms (emphasis mine).28 The
image of the disc, clearly, had itself been reversed in the process of publica-
tion and showed the text as a positive, with the wording in the proper ori-
entation. Anyone simply leafing through the book, then, would not grasp
the importance of this artefact for the history of Arabic block printing. In
addition, the fact that this piece has lain in the Kelvingrove Museum29 in
Glasgow for nearly a century with its importance only tangentially noted
points up a further difficulty in the study of Arabic block printing: that the

28Stevenson, Some Specimens of Moslem Charms, 84. The matrix bears the accession
number 1919.80.e. Little is apparently known about its provenance beyond the fact that it
was acquired in 1919.
29Currently housed in the Glasgow Museum Resource Centre, 200 Woodhead Road,
Nitshill, Glasgow.
12 karl schaefer

available evidence remains scattered both chronologically and spatially.


A comprehensive, thorough analysis of the totality of that evidence thus
continues to elude us.
All this is not to say that progress toward a deeper appreciation of
block-printing technology in medival Islam has not been achieved.
Much has been done, particularly in the past twenty-five years, to give us
a clearer understanding of the roles and functions of block printing in that
time and place. While many of the conclusions remain tentative, based as
they are on slim evidence and fragile premises, we can begin to discern a
much more complete picture through the ink smudges. Most important
is the recognition that certain medival Arab societies had adopted or
developed a technology that allowed them to create multiple copies of
written texts and, to a lesser extent, images of architectural structures and
animals. Block-printed texts are most frequently found on amulets, many
contained within decorative borders, which are also block printed. Both
text and representations of structures feature prominently on the pilgrim-
age certificates.
Block printing seems to have been practised by different segments of
the population, varying perhaps according to geography as well as time.
This much is indicated by the rare accounts of block printing found in
Arabic historical narratives. No substantive description of the medival
block-printing process has yet come to light and none may, in fact, have
been recorded. Nonetheless, a few offhand remarks and incidental obser-
vations have been preserved. While many of these are problematic, due to
opaque language and puzzling syntax among other textual issues, enough
prose exists to enable us to make confident statements about certain
aspects of medival Arabic block printing.
If we are to accept the few extant historical accounts at face value, the
creation of amulets was one of the earliest purposes to which the tech-
nology was put. Ibn al-Nadm mentions Egyptian magicians employing
stamps in his tenth-century Fihrist.30 C. E. Bosworths definitive study
of the Ban Ssn31 examines two poems produced by members of the
medival Arabic demi mondeone in the tenth and the second in the

30Ibn al-Nadm, al-Fihrist (Cairo, 1960), 1:623. The references in the following section
may be found in the chapter The (Re)discovery of Arabic Block Printing in my work,
Enigmatic Charms, 2140.
31 C. E. Bosworth, The Mediaeval Islamic Underworld: The Ban Ssn in Arabic Litera-
ture and Society (Leiden: Brill, 1976).
medival arabic block printing: state of the field 13

fourteenth century CEwhich refer to the creation of arshes32 or matri-


ces used to create block-printed amulets, or so it is reasonable to surmise
given the corroborative evidence of dozens of block-printed amulets. Not
only do the two poems, written four centuries apart, speak of the same
(or at least a very similar) process, but the Kelvingrove matrix now makes
available to us an example of the kind of metal tool which might have
been used for this purpose.33
The testimony of Vaf concerning the production of block-printed
paper currency in late thirteenth-century Tabriz by the Ilkhanid ruler
Gayat seems to be a clear indication that at least one ruler in the
Muslim world was aware of the Chinese practice of printing currency. In
this instance, the image on the Tabrizi currency of a Chinese character
indicates a direct connection between the Islamic experiment and the
Chinese tradition.34 The question remains, however, whether other mani-
festations of block printing in medival Islam were independent develop-
ments, or whether they, too, were borrowed from the Chinese.35 Whatever
may be the case, and however ill-starred or misguided the money-printing
venture, there was an obvious attempt to bring printing technology to the
service of the economy.
Somewhat earlier, in the first half of the thirteenth century CE, there
is an account of a court officer in southern al-Andalus who apparently
had edicts printed before they were distributed to the various provincial
governors.36 The debate regarding this account seems to turn on the inter-
pretation of the word ab and whether it should indeed be read as a refer-
ence to printing. Another intriguing reference to block printing is found
in a fourteenth-century Andalusian work from Granada. Ibn al-abs
Kitb al-ia f abr gharna37 contains an account of one Ab Bakr
Muammad b. Muammad al-Qalals al-Andalus who had written a

32See note 15.


33This claim is made in full awareness that the provenance and antiquity of the Kelvin-
grove matrix has yet to be determined. There is a possibility that it is a product of a much
later period, perhaps seventeenth or eighteenth century.
34Jahn, Das Iranische Papiergeld, 331; Jahn, Paper Currency in Iran, 131.
35There is a dispute about this. Carter says that the procedure used by the Arabs is the
same as that used by the Chinese; Bulliet argues for an independent, perhaps homegrown
invention. See T. F. Carter, The Westward Movement of the Art of Printing: Turkestan,
Persia, and Egypt as Milestones in the Long Migration from China to Europe, Yearbook
of Oriental Art and Culture, 19241925 (London, 1925), 25; and R. Bulliet, Medieval Arabic
arsh, 432433.
36Ibn al-Abbr, Kitb al-ullah al-syar (Cairo, 1984), 252253.
37Ibn al-ab, al-Ita f abr gharna (Cairo, 1976).
14 karl schaefer

work entitled Tuaf al-aw f uraf al-aw. One version of this work,
now published in a critical edition,38 contains a brief account of print-
ing or a printing device. Taken in conjunction with the evidence of the
printing block from Almera, these texts offer strong circumstantial evi-
dence for at least two applications of printing technology which involved
the governmental and commercial realms in thirteenth- and fourteenth-
century Islamic Spain.
Physical evidence in the documents themselves provides more valu-
able information about the history of block printing by medival Mus-
lims. That vellum was used as a print medium for two amulets suggests
that the practice of block printing in the Islamic realms began quite early,
predating the introduction of paper, at least in parts of the region. While it
is true that the use of materials other than paper (e.g., vellum, parchment,
papyrus) continued in certain areas after the introduction of paper, the
rapid adoption of the new material everywhere but Egypt argues for a rela-
tively early date for the inception of block printing in the Islamic world.
In sum, it would seem clear that if block printing was not a prevalent
activity in medival Islam, neither was it uncommon. It was put to a vari-
ety of purposes and appears to have continued over quite a long period of
time. This is not to say that block printing was used for the same purpose
in every time and in every place; the existence of block-printed amulets
from Egypt and Iraq, the attempt to produce paper money in Persia, the
production of pilgrimage certificates in Syria, and accounts of govern-
mental and commercial applications in Andalus would suggest that dif-
ferent people at different times exploited the technology in a variety of
applications.
That the Andalusian printing block illustrated in the 1852 Hammer-
Purgstall article39 was of wood and the Kelvingrove matrix of bronze sug-
gests further that there was either a variety of materials used for creating
the printing blocks or that there was at some point a technical advance
made somewhere in the medival Arabic-speaking world. The use of metal
may have been a local practice, since af al-Dn al-ill (12781348?), the
Iraqi poet cited by Bosworth,40 mentions the fashioning of arshes from
tin. Except for the wooden block from Almera, no wooden printing blocks

38Ab Bakr Muammad b. Muammad al-Qalals al-Andalus, Tuaf al-aw fi uraf


al-aw, ed. usm Mutar al-Abbadi (Alexandria: Maktabat al-Iskandariya, 2007).
39See Hammer-Purgstall, Sur un passage curieux de lIhathet.
40Bosworth, Mediaeval Islamic Underworld, pt. 2:298.
medival arabic block printing: state of the field 15

seem to have survived,41 and the use of relatively less durable wood would
explain in part why no matrices for amulets have been found. Needless to
say, the discovery of even one such object would be extremely valuable
for our knowledge of the craft.
Many questions remain to be answered and many more will no doubt
arise as research into medival Arabic block printing goes forward. There
has been a great deal of progress toward a more holistic understanding
of this phenomenon in the recent past, advanced in no small measure by
the inauguration of the triennial symposia on the history of Middle East-
ern printing, some papers from the third of which are published in this
volume. These gatherings have not only raised awareness of the topic, but
have also served as forums for exchanging information about sources and
additional examples of the craft. As in all such gatherings, questions posed
during presentations of research papers have also spurred investigators
in new directions and prompted re-evaluations of accepted knowledge.
Moreover, by raising awareness about block printing among a large num-
ber of interested scholars, there is a greater chance that important new
information will be uncovered.

Bibliography

Aksoy, ule and Rachel Milstein. A Collection of Thirteenth-Century Illustrated Hajj


Certificates. In M. Uur Derman armaan: altmbeinci ya mnasebetiyle sunulmu
tebliler. M. Uur Derman Festschrift: papers presented on the occasion of his sixty-fifth
birthday, edited by rvin Cemil Schick, 101134. Istanbul: Sabanc niversitesi letiim
Merkezi, 2000.
Arnold, T. W. and A. Grohmann. The Islamic Book. Paris, 1929.
Bosworth, C. E. The Mediaeval Islamic Underworld: The Ban Ssn in Arabic Literature and
Society. Leiden: Brill, 1976.
Bulliet, Richard W. Medieval Arabic arsh: A Forgotten Chapter in the History of Arabic
Printing. Journal of the American Oriental Society 107 (1987): 427438.
Carter, Thomas Francis. The Invention of Printing in China and Its Spread Westward. New
York: Columbia University Press, 1925; 2nd ed. 1955.
. The Westward Movement of the Art of Printing: Turkestan, Persia, and Egypt as
Milestones in the Long Migration from China to Europe. Yearbook of Oriental Art and
Culture (19241925): 1928.

41The only piece of indirect evidence we have that wood may have been used to
make printing blocks is the testimony of Vaf who, according to Jahn (Das Iranische
Papiergeld, 335; Paper Currency in Iran, 131), says that when the population of Tabriz
finally prevailed upon the government to withdraw the paper currency, they destroyed (by
fire) all the scrip and the device used to make it.
16 karl schaefer

Demeerseman, A. Limprimerie en Orient et au Maghreb: une tape dcisive de la culture et


de la psychologie sociale islamique. Tunis, 1954. Also published in IBLA 17 (1954): 148
and 113140.
Fenton, Paul B. Une xylographie arabe mdivale la Bibliothque Nationale et Univer-
sitaire de Strasbourg. Arabica 50, no. 1 (2003): 114117.
Grohmann, Adolf. Allgemeine Einfhrung in die arabischen Papyri nebst Grundzgen der
arabischen Diplomatik. Vienna, 1924.
Guo, Li. Commerce, Culture, and Community in a Red Sea Port in the Thirteenth Century: The
Arabic Documents from Quseir. Leiden: Brill, 2004.
Hammer-Purgstall, Joseph. Sur un passage curieux de lIhathet, sur lart dimprimer chez
les arabes en Espagne. Journal asiatique 4e. serie, 20 (AoutSeptembre 1852): 252255.
Ibn al-Abbr. Kitb al-ullah al-syar. Cairo, 1984.
Ibn al-ab, Muammad b. Abdallh (13131374). al-Ita f abr gharna. Edited by
Muammad Abdallh Inn. Cairo, 1976.
Ibn al-Nadm. al-Fihrist, taqq Shabn alfa wa-Wald Muammad al-Awza. Cairo:
al-Arab li-l-Nar wa-l-Tawz, 1960, vol. 1.
Jahn, Karl. Das iranische Papiergeld: ein Beitrag zur Kultur- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte
Irans in der Mongolzeit. Archiv Orientlni 10 (1938): 308340.
. Paper Currency in Iran: A Contribution to the Cultural and Economic History of
Iran in the Mongol Period. Journal of Asian History 4 (1970): 101135.
Krek, Miroslav. Arabic Block Printing as the Precursor of Printing in Europe: Preliminary
Report. ARCE [American Research Center in Egypt] Newsletter 129 (1985): 1216.
Kubiak, Wadysaw and George T. Scanlon. Fu Expedition Final Report, vol. 2: Fu-C.
Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1989.
Levi della Vida, Giorgio. An Arabic Block Print. Scientific Monthly 59, no. 6 (1944):
473474.
Lunde, Paul. A Missing Link. ARAMCO World 32, no. 2 (1981): 2627.
Muehlhaeusler, Mark. Eight Arabic Block Prints from the Collection of Aziz S. Atiya. Ara-
bica 55, nos. 56 (Oct. 2008): 528582.
Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer: Fhrer durch die Ausstellung. Vienna: Hlder, 1894.
al-Qalals al-Andalus, Ab Bakr Muammad b. Muammad. Tuaf al-aw fi uraf
al-aw, f anat al-amidda wa-l-ab wa-l-adhn. Edited by usm Mutar
al-Abbadi. Alexandria: Maktabat al-Iskandarya, 2007.
Schaefer, Karl R. Eleven Medieval Arabic Block Prints in the Cambridge University
Library. Arabica 48, no. 2 (2001): 210239.
. Enigmatic Charms: Medieval Arabic Block Printed Amulets in American and European
Libraries and Museums. Leiden: Brill, 2006.
. The Scheide Tarsh. Princeton University Library Chronicle 56, no. 3 (1995):
400430.
Sourdel, Dominique and Janine Sourdel-Thomine. Certificats de plerinage dpoque ayyou-
bide: contribution lhistoire de lidologie de lIslam au temps des croisades. Paris: Aca-
dmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 2006.
. Nouveaux documents sur lhistoire religieuse et sociale de Damas au Moyen-Age.
Revue des tudes islamiques 32 (1964): 125.
. Une collection mdivale de certificats de plerinage Mekke conservs Istan-
bul. In tudes mdivales et patrimoine turc, edited by J. Sourdel-Thomine, 167273.
Paris: CNRS, 1983.
Stevenson, William Barron. Some Specimens of Moslem Charms. In Studia Semitica et
Orientalia, 84114. Glasgow: Glasgow University Oriental Society, 1920.
Frher Druck mit arabischen Typen in Leipzig
17.18. Jahrhundert

Boris Liebrenz

Ausgangspunkt der folgenden berlegungen soll, wie so oft, wenn es um


orientalische Studien in Leipzig geht, eine Bemerkung Johann Jacob Reis-
kes (17161774) sein. Nicht nur seine herausragenden wissenschaftlichen
Leistungen sondern auch seine Lebensbeschreibung und Briefe haben
unseren Blick auf die Orientalistik seiner Zeit entscheidend geprgt. Oft
genug sehen wir durch das Prisma seiner Vorurteile und persnlichen
Feindschaften und laufen Gefahr, Opfer der literarischen Strategien sei-
ner Selbstdarstellung zu werden. Im Falle des Buchdrucks mit arabischen
Typen malt sein bekannter Brief aus dem Jahre 1755 an Johann David
Michaelis die schiere materielle Unmglichkeit aus, in Leipzig mit arabi-
scher Schrift zu drucken: Ich zweiffle ob wir so viel arab. Typen hier wer-
den zusammenbringen knnen, um einen eintzigen Bogen zu drucken.1
Und in der Tat druckte er in der in Frage stehenden Publikation nur einen
halben Bogen, und musste diesen auf separaten Blttern hinter den latei-
nischen Text binden lassen.
Dieses dstere Bild will scheinbar gar nicht zusammenpassen mit dem
Zeugnis eines Buches, publiziert mehr als 30 Jahre vor Reiskes Brief, wel-
ches den umfangreichsten arabischen Text enthlt, der in dieser Stadt
bis dahin gedruckt wurde und der dies fr eine lange Zeit auch bleiben
sollte. Sein Herausgeber Georg Wallin (16861760) war ein Schwede, der
die schsische Messestadt whlte, um eine Handschrift aus Paris her-
auszugeben. Warum sollte fr ihn mglich gewesen sein, woran Reiske
drei Jahrzehnte spter verzweifelte? Eine tiefergehende Suche bringt
eine lange, wenn auch in ihrem Umfang beschrnkte Tradition Leipziger
Arabisch-Drucke mit einer ganzen Reihe prominenter Autoren, Drucker
und Verleger zutage. Einen Text zu edieren blieb dabei nicht allein die
Entscheidung eines autonomen wissenschaftlichen Ethos. Ein ganzes
Netz von technischen Voraussetzungen und Interessen (Autoren, Verlage,
Drucker, Markt) bedingte, was publiziert wurde und zu welcher Quali-
tt dies geschehen konnte. Die Frage nach den Mglichkeiten, Texte in

1Johann Jacob Reiske, Briefe, hrsg. Richard Foerster (Leipzig, 1897): 556.
18 boris liebrenz

arabischer Schrift zu publizieren fhrt somit gleichzeitig zu einem Kern-


problem der Frhgeschichte der orientalistischen Fcher in Europa, dem
der materiellen Voraussetzungen fr ihre wissenschaftliche Produktion.

I.Chronologischer Abri

1.Vor Reiske
Es ist allerdings richtig, dass eigenstndige Publikationen mit arabischen
Lettern erst verhltnismig spt in Leipzig erschienen, besonders im
Hinblick auf die essentielle Bedeutung dieser Stadt als eines fhrenden,
manchmal sogar des fhrenden Zentrums des europischen Buchdruc-
kes. Freilich verlegte Hieronymus Megiser (15541619)2 hier bereits 1612
seine Pionierarbeit einer Trkisch-Grammatik, die Institutiones Linguae
Turcicae. Aber dieses Werk des Kurschsischen Hofhistoriographen blieb
nicht nur ohne direkte Nachfolger, es ist sogar fraglich, inwieweit hier der
Beginn des Leipziger Druckes in arabischer Schrift zu suchen ist. Megiser
hatte sich mangels einheimischer Produktion an Peter Kirstens (1577
1640) aus Breslau,3 einen ehemaligen Leipziger Studenten, gewandt und
zumindest im ersten von vier Bnden dessen berhmte arabische Typen
fr seine trkischen Beispiele benutzen knnen. Ein Hinweis auf Leip-
zig als Verlagsort findet sich aber erst am Ende des IV. Buches. Buch I
ist eindeutig separat vom Rest des Werkes gedruckt. Eine Vorrede Kir-
stens zum I. Buch scheint dagegen nahezulegen, dass er selbst den Druck
besorgte, und er wird dies wohl in Breslau getan haben.4 Leider muss man
zudem konstatieren, dass diese fr ihre Zeit beeindruckenden Typen Kir-
stens bei allen Schwchen die sthetisch und qualitativ hochwertigsten
waren, die in Leipzig bis zum Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts zum Einsatz
kamen. Ihnen folgten fast acht Jahrzehnte ohne eine Spur von Drucken
mit beweglichen arabischen Lettern.
Im Jahre 1625 aber wurde ein Kupferstich benutzt, um ein kleines arabi-
sches Gedicht aus der Feder Johannes Zechendorffs (15801662)5 wie-
derzugeben, was man neben sthetischen Grnden wohl mit dem Fehlen

2Holger Preiler: Orientalische Studien (2005): 2223. An biographischen Referenzen


werden im Folgenden die generell zu konsultierenden Artikel von Allgemeiner Deutscher
Biographie oder Neuer Deutscher Biographie nicht gesondert auffhren.
3Ibid., 2122.
4Hieronymus Megiser: Institutiones Linguae Turcicae, Buch I (Leipzig, 1612): S. 1 des
unpaginierten Vorwortes.
5Preiler: Orientalische Studien (2005): 22.
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 19

entsprechender beweglicher Lettern in den Leipziger Offizinen dieser


Zeit erklren darf. Zechendorff hatte in Leipzig studiert, wurde dann aber
Rektor der Zwickauer Ratsschule, wo er seinen Schlern auch einige ori-
entalische Sprachen lehrte, darunter Arabisch. Zum Erlernen dieser Spra-
che hatte ihn sein Zwickauer Amtskollege Vitus Wolfrum (15641626)
angeregt, der es sich selbst noch in weit fortgeschrittenem Alter autodi-
daktisch aneignete. Wolfrums Nox Cygnea, exhibens Dissertationem in lau-
dem linguae Arabicae erschien 1625 in Leipzig bei Gregor Ritzsch und
enthielt das erwhnte Gedicht Zechendorffs zum Lob seines Lehrers.6 Das
Niveau der Lehre mag man in den vielen groben Fehlern sehen, die allein
in diesen wenigen Zeilen zum Vorschein kommen.7
Holzschnitte und Kupferstiche sollten die bevorzugte Druckmethode
derjenigen bleiben, die auf das sthetische Erscheinungsbild ihrer Werke
greren Wert legten, und sind somit keinesfalls nur mit einem Mangel
an beweglichen Lettern in Verbindung zu bringen. Das wird besonders
deutlich in den unten behandelten Werken Georg Jacob Kehrs, dessen
Neigung zur Kalligraphie ihn diese Methode mehrere Male nutzen lie.
Frhestens seit den spten 1660er Jahren muss es aber auch eine mit
einer ganzen Reihe orientalischer Alphabete ausgestattete Druckerpresse
in Leipzig gegeben haben. Sie war im Besitz des niederlndischen Schrift-
gieers Anton Janson (16201687), bekannt durch die bis heute als
Janson-Antiqua berhmte, ihm flschlich zugeschriebene Schrift. Janson
kam wahrscheinlich 1668 nach Leipzig. Hier kaufte er eine Schriftgieerei,8
fr die er orientalische Typen verschiedenster Sprachen schuf oder aus
deren Bestand er sie vermarktete? und mit einem Probenblatt publik
machte. Darauf sind Texte auf Hebrisch, Samaritanisch, Syrisch, Ara-
bisch, thiopisch und Armenisch zu finden.9 Der voll vokalisierte arabi-
sche Text von drei Zeilen (20 Wrtern) enthlt einen Spruch aus dem
Psalter Davids. Aufflligste stilistische Merkmale sind etwa das stark nach
rechts geneigte lm oder das mit rundem Bauch weit unter die Grund-
linie gezogene isolierte End-kf. Mit diesen Schriftproben begann eine
stilistische Tradition arabischer Typen in Leipzig denn Jansons Alphabet

6Die Kenntnis dieses seltenen Werkes verdanke ich dem freundlichen Hinweis von
Geoffrey Roper.
7Zechendorff schreibt in Zeile 4: y karma mualliman anstatt y muallimun
al-karm; Zeile 5: li-anna al-qawlaka anstelle von li-anna qawlaka um nur die offensicht-
lichsten grammatischen Fehler zu nennen und die krude Syntax auen vor zu lassen.
8Die Schriftgieerei Johann Erich Hahns. Gener: Die so nthig als ntzliche
Buchdruckerkunst und Schriftgieerey, I (Leipzig, 1740): 117.
9Vgl. Eva Hanebutt-Benz: Schriftproben (2002): 23 u. Abb. 9.
20 boris liebrenz

war zumindest das Modell fr die Drucke der kommenden hundert Jahre.
Aber Janson war Schriftgieer, brachte also kein Buch eigenstndig her-
aus, sondern gab seine Schriftstze an Autoren und Verlage weiter. Ob
diese seiner Dienste jeweils gedachten entscheidet darber, was wir ber
sein Wirken und das seiner arabischen Typen wissen. Zu Lebzeiten ist
deren Benutzung nicht dokumentiert, doch stellt sich die Frage, wer die
umfangreichen orientalischen Typenstze nach seinem Tod bernommen
haben knnte.
Erst mit dem Auftreten von Andreas Acoluthus (16541704)10 und der
damit einhergehenden Belebung der orientalischen Studien an der Alma
Mater Lipsiensis bekamen die lokalen Pressen berhaupt neues Material.
Acoluthus blieb zwar nur kurze Zeit in Leipzig (ab 16751681), publizierte
hier aber auch nach dem Weggang in seine Heimatstadt Breslau weiter,
wohl auch weil die Typen Peter Kirstens inzwischen nach Uppsala gelangt
waren.11 Der Drucker seiner Wahl war Justin Brand (in Leipzig nachge-
wiesen 16781688).12 Die beiden begannen ihre Zusammenarbeit gleich
nach Brands Ankunft im Jahr 1680 mit der berhmten ersten Edition eines
zusammenhngenden armenischen Textes in Deutschland, dem Obadias
Armenus.13 Acoluthus vertraute auch zwei Jahre spter wieder auf Brand,
als er seinen Aquis Amaris herausgab, eine alttestamentliche Studie, die
zur Erklrung einer Bibelstelle Quellen aus der gesamten Bandbreite von
Acoluthus breiter Sprachkenntnis heranzog, darunter auch oft arabi-
sche Texte, die aber nur gelegentlich im Originalalphabet wiedergegeben
wurden.
Der Aquis Amaris enthielt auch eine Passage, welche sehr an eine
Schriftprobe im Sinne derjenigen Anton Jansons denken lsst. Auch hier
wird ein Bibelvers in dutzenden bersetzungen orientalischer und euro-
pischer Sprachen und Alphabete wiederholt, darunter Arabisch und
Persisch (insgesamt 14 Wrter).14 Brand hatte also eine groe Auswahl
an orientalischen Schriften anzubieten. Nach einer Quelle war seine

10M. L. H. Trommler: Leben und Schriften des Hrn. Andreas Akoluth (1761); Preiler:
Orientalische Studien (2005): 2628; Boris Liebrenz: Arabische, persische und trkische
Handschriften in Leipzig (Leipzig, 2008): 1315.
11Johannes O. Alnander: Historiola artis typographicae in Svecia (Rostock / Leipzig,
1725): 96.
12Gener: Die so nthig als ntzliche Buchdruckerkunst, I (1740): 119 u. III (1741): 304305;
Christoph Reske: Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden, 2007): 543.
13Vgl. Boris Liebrenz: Andreas Acoluthus und der Beginn des armenischen Druckes
(2009): 4648.
14Andreas Acoluthus: Aquis Amaris (Leipzig, 1682): 197198.
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 21

Druckerei sogar hauptschlich fr diese orientalischen Typen bekannt.15


Benutzen konnte er sie dennoch kaum. Brands Wirken in Leipzig war
nur von kurzer Dauer und fiel in eine Zeit, in der noch wenige Publi-
kationen diese speziellen Fertigkeiten bentigten. Neben den recht kur-
zen arabischen Zitaten im Aquis Amaris tauchte Arabisch nur noch auf
dem Titelblatt eines populreren Werkes, der polemischen Neu erffnete
Trcken=Schule von Franciscus Traugott aus dem Jahr 1684 auf. Hier
zeigt ein Holzschnitt zwei sehr krude und geradezu entstellende Widerga-
ben des Wortes al-Qurn. Und wiederum 1684 sind arabische Drucktypen
auffallend abwesend aus Georg Mbius Disputationsschrift Disquisitio
theologica de Causis & mediis, quae Mahomedisticam religionem partim
introduxerunt, partim adhuc conservant, deren Thema eine Verwendung
arabischen Materials eigentlich verlangt htte.
Die von Brand benutzten arabischen Typen gleichen denen Jansons in
ziemlich jedem Detail. Aber das immer noch mehrheitlich zu findende
rechtsneigende lm ist ergnzt durch eines mit gerader Haste, manchmal
finden sich beide sogar direkt nebeneinander. Bedeutet dies, Brand habe
1682 Jansons Schriften benutzt, welche im Vergleich zur Schriftprobe eine
Verbesserung erfuhren?
Auf Acoluthus folgte in den Jahren 1682 bis 1689 sein eigener Lehrer,
August Pfeiffer (16401698).16 Dieser hatte die Beherrschung einer
ganzen Reihe orientalischer Sprachen bereits in seinen Publikationen als
Professor in Wittenberg unter Beweis gestellt. Nur musste er dort fr die
Wiedergabe der vielen von ihm benutzten exotischen Schriften entweder
mit Holzschnitten arbeiten, wie in einem Preisgedicht auf den Kurfr-
sten Johann Georg II. in fnfzehn Sprachen;17 oder er setzte seine arabi-
schen Zitate mit hebrischen Lettern, eine bei der Verwandtschaft beider
semitischer Sprachen naheliegende Methode, die auch viel spter noch
verbreitet war.18 Diese letzte Methode fand ihre Verwendung in einer

15Zu Herrn Justinus Brandt ist anzumercken, da dessen Buchdruckerey aus lauter
orientalischen Schriften bestanden. Gener: Die so nthig als ntzliche Buchdruckerkunst,
III (1741): 305.
16Preiler: Orientalische Studien (2005): 26.
17Jahr=Opffer/ Welches dem Durchleuchtigsten / (...) / Herrn Johann Georgen dem
Andern / (...) / durch einen unterthnigsten Glckwunsch / in funfzehen Haupt= und aus-
wertigen Sprachen / Demtigst und allergehorsamst abstattet M. Augustus Pfeiffer (...).
Wittenberg, In der Fincelischen Druckerey / drucks Elias Fiebig Anno 1670.
18Im selben Jahr ist in Leipzig auch die Wiedergabe einiger Koranzitate in hebrischer
Schrift zu verzeichnen; vgl. Martini, Raymundus: Pugio fidei adversus Mauros et Judaeos.
Hrsg. von J.B. Carpzov. Leipzig 1687; arabisch und Koranzitate: Pars II, cap. VIII, art. IX
(S. 365f.); pars III, dist. III, Cap. VII, art. XIV (S. 749750).
22 boris liebrenz

Abb. 1.Beispiele von Christoph Fleischers kurzlebiger, nur 1687 angewandter


Schrift. Im oberen Beispiel wird der Name Muammad als uammad verschrie-
ben. Pfeiffer: Theologiae, S. 267 u. 281

voluminsen Sammlung philologischer Studien aus dem Jahr 1665 mit


einer Vielzahl arabischer Belege.19 Pfeiffer unternahm eine Neuauflage
dieser Sammlung in seiner Leipziger Zeit. Sie erschien 1687 unter dem
neuen Titel Theologiae (...) Judaicae atque Mohammedicae (...) princi-
pia, in Inhalt und Anordnung kaum verndert. Und auch die Methode,
arabische Zitate mit hebrischen Schriftzeichen wiederzugeben blieb die-
selbe. Mit einer interessanten Ausnahme: Nur am Beginn des sechsten
Kapitels De Muhammedis Impostoris Alkorano wurden einige, jedoch nicht
alle, der im Original hebrisch geschriebenen Worte nun durch eine sehr
eckige arabische Type ersetzt. [Abb. 1] Die ungelenken Bemhungen,
isolierte arabische Buchstaben ohne die ntigen Verbindungen aneinan-
derzureihen werfen gleich die Frage auf, ob dieser verfehlte Versuch in
bereinstimmung mit Pfeiffers Vorstellungen entstanden ist, besonders
da er sich auf einige Wrter im sechsten Kapitel beschrnkt und sofort
wieder aufgegeben wurde. Die Qualitt der Schrift selbst bleibt noch weit
hinter denen Jansons oder Brands zurck und zeigt auch die Unfhigkeit
des Setzers, die Buchstaben korrekt zu verbinden oder auch nur zu unter-
scheiden. Dies geht in einem Fall sogar so weit, dass das Anfangs-mm im
Namen Muammad durch ein d ersetzt ist und so der absurde Name
uammad entsteht!20
Der Verleger dieses Buches war mit Johann Friedrich Gleditsch
(16531716) der Knig der deutschen Buchhndler. Sein Name ist nicht
nur durch die Drucke seines Verlagshauses mit den orientalischen Studien

19Fasciculus dissertationum philologicarum, in quibus agitur de Talmude Judaeorum,


eorundem in Christum & Christianos calumniis, Nec non Antiquis Haeresibus; De Alkorano
Muhammedis, & Persarum atque Turcarum circa Religionem dissidiis; De Lingua Protopla-
storum, Nominibus Divinis, etc. (...) Wittebergae, Literis & impensis Michaelis Wendt/
Anno MDCLXV.
20August Pfeiffer: Theologiae... principia sublesta (Leipzig, 1687): 267.
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 23

Leipzigs verbunden. Gleditsch war auch der Besitzer einer der wertvoll-
sten und prchtigsten Koranhandschriften, die jemals angefertigt wurden,
nmlich eines Teils des Prachtkorans des mongolischen lniden-Sultans
lyt. Er vermachte diesen Schatz im Jahr 1692 der Leipziger Ratsbiblio-
thek. Auch sonst handelte er mit orientalischen Handschriften und die
Ratsbibliothek kaufte von ihm.21
Der Druck mit arabischen Lettern war also eine weitere orientalische
Facette dieses vielseitig interessierten Verlegers. Neben August Pfeiffers
Arbeiten sind es die seiner verlegerischen Initiative zu verdankenden
berhmten Acta Eruditorum, ein seinerzeit bahnbrechendes und fcher-
bergreifendes Rezensionsorgan, die in ihren einschlgigen Beitrgen zu
orientalistischen Fragen auch ab und an arabische, trkische oder persi-
sche Wrter im Original druckten.22 Die dafr verwendeten Typen sind
nun wieder in der Tradition Jansons und nach den Regeln der Zeit gefl-
lig. Doch erst lange nach dem Tod des Verlagsgrnders machte man sich
auch an die Verffentlichung grerer Texte mit einem hheren Bedarf
an Typen. Das renommierte Haus verlegte Werke von Reiske und hatte
auch sonst gelegentlich Bedarf, kleinere Passagen in Originalschriften zu
setzen, wie weiter unten zu zeigen sein wird.
Aber waren Gleditsch und sein Verlag auch verantwortlich fr die Her-
stellung der orientalischen Alphabete? Es scheint eher der Fall zu sein,
dass man sich zu diesem Zweck jeweils der Expertise von Spezialisten
bediente. Gleditsch verlegte zwar 1683 August Pfeiffers alttestament-
liche Studie Prophetia Obadiae, lie den Druck aber von Justin Brand
besorgen. Fr die oben genannte Theologiae (...) Judaicae atque Mohamme-
dicae (...) principia von 1687 war es der sonst kaum bekannte Christoph
Fleischer,23 welcher als Drucker genannt wird. Damit brachte Gleditsch
wohl zum einzigen Mal dessen kurzlebige arabische Type ans Licht. Es
knnte hier spekuliert werden, dass der Tod Anton Jansons in diesem Jahr
einen kurzfristigen und misslungenen Versuch notwendig machte,
schnellstmglich Ersatz zu schaffen. Dass der Verlag selbst wohl trotz ver-
schiedener in den Acta Eruditorum benutzter Alphabete ber keine derar-
tigen Typen im Bestand verfgte, scheinen auch die spteren Drucke bis
hin zu Reiskes Abil Walidi von 1755 nahezulegen. Orientalische Themen

21Liebrenz: Arabische, persische und trkische Handschriften (2008): 21.


22Etwa Jahrgang 1691, 224, 227.
23Gener: Die so nthig als ntzliche Buchdruckerkunst, I (1740): 120121; Reske: Buch-
drucker (2007): 544.
24 boris liebrenz

wurden hier entweder ohne arabische Schriftzeichen oder explizit durch


fremde Drucker gesetzt.
Einige weniger bedeutende Verleger und Drucker hatten ebenfalls
Zugang zu arabischen Typen. Ein paar Wrter erschienen 1689 in einer
der zahlreichen Neuauflagen von Wolfgang Drechslers Chronicon
Saracenicum et Turcicum (OA von 1550). Der Verleger Johann Christian
Wohlfart (in Leipzig nachgewiesen 16801716) ist sonst aber nicht mit
einschlgigen Publikationen hervorgetreten. 1692 findet man in Heinrich
Opitz Novum lexicon Hebraeo-Chaldaeo-biblicum einzelne Wrter im ara-
bischen Alphabet gesetzt. Verlegt wurde das Werk von Gottfried Lie-
bezeit und gedruckt von Christoph Gnther,24 der bis 1691 auch die
Acta Eruditorum mit einigen wenigen arabischen Worten fr Gleditsch
druckte, in diesem Jahr jedoch bereits verstarb.
Kurz darauf erschien wieder ein Werk mit arabistischem Profil aus der
Feder von Johann David Schieferdecker (16721721).25 Er studierte und
lehrte in den 1690er Jahren in Leipzig und edierte hier 1695 seinen Nucleus
institutionum Arabicarum enucleatus, der neben seiner Dissertation
dem Fructus linguae arabicae mit dem so oft behandelten Thema des
Nutzens der arabischen Sprachstudien auch eine arabische und tr-
kische Grammatik umfasste. Diese Grammatiken enthalten eine groe
Menge arabischer Schrift, etwas weniger sorgfltig, aber mit den gleichen
arabischen Typen gesetzt wie der Fructus. Trotzdem wurden sie nicht in
Leipzig, sondern in Zeitz bei Melchior Hucho gedruckt, welcher wie-
derum keineswegs fr eine arabische Druckerttigkeit bekannt war. Kein
Drucker oder Verleger ist fr den ersten, den Leipziger Teil des Werkes
genannt. Die Typen unterscheiden sich jeweils nicht von denen Jansons
oder Brands.
Die ersten beiden Jahrzehnte des 18. Jahrhunderts sahen noch immer
keine neuen Impulse. Eine 1705 bei den Erben des mittlerweile verstorbe-
nen Gottfried Liebezeit aufgelegte erweiterte Neuedition des Novum
lexicon Hebraeo-Chaldaeo-biblicum weist nun interessanterweise keinen
separaten Drucker aus, aber die ehemals arabisch gesetzten Wrter sind
jetzt smtlich im hebrischen Alphabet widergegeben. Johann Abraham
Kromayers (16651733) umfangreiche Studie Filia matri obstetricans, in
welcher er den Nutzen des Arabischen fr die Erklrung der hebrischen

24Gener: Die so nthig als ntzliche Buchdruckerkunst I (1740): 118119; Reske: Buch-
drucker (2007): 543.
25Preiler: Orientalische Studien (2005): 2829.
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 25

Bibeltexte aufzeigen wollte, erschien bei den Erben von Johannes Gross
in Frankfurt und Leipzig. Kromayers Werk drfte durch seine schiere
Gre den bis dahin umfangreichsten arabischen Textbestand in einem
Leipziger Buch aufgewiesen haben, doch sind es auch hier jeweils nur ein
paar vereinzelte Worte auf jeder Seite. Erst 1720 schob Johann Christoph
Clodius in das Vorwort und den Kommentar zu seiner Liturgiae Syria-
cae wieder ganze 14 arabische Worte ein, gedruckt zum ersten Mal mit
den Schriften Bernhard Christoph Breitkopfs (16951777, in Leipzig
seit 1719).
Die bisher behandelten neun Werke aus mehr als einem Jahrhundert
bentigten keine allzu groe Menge an arabischen Typen, meist handelte
es sich nur um einzelne oder wenige Worte. Auch die explizit auf Sprach-
erwerb und Textarbeit angelegten Arbeiten wie Schieferdecker mit sei-
nem Fructus oder Kromayers Filia haben keinen zusammenhngenden
Text greren Umfanges abgedruckt. Das jedoch sollte sich mit einem
Schlag ndern durch das kurze Auftreten Georg Wallins (16861760).26
Dieser schwedische Priester begann im Jahr 1720 eine Bildungsreise
durch ganz Europa, die ihn auch nach Paris fhren sollte. Dort arbeitete
er sich durch die Bibliotheken und Buchhndler und lernte Arabisch bei
einem Muttersprachler. Als Frucht dieser Studien edierte er ein christ-
lich-arabisches Manuskript aus Paris, das einen apokryphen Text ber


das Leben Josephs, des Vaters Jesu enthielt. Das Buch trug den Titel
Sive Historia Josephi Fabri Lignarii.
Die editorische Arbeit hat Wallin aber nicht aus der Ferne gesteuert.
Vielmehr ist er 1722 in Leipzig nachweisbar. Er besuchte die Stadt in
Begleitung von Jacob Svedelius und dessen zwei adligen Schlern und
die Gruppe besichtigte hier auch die Ratsbibliothek damals bereits
im Besitz von mehr als 300 orientalischen Handschriften27 wo einer
synagoga Judaica besondere Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt wurde.28 Des
Weiteren informiert ein Brief vom 18. Juli 1722 den berhmten Gelehr-
ten Mathurin Veyssire de LaCroze (16611739) ber Wallins Absicht, die
Historia Josephi Fabri Lignarii herauszugeben und stellt die Arbeit daran

26Johann Heinrich Zedler: Grosses vollstndiges Universal-Lexicon 52 (Halle & Leipzig,


1747): 16591663; Biographie universelle L (Paris, 1827): 129130.
27Vgl. Liebrenz: Arabische, persische und trkische Handschriften (2008): 1227.
28Vgl. Hans-Joachim Schoeps: Philosemitismus im Barock (Tbingen, 1952): 213. Die
synagoga war das groe Modell einer Synagoge, die vom Leipziger Senat fr seine Biblio-
thek, welche gleichzeitig als eine Art Kuriosittenkammer fungierte, angeschafft wurde.
26 boris liebrenz

als nahezu abgeschlossen dar.29 Wallins Arbeitsgeschwindigkeit ist beein-


druckend. Er verlie Paris erst im Jahr 1722, schaffte es aber dennoch, bis
zum Sommer jeweils ein Buch in Nrnberg und in Leipzig herauszugeben,
von denen das letztere einen umfangreichen arabischen Text enthielt.
Trotzdem war dieses Werk inhaltlich und technisch qualittsvoll gearbei-
tet und sehr sauber gesetzt.
Warum aber whlte Wallin Leipzig? War es einfach der Zufall, der
Leipzig zu diesem Zeitpunkt gerade auf seiner Reiseroute liegen lie? Als
einer der fhrenden Buchmrkte und Verlagspltze Europas hatte Leipzig
bis dato an arabischem Text nicht mehr als eine Handvoll Wrter verf-
fentlicht. Auch der Verleger Andreas Zeidler (16621736)30 hatte meines
Wissens vor diesem fulminanten Einstand auf dem orientalischen Gebiet
gar keine Erfahrung, wenn er auch bereits durch den Kauf von Christoph
Gnthers Druckerei im Jahr 1692 dessen arabische Schrift bernommen
haben knnte. Anzunehmen wre eine persnliche Verbindung zwischen
Georg Wallin und dem Leipziger Orientalisten Johann Christian Clo-
dius (16761745). Dieser knnte Wallin darber informiert haben, dass
Zeidler die bentigten Typen besa. Solch eine persnliche Bekanntschaft
geht wohl aus einer Funote in der Qiat Ysuf al-Nar hervor.
In dieser verweist Wallin auf die Liturgica Syriaca, Clodius Edition einer
Leipziger Handschrift aus der Ratsbibliothek von 1720 und lobt gleichzei-
tig dessen fast alle orientalischen Sprachen umfassenden Sprachkennt-
nisse.31 Nicht nur ist dies die einzige persnliche Bemerkung zu einem
anderen lebenden Gelehrten im gesamten Buch. Auch konnte ein Hinweis
auf seine ausgebreiteten Sprachkenntnisse aus Clodius Publikationen zu
diesem Zeitpunkt berhaupt noch nicht erschlossen werden. Dessen erste
einschlgige Arbeit zum Arabischen erschien erst im Jahr 1723. Auch die
Verwechslung mit einer Disputation, welche der Vater Johannes Clodius
(16451733) im Oktober 1722 hielt, ist unmglich, denn sie kann erst nach
Wallins Buch erschienen sein. In ihr mht sich der ltere Clodius tatsch-
lich, alle von ihm beherrschten orientalischen Sprachen irgendwie fr das
theologische Thema seiner Schrift nutzbar zu machen. Wallin mag bei
dieser Disputation anwesend gewesen sein. Fr die Wiedergabe der ver-
schiedenen Alphabete bediente sich Clodius jedoch der fast identischen
Schriften Tackes. Darber hinaus kann man annehmen, dass persnliche

29Johann Ludwig Uhl (Hg.): Thesavri Epistolici Lacroziani I (Leipzig, 1742): 344.
30Gener: Die so nthig als ntzliche Buchdruckerkunst I (1740): 121; Reske: Buchdrucker
(2007): 545.
31 Georg Wallin: Qiat Ysuf al-Nar (Leipzig, 1722): 47, n. g.
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 27

Kontakte Wallins nach Leipzig bis zu seinem ersten Aufenthalt als Stu-
dent im Jahr 1709 zurckreichen, als auch Andreas Zeidler hier bereits
aktiv war.
Whrend also der Grund fr die Wahl Andreas Zeidlers im Dunkeln
bleibt, steht doch fest, dass er seinen Auftraggeber nicht enttuscht hat.
Dabei blieben die Unzulnglichkeiten der Jansonschen Tradition prinzi-
piell bestehen, dennoch gelingt dem Drucker eine bis dahin unerreichte
bersichtlichkeit des Schriftbildes, die Verbindungen der Buchstaben
untereinander sind sauber ausgefhrt, die ganze Anlage macht nicht den
unbeholfenen Eindruck frherer Drucke [Abb. 2]. Auch die Einfhrung
oder vermehrte Nutzung einiger Ligaturen nimmt dem Schriftbild teil-
weise das statische und gibt ihm einen flssigeren Charakter. Schlielich
ist auch das rechtsgeneigte lm von Janson bei Zeidler zumindest in
dieser Edition gar nicht mehr zu finden. Interessanterweise wird es in
seinen spteren Drucken aber doch wieder auftauchen.
Das relativ hohe Niveau dieser Produktion hat allerdings nicht dazu
gefhrt, dass Zeidler sein Geschick nun vermehrt htte anwenden knnen.
Mir sind keine weiteren orientalischen Drucke Zeidlers bekannt, bevor im
Jahr 1730 gleich zwei Titel von Clodius mit seinen Schriften erschienen.
Danach wurde es wiederum still um diese arabische Presse.
Wallins kurzer Aufenthalt fiel zusammen mit dem Beginn einer uerst
fruchtbaren Phase der Orientalistik in Leipzig. Reiskes Lehrer Johan
Christian Clodius (16761745) verffentlichte bereits 1720 mit der Edi-
tion einer syrischen Handschrift aus der Ratsbibliothek seine erste ma-
gebliche Arbeit bei Breitkopf, in welcher auch einige wenige arabische
Wrter vorkamen. Seine Bibliographie weist dann in den Jahren 1723 bis
1744 neun Werke mit arabischem, persischem oder trkischem Bezug auf.
Die Mehrzahl davon waren schmale Heftchen ohne groen Rckgriff auf
das Zitieren von Originalquellen, daneben stehen aber auch eine Gram-
matik und ein voluminses Trkisch-Lexikon von 1730. Whrend er fr
seine orientalischen Schriftzeichen zuerst Breitkopfs Offizin in Anspruch
nimmt, ab 1723 aber vor allem bei Tacke drucken lsst, dessen vielfltige
orientalische Typen sein Vater Johannes Clodius 1722 in Leipzig einge-
fhrt hatte, nutzte er spter auch die Dienste von Zeidler.
Ein weiterer herausragender Orientalist im Leipzig der 1720er Jahre
war Georg Jacob Kehr (16921740).32 Unter seinen vielen innovativen

32Vgl. Preiler: Orientalische Studien (2005): 2930; Liebrenz: Arabische, persische und
trkische Handschriften (2008): 3849.
28
boris liebrenz

Abb. 2.Wallin, Georg:


Sive Historia Josephi Fabri Lignarii. Liber Apocryphvs Ex Codice Manvscripto Regiae Biblio-
thecae Parisiensis. Lipsiae (literis Andreae Zeidleri), 1722
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 29

Arbeiten stechen Errungenschaften auf dem Gebiet der islamischen


Numismatik besonders hervor.33 Er edierte in den Jahren 1724 und 1725
die ersten beiden einschlgigen Monographien auf diesem Feld in der
Messestadt, und griff dabei wie sein Rivale Clodius auf die Dienste Tackes
zurck. Kehr hatte allerdings eine sehr sthetische Herangehensweise an
seine Texte und versuchte immer wieder die Eigenheiten der verschie-
denen Schriftsysteme auch in seinen gedruckten Werken wiederzuge-
ben. Er hatte dabei nicht nur passive Erfahrungen mit dem Lesen von
Handschriften, sondern in Halle unter der Anleitung der beiden Syrer
Salomon Negri (etwa 16651729) und Karl Rali Dadichi (gest. 1734) auch
selbst viel Wert auf die Ausbildung einer eleganten Handschrift gelegt.34
Niemandem konnten die Unzulnglichkeiten der in Europa gebruchli-
chen Druckschriften bewusster sein als ihm. Daher schmckte er viele
seiner Bcher darber hinaus noch mit einer ganzen Reihe prchtiger
Kupferstiche und Holzschnitte. Auch in seinem ersten Bchlein, Sara-
ceni, Hagareni et Mauri quinam sint? von 1723, fr das nun schon zum
zweiten Mal arabische Typen des noch jungen Verlages von Bernhard
Christoph Breitkopf zum Einsatz kamen, finden sich sowohl auf dem
Titel wie auch im Text groe Einschbe im Holzschnitt. Fr den Mon-
archiae Asiatico-Saracenicae status von 1724, die erste monographische
Behandlung eines arabischen Mnzfundes, verzichtete Kehr sogar gnz-
lich auf die Verwendung von beweglichen arabischen Lettern und gab alle
relevanten Stellen durch Holz- oder Kupferstiche wieder. Daher war eine
Expertise im arabischen Druck fr den auf diesem Gebiet nie wieder her-
vorgetretenen Jacob Schuster auch kein Thema.
Whrend aber Breitkopfs Ausflug in die Welt der arabischen Schrift
erst einmal nur eine Episode blieb, legte Heinrich Christian Tacke
(1683 um 1744)35 [Abb. 3] mit seinem Einstand fr Clodius den Grund-
stein fr eine bis dahin in Leipzig einzigartige und kontinuierliche arabi-
sche Druckttigkeit. Zehn Drucke mit arabischen Schriftzeichen zwischen
1722 und 1741 stammen aus seinem Haus, womit er in diesem Zeitraum den
Groteil der Leipziger Produktion abdeckte. Zwar setzte Zeidlers Druck
von 1722 qualitativ den Mastab, aber dieser Drucker verffentlichte nur

33Stefan Heidemann: Die Entwicklung der Methoden in der Islamischen Numismatik


im 18. Jahrhundert (2005): 170173.
34Beispiele fr seine Handschrift abgebildet in Erika Pabst: Man muss dergleichen
Handschriften wenigstens sehen...: Orientalia aus dem Archiv der Franckeschen Stiftungen
(Halle, 2007): 5556; Liebrenz: Arabische, persische und trkische Handschriften (2008):
Abb. 7 (ungezhlt nach S. 79).
35Gener: Die so nthig als ntzliche Buchdruckerkunst I (1740): 129.
30 boris liebrenz

Abb. 3.Heinrich Christian Tacke (1683 um 1744)


frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 31

drei Werke in acht Jahren. Von Tacke berichtet Gener hingegen: Abson-
derlich mu man anmercken, da in dieser Druckerey die meisten Orien-
talischen Schriften anzutreffen sind, dergleichen man so hufig in wenig
Druckereyen finden wird.36 Diese Behauptung wird illustriert durch
die spte Verffentlichung eines Vaterunsers in 100 Sprachen (Orationis
Dominicae Versiones), welche Tackes Druckerei auf dem Hhepunkt ihrer
Leistungsfhigkeit, gleichzeitig aber auch am Ende ihrer Existenz zeigt.
Dieses Heftchen liest sich wie ein Verkaufskatalog fr Tackes Schriftstze
und verwendete arabische Schrift fr die arabische, persische, trkische
und tartarische Version. Der Markt war freilich immer noch ein kleiner.
An Nicht-Leipzigern hat einzig der Marburger, spter Grninger Alttesta-
mentler und Orientalist Nikolaus Wilhelm Schroeder (17211798)37 im
Jahr 1739 fr eine Ausgabe der ersten vier Kapitel des Buches Genesis in
einer trkischen Version auf den Leipziger Drucker zurckgegriffen. Diese
Edition war mit 40 Seiten freilich beachtlich und seit Wallins Qiat Ysuf
al-Nar von 1722 das grte editorische Projekt dieser Art in Leipzig.
Die Wahl Tackes kam allerdings nicht von ungefhr. Schroeder war in
diesem Jahr auf einer Bibliotheks- und Bildungsreise durch Sachsen unter-
wegs.38 Er knnte in Leipzig bereits Bekanntschaft mit Reiske gemacht
haben, der seinen Charakter und Gelehrsamkeit in spteren Briefen mehr-
mals lobend hervorhebt39 und fr seine Edition eines Kapitels aus arrs
Maqmt bereits 1737 ebenfalls mit Tacke gearbeitet hatte. Zumindest
Clodius, dem er seine Schrift widmet, hat er jedenfalls gekannt. Tackes
Schriften wurden also von den drei bestimmenden Arabisten Leipzigs
Kehr, Clodius und Reiske benutzt, fanden darber hinaus allerdings
kaum Verwendung.
Tacke war der Stammdrucker von Clodius, neben fnf dort gedruck-
ten Werken hat dieser aber auch andere Huser herangezogen. So hat er
ein Buch (das Chronicon Peregrinantis von 1731) bei Gleditsch verlegen
lassen, und zwar beim gleichnamigen Sohn des oben bereits behandelten
Johann Friedrich Gleditsch. Hierfr wurden jedoch keine beweglichen
Typen verwendet, sondern nur ein Kupferstich fr den Titel. Fr seine
Theoria & Praxis Linguae Arabicae von 1729 reaktivierte Clodius den seit
Kromayers Filia matri obstetricans von 1707 nicht mehr hervorgetretenen
Verlag der Erben von Johannes Grosse. Fr dieses Haus sollte es nun

36Ibid.
37Anon: Geschichte des Herrn Nicolaus Wilhelm Schroeder (1760).
38Ibid., 732.
39Reiske: Briefe (1897): 147.
32 boris liebrenz

tatschlich das letzte Zeichen einer orientalischen Druckerttigkeit sein.


Zwei der drei Titel von 1730 sind mit den Schriften Andreas Zeidlers
gedruckt, eine davon erschienen beim Verlag Wolfgang Deer. An Deer
wandte sich Clodius wiederum noch einmal 1744 fr sein Lexicon Hebrai-
cum Selectum, fr das nun aber kein separater Drucker genannt wird.

2.Reiske und seine Schule


Johann Jacob Reiske (17161774), der Clodius 1748 auf dem Arabisch-
Lehrstuhl folgte, probierte im Verlaufe seiner schriftstellerischen Karriere
von mehr als 30 Jahren eine ganze Reihe von Herausgebern und Druckern.
Er begann 1737 fr seine Edition einer Maqma von arr ebenfalls mit
Tacke. So klein dieses Frhwerk auch war, blieb es doch an zusammen-
hngendem arabischen Text nur hinter der 15 Jahre frher erschienen
Qiat Ysuf al-Nar Wallins zurck. 12 der 25 Seiten sind ganz oder
hauptschlich mit arabischem Text bedruckt.
Als Reiske zehn Jahre spter aus Leiden zurckkehrte und 1748 die
auerordentliche Professur fr arabische Sprache erhielt, verffentlichte
er die Antrittsrede De Arabum Epocha vetustissima eine Studie ber
den fatalen Dammbruch von Marib im vorislamischen Jemen beim
Verleger Georg Wilhelm Pouillard. Tacke war zu diesem Zeitpunkt
wohl schon tot und der mit Arabisch unerfahrene Pouillard hatte keine
entsprechenden Typen. Daher sind die im lateinischen Text zitierten ara-
bischen Passagen dort nur mit hebrischen Buchstaben wiedergegeben.
Die vollstndigen Zitate in arabischen Buchstaben lie Reiske stattdessen
in Halle in der Druckerei des Institutum Judaicum drucken und in
einen separat angebundenen Appendix an das Ende der Arbeit stellen.40
Beginnend mit der Edition eines andalusischen Musterbriefes, der
Abil Walidi Ibn Zeidvni Risalet sev Epistolicvm von 1755, konnte Reiske die
Frchte seiner Lehrttigkeit in Form eines selbst herangebildeten Druckers
ernten. Dieses Bchlein vereint den berhmten Verlag Gleditsch, hier
wieder in der zweiten Generation, zum ersten Mal mit Johann Gotthilf
Albrecht Lper. Und es war genau dieses Werk, ber welches Reiske
die eingangs zitierte Frage stellte, ob wir so viel arab. Typen hier werden

40Reiske: Lebensbeschreibung (Leipzig, 1783): 116: Nun hatte mein hiesiger Buchdrucker
keine arabische Schrift; ich lie also alle diese arabische Stellen, in der Grundsprache, auf
einen besondern Bogen, zu Halle in der callenbergischen Druckerey des Instituti Iudaici
drucken.
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 33

zusammenbringen knnen, um einen eintzigen Bogen zu drucken.41


Lper stellt die selten glckliche Fgung eines gelernten Druckers und
Typenschneiders dar, der unter der Aufsicht des fhrenden Arabisten
seiner Zeit Arabisch gelernt hatte eine vielversprechende Mischung.
Aber tatschlich wurde der arabische Text auf nur vier einzelnen Blttern
gedruckt und separat an die lateinische Einleitung angebunden. Dieser
Umstand knnte darauf hindeuten, dass Lper in der Krze der Zeit noch
keinen ausreichend groen Typensatz herstellen konnte. Bestrkt wird der
Verdacht durch die Verwendung eines langgezogenes kf in Mittelstellung
anstelle eines kfs in Endstellung. Scheinbar waren letztere noch nicht in
ausreichendem Ma vorhanden. In spteren Drucken Lpers wird dieser
Missstand behoben sein. Auch hat der Reiske-Schler das Rad mit sei-
nen Typen nicht neu erfunden. Tatschlich lsst sich keine wesentliche
stilistische Verbesserung gegenber den zuvor gebruchlichen Schriften
feststellen.
Reiske brachte in den nchsten zwei Jahrzehnten nur noch drei arabi-
stische Monographien heraus, zwei davon gedruckt mit den Typen Lpers
whrend Langenheim als Verleger des dritten Werkes (De Actamo Phi-
losopho, 1759) keinen separaten Drucker nennt. Innerhalb von 13 Jahren
druckte Lper sechs Werke, davon drei seines Lehrers und je eines der
Reiske-Schler Johann Christian Krger,42 Johann Bernhard Khler
(17421802) und Just Friedrich Froriep (17451800). Letzterer schreibt:
Ich wei, was es mich fr Mhe gekostet hat, das wenige, was ich vom
Koran ans Licht gestellet habe, dem Publico mittheilen zu knnen (...). Die
Hauptschwierigkeiten entstanden wegen der Lautbuchstaben und Distinc-
tionszeichen (...); anderer nicht zu gedenken, die den Verleger wankend
zu machen schienen. Ich gab fast die Hoffnung auf, das Wenige, was ich
herausgeben wollte, hier gedruckt zu bekommen. (...) Endlich nahm Herr
Lper, der in Leipzig das ist, was Herr Barmeyer in Gttingen, es auf sich,
diese gieen zu lassen, und das Arabische, welches er gut lesen kann und
worinn Herr Reiske ihn unterrichtet hat, an welchem auch einige den reinen
und saubern Druck bemerken wollen, selber zu setzen.43
Nach Reiskes Tod scheint Lper seine arabischen Typen nur ein einzi-
ges Mal wieder gebraucht zu haben, und zwar 1791 fr nur drei Wrter

41 Vgl. n. 1.
42Heinrich Wohlrath Rehkopf: Leben meines Vaters (1790): 305; Johann Christoph
Adelung et al.: Fortsetzung und Ergnzungen zu Christian Gottlieb Joechers allgemeinem
Gelehrten-Lexicon 3 (Leipzig, 1810): 909.
43Just Friedrich Froriep: Arabische Bibliothek (Leipzig, 1771): 174175.
34 boris liebrenz

innerhalb des Auktionskataloges der Bibliothek des verstorbenen Reiske-


Schlers Johann August Dathe (17311791). Dass aber auch diese drei Wrter
voller grammatischer und orthographischer Fehler stecken, lsst vermu-
ten, dass Lper entweder das Gelernte durch Mangel an Gebrauch fast
zwei Jahrzehnte nach Reiskes Tod wieder vergessen hatte, oder er
selbst bereits nicht mehr am Leben war, um den Druck zu berwachen.44
Neben Lper war es der Verlag Langenheim,45 der mit drei fr Reiske
und zwei seiner Schler gedruckten Werken in den beiden Jahren 1758
und 1759 ein groes Potential andeutete, das allerdings nur 1767 kurz wie-
der aufflackerte. Warum Reiske und seine Schler Johann Friedrich
Rehkopf (17331789), Johann Christian Krger und Just Friedrich
Froriep sich in diesen vier Publikationen gegen Lper entschieden haben
sollten, will nicht recht einleuchten, besonders da Froriep selbst die Vor-
zge Lpers so berschwnglich preist. Obwohl in den Werken jeweils
keine Angabe zum Drucker oder den Typen gemacht wurde, kann man
die Verwendung von Lpers arabischen Typen hier wohl ausschlieen, da
seine charakteristische lm-alif-Ligatur [vgl. Abb. 5] bei Langenheim nicht
auftaucht.
Reiskes Vorlieben wurden von seinen Schlern bernommen. Nur zwei
gingen neue Wege bei der Wahl ihrer Verleger und Drucker. Dabei han-
delte es sich im Fall von Carl Friedrich Bahrdt (17411792) und seinem
24-seitigen Heftchen Usum linguae Arabicae allerdings nur um wenige
Worte, fr welche das Verlagshaus Breitkopf nun schon zum dritten
Mal einen kleinen Beitrag zur arabischen Druckgeschichte in Leipzig lei-
sten konnte. Ganz anders sah der Bedarf von Johann Bernhard Khler
(17421802) aus. Auch er hatte bereits 1763 Lpers Dienste fr eine altte-
stamentliche Studie benutzt, wandte sich fr sein weitaus ambitionier-
teres Unternehmen einer Teil-Edition der Geographie des ayyubidischen
Prinzen Ab al-Fid aber aus einem unbekannten Grund doch an das
Verlagshaus Schnermark. Dieser Name ist zwar bis dahin nicht durch
orientalische Arbeiten hervorgetreten, aber da die einzig berlebende
Tochter Andreas Zeidlers einen Johann Heinrich Schnermark heira-
tete und die Tchter von Buchhndlern und druckern damals oft die

44Catalogus Bibliothecae Io. Augusti Dathii (Leipzig, 1791): 17. Die drei Wrter sollten

al-Kitb al-adt arban und in dieser Form bereits syntaktisch fehlerhaft gelesen


werden, wurden stattdessen aber als verdruckt.
45Vielleicht Johann Christian Langenheim (1697?), vgl. Gener: Die so nthig als
ntzliche Buchdruckerkunst I (1740): 135136; oder der spter bezeugte Johann Friedrich
Langenheim, der vielleicht dessen Sohn gewesen sein knnte?
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 35

Geschfte ihrer Vter bernahmen, knnten die Zeidlerschen Typen eben


an diesen Schnermark gelangt sein.
ber den Fortgang und die Hintergrnde der Khlerschen Edition sind
wir vergleichsweise gut informiert. Reiske spielte auch hier die Haupt-
rolle. Er hatte dem mihi juveni omnibus fere subsidiis destituto seine
Bibliothek zur Verfgung gestellt, ihn zur Drucklegung angeregt und
auch die Beschaffung des Druckers besorgt.46 Froriep berichtet aber, dass
Schnermark zwar den Druck, nicht aber das riskante Geschft des
Verlags bernommen htte. Alle Kosten trug Khler damit also selber.47
Dies ist bezeichnend fr ein wissenschaftlich so ambitioniertes Werk und
verdeutlicht die Bedingungen unter denen Wissenschaftler ihre Arbei-
ten herausgeben mussten, die nicht wie Khler aus einer gut begterten
Lbecker Kaufmannsfamilie stammten. Die Wahl sollte sich zudem bald
als Fehler erweisen, denn Schnermark ging noch whrend des Druckes
in Konkurs und man frchtete, der fast fertiggedruckte Abulfedae wrde
als Makulatur entsorgt werden.48 Doch der Konkursverwalter des bankrot-
ten Unternehmens willigte ein, das Werk fortzufhren.49 Der Druck des
Haupttextes zeigt keinerlei stilistische Fortschritte, gegenber Lper fllt
er etwa durch die Wiederbelebung des stark rechtsneigenden lms sogar
ziemlich zurck. Interessanterweise hatte Schnermark fr die Funoten
aber eine zweite, kleinere und gnzlich anders geartete Type zur Verf-
gung, die in Leipzig nie wieder auftauchte. Durch seinen schieren Umfang
von mehr als 200 Seiten arabischen Textes ist die Arbeit ein Meilenstein
fr die lokale Editionsttigkeit arabischer Texte.
Insgesamt stellt die Arbeit von Reiske und seinen Schlern eine nie
dagewesene und erst sehr viel spter wieder erreichte Konzentration
orientalistischer Publikationsttigkeit dar. Seit Reiskes Ernennung zum
Professor im Jahr 1748 bis zum Jahr 1768 verffentlichten sie 13 Monogra-
phien, teilweise nur wenige Bltter stark, teilweise aber auch von beacht-
lichem Umfang. Dagegen bedienten die Leipziger Drucker jedoch kaum
einen Bedarf auerhalb dieses Reiskeschen Kreises. Fast alle zeitgens-
sischen Autoren mit einschlgigen Publikationen, die hier verffentlich-
ten, waren auch seine Schler. Johann Friedrich Gleditsch verlegte

46Johann Bernhard Khler: Abulfedae Tabvla Syriae (Leipzig, 1766): Prooemium, III.
47Froriep: Arabische Bibliothek (Leipzig, 1771): 158159: (...), da der Herr Prof. Khler
in Kiel, des Abulfedae Tabulam Syriae auf seine Kosten habe drucken lassen. Er konnte zu
diesem ntzlichen Werke keinen Verleger bekommen, und war Patriot genug, um es mit
seinem Schaden selbst zu bernehmen.
48Reiske: Briefe (1897): 700 (5. Februar 1766).
49Ibid., 700701 (15. Februar 1766).
36 boris liebrenz

allerdings Briefe und Schriften zweier bereits verstorbener Gelehrter mit


ein paar arabischen Einschben, 1742 die Briefsammlung des Sprach-
gelehrten Mathurin Veyssire de LaCroze (16611739) und 1750 eine
Sammlung von Abhandlungen Louis du Four de Longuerues (1652
1733) herausgab.

3.Nach Reiske
Nach Reiskes Tod vernderte sich der Markt arabischer Drucke in Leipzig
abrupt. Es gab fr einige Zeit keine aktiven lokalen Autoren mehr und kein
Verlag hatte wohl ein so geschrftes Profil fr orientalische Drucke, dass
er von sich aus versucht htte, diesen Bereich auch berregional weiter zu
bedienen. Impulse kamen noch in den 1770er Jahren mit zwei englischen
Klassikern ber Jena. Zum einen die bahnbrechende Arbeit Poeseos Asiati-
cae commentariorum libri sex von William Jones (17461794), verlegt 1777
beim Leipziger Haus Weidmann und Reich durch den Jenenser Professor
J.G. Eichhorn (17521827).50 Wie man nicht auf dem Titel, sondern nur
auf einer Notiz am Ende des Buches erfhrt, erfolgte der Druck allerdings
ebenfalls in Jena, bei Fickelscherr. Warum man hier nicht auf Lper
zurckgriff lsst sich vielleicht mit der Notwendigkeit des Korrekturlesens
vor Ort erklren. Zum anderen verlegte Weygand zwei Jahre spter eine
bersetzung von John Richardsons (17411811) A dissertation on the lan-
guages, literatures, and manners of Eastern nations, wobei auch hier wie-
der Eichhorn seine Finger im Spiel hatte. Beide Werke sind voller langer
Originalzitate in verschiedenen orientalischen Sprachen, aus sthetischen
Grnden teilweise im Kupferstich wiedergegeben.
Seit 1777 verffentlichte Eichhorn auch sein Repertorium fr Biblische
und Morgenlndische Litteratur mit einer Vielzahl an arabistischen Arti-
keln (darin 1782 postum Reiskes Briefe ber das Arabische Mnzwesen)
bei Weidmanns Erben und Reich in Leipzig, gefolgt 17911796 von des-
sen Jenenser Lehrstuhlnachfolger Heinrich Eberhard Gottlob Paulus
(17611851) und dessen Memorabilien.
Mit Samuel Friedrich Gnther Wahl (17601834), der 1784 und 1791
grere Werke mit vielen Originalzitaten in Leipzig herausgab, war es
wieder eine Leipziger Verbindung, denn der gebrtige Erfurter hatte hier
bis 1784 als Privatdozent gewirkt. Ebenfalls 1791 edierte der Knigsberger
Theologe Friedrich Theodor Rinck (17701821) einen groen Auszug

50Stefan Heidemann: Zwischen Theologie und Philologie (2008): 142145.


frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 37

aus Ab al-Fids Geographie bei Weidmann und Lper benutzte nach


langer Pause zum letzten Mal seine arabischen Typen fr drei Worte in
einem Nachlasskatalog.
Ernst Friedrich Carl Rosenmller (17681842) war in vieler Hin-
sicht ein Mann des bergangs. Seinem Karriereweg nach war er mehr
ein Vertreter der alten, theologisch ausgerichteten Orientalistik, aber als
philologisch grndlicher Lehrer Heinrich Leberecht Fleischers (18011888)
stand er auch am Beginn einer eigenstndigen Arabistik als philologisch-
historisches Fach, wie sie sich im 19. Jahrhundert herausbildete. Seine
erste arabistische Publikation lie er 1792 noch bei Breitkopf erscheinen.
Doch genau an der Jahrhundertwende benutzte er fr eine umfangreiche
arabische Grammatik zum ersten Mal Johann Ambrosius Barth (1760
1813), den Drucker, dem er fr den Rest seiner arabistischen Karriere treu
bleiben sollte. Barth benutzte hier noch Typen, die ganz in der Tradition
des 18. Jahrhunderts standen, vollzog aber im 19. Jahrhundert eine enorme
stilistische Verfeinerung seiner Schrift und stand damit am Beginn einer
Tradition, die Leipzig im 19. Jahrhundert mit so bekannten Namen wie
Vogel, Tauchnitz oder Drugulin als eine der leistungsstrksten orientali-
stischen Druckzentren etablierte.

II.Typengeschichte

Die in Leipzig gebruchliche Schrift war seit dem 17. Jahrhundert prinzi-
piell dieselbe durchbrochen nur 1687 mit einem misslungenen Versuch
Fleischers und 1766, als Schnermark eine kleinere Schriftart fr Fu-
noten einfhrte. Es ist nicht festzustellen, wer dabei der Urheber dieser
Typen war, wer die Stempel besessen, wer nur Matrizen erworben oder
ausgeliehen hat. Erschwerend kommt hinzu, dass sich die exakt gleiche
Schrift seit dem 17. Jahrhundert in einigen weiteren deutschen Druckor-
ten findet, etwa Berlin, Frankfurt a.M., Hamburg, Halle oder Jena. Stili-
stisch gehrt sie zu einer Schrift-Familie, die in ganz Nordeuropa teilweise
bis in das 19. Jahrhundert Anwendung fand. In der Tabelle Abb. 4 wird
versucht, die Entwicklung einiger aufflliger Buchstaben dieser Leip-
ziger Schrifttradition nachzuzeichnen. Dabei werden durchaus nde-
rungen im Detail sichtbar. Das unglckliche isolierte kf Jansons etwa
wurde nach ihm nie wieder gebraucht. Und Lpers Schrift zeichnet sich
durch eine charakteristische lm-alif-Ligatur aus, die sich tatschlich nur
bei ihm findet [vgl. Abb. 5]. Daraus kann man vielleicht schlieen, dass
verschiedene Drucker ihre Schriftstze jeweils neu gegossen haben und
Buchstaben-




formen
38

Janson
ca. 1675?

Acoluthus
1682 (Brand)

Drechsler 1689
(Wolfahrt)

Kromayer 1707
(Gross)

Clodius 1720
boris liebrenz

(Breitkopf)

Wallin 1722
(Zeidler)

Reiske 1737
(Tacke)
Longverve
1750
(Gleditsch)

Reiske 1755
(Lper)

Rehkopf
1758-1759
(Langenheim)

Krger 1763
(Lper)

Khler 1766
(Schnermark)

Jones 1777
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig

(Weidmann)
39

Abb. 4.Die Entwicklung der dominanten arabischen Druckschrift in Leipzig an ausgewhlten Buchstaben
40 boris liebrenz

Verbindung
zum

1682
Brand

1707
Gross

1722
Zeidler

1723
Breitkopf

1737
Tacke

1750
Gleditsch

1755
Lper

1758
Langenheim

Schnermark

1777
Weidmann

Abb. 5.Ligaturen
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 41

dabei Detailverbesserungen vornahmen. Jedoch ist oft die gedruckte Text-


menge nicht ausreichend, um sicher auszuschlieen, dass eine bestimmte
Buchstabenform nicht doch vorhanden, aber nicht verwendet wurde. Der
Buchstabe r zeigt dies mit seinen vielen Variationen deutlich. Als rela-
tiv innovativ stellt sich Heinrich Christoph Tacke dar, der scheinbar
bemht war, einen greren Variantenreichtum anzubieten.
Sechs der hier behandelten Werke nennen sowohl einen Verlag als
auch einen Drucker, ganze 18 Mal findet sich nur der Name eines Ver-
lags. Dass der letztere Fall nicht bedeuten muss, der Verleger habe auch
den Druck selbst bernommen und ber die notwendigen Typen verfgt,
zeigt etwa der Fall des 1748 von Pouillard verlegten De Arabum Epocha
vetustissima. Der arabische Teil wurde in Halle hergestellt, ohne dass dies
irgendwo vermerkt wre.
ber Leben und Wirken der meisten Buchdrucker und Verleger in
einem der wichtigsten europischen Druckzentren wissen wir erstaunlich
wenig. Auch in Leipzig waren sie aber eine untereinander auf vielfltige
Art verwandte Zunft. Ein verbreiteter Weg zur Grndung seines eigenen
Verlages war es, die Witwe eines etablierten Verlegers zu heiraten und
damit dessen Haus zu bernehmen. So wechselten die Bestnde an Typen,
Druckerpressen und Matrizen ber die Generationen sehr oft die Hnde.
Besonders im Fall Andreas Zeidlers knnte man diesen Weg annehmen,
hat er doch 1692 der Witwe Christoph Gnthers dessen Druckerei abge-
kauft, mit welcher dieser in Opitz Novum Lexicon auch arabisch gedruckt
hatte. Es mag also sein, dass es in Leipzig niemals mehr als einen oder
zwei Stze von arabischen Typen gegeben hat, der im Bedarf erweitert,
verfeinert oder verbessert werden konnte. Aufgrund der jeweils kleinen
Textmenge und Auflagen drften die Typen auch kaum abgenutzt worden
sein. Dieser berblick zeigt aber, dass die Zahl der Drucker oder Verleger,
die mit arabischen Typen gearbeitet haben, erstaunlich gro war. Im Jahr
1758 traten mit Lper, Langenheim und Breitkopf sogar drei unabhn-
gig voneinander arabisch druckende Verlage bzw. Drucker auf.
Nach Reiskes Darstellung scheint es jedoch so gewesen zu sein, dass
man um 1750 keine arabischen Typen in Leipzig finden konnte. Was war
geschehen mit den Typen Grosses, die mehr als 20 Jahre nach ihrem ersten
Einsatz pltzlich wieder auftauchten? Oder mit den Typen Breitkopfs, der
nur kurz darauf wieder arabisch druckte? Waren die Typen Tackes, der
noch vier Jahre, bevor Reiske sich fr ein paar Seiten nach Halle wenden
musste, aktiv war, einfach spurlos verschwunden?
Wo auch immer die jeweiligen Alphabete herkamen, sie alle hatten
zumindest eine gemeinsame Vorlage. Auf den ersten Blick sonderbare
42 boris liebrenz

Erscheinungsformen finden sich in Leipzig aber nicht nur hier ber


den gesamten Untersuchungszeitraum bei fast jedem Drucker wieder.
So fallen ein stark nach rechts neigendes lm oder die Punktierung der
Buchstabengruppe b/t/t in Endstellung nicht in der Mitte sondern
am Anfang des Buchstabens sofort ins Auge. Um einen sauberen und
sthetisch mglichst anspruchsvollen Druck herzustellen war es wichtig,
die Verbindungen zwischen den einzelnen Buchstaben sauber zu setzen.
Dies erforderte sicher eine aufwendige Kontrolle, nicht zuletzt durch den
Autor selber. Mit der ntigen Anstrengung konnte man hier scheinbar vie-
les erreichen. So hat es Zeidler 1722 geschafft, auf das rechtsneigende lm
komplett zu verzichten, 1730 aber findet es sich sonderbarerweise auch in
seinen Drucken. Erst ab der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts finden sich auch
spezielle Ansatzstcke, welche die auf der Grundlinie endenden Buchsta-
ben mit den hher ansetzenden m// in Mittel- oder Endposition
ohne Lcke verbinden konnten [Abb. 5]. Gehen diese vielleicht auf Lper
zurck, bei dem sie 1755 zuerst auftauchen? Und hat sie Langenheim von
ihm bernommen oder kopierten sie beide aus einer anderen Vorlage?
Warum aber gab es keine substantiellen Verbesserungen der Alpha-
bete? Sahen viele Generationen von Orientalisten, die unglaubliche
Beschwerden auf sich nahmen, um Handschriften zu sehen, zu erwerben,
zu vergleichen und zu kopieren, nicht, wie sie den sthetischen Anspruch
der arabischen Schrift verletzten? Der niederlndische Typograph Tho-
mas Milo hat krzlich in einem Vortrag The rle of Dutch Arabic typogra-
phy in Middle Eastern printing51 diese stilistischen Absonderlichkeiten
untersucht und die in Europa verbreiteten Versuche arabisch zu drucken
treffend als Eurabic bezeichnet. In seinen oftmals erhellenden, vor allem
aber polemischen Ausfhrungen, versucht er zu zeigen, dass Orientalisten52
bis ins 21. Jahrhundert hinein kein Arabisch schreiben konnten. An der
entpolemisierten Grundaussage Milos ist nicht zu zweifeln: Die bis weit
in das 20. Jahrhundert hinein in europischen Drucken benutzten ara-
bischen Schriften verletzten viele Regeln des arabischen Schriftsystems,
oder um mit Milo zu sprechen der script-grammar. Die Grnde
dafr mchte ich jedoch eher in materiellen Voraussetzungen sehen, Milo

51Gehalten auf der AtypI (Association Typographique Internationale) conference 2011,


14.18. September 2011, Reykjavik. Der Vortrag ist bei Abfassung dieses Beitrages noch nicht
publiziert, aber im Internet einsehbar: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1lJsfUQ-qqw.
52Seine Liste ist beeindruckend, genannt werden etwa Justus Scaliger, Jacob Golius,
William Jones, Annemarie Schimmel, Anton Spitaler, Jan Just Witkam oder Geoffrey
Roper.
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 43

hingegen in einer die Regeln der arabischen Schrift vollkommen verken-


nenden Ignoranz.53 Ein komplettes arabisches Alphabet anzuschaffen
war schon durch den kursiven Charakter der Schrift und die bis zu vier
Grundformen der jeweiligen Buchstaben, von Ligaturen, Vokalzeichen
und dergleichen ganz abgesehen, aufwendig und teuer.54 Bereits die
Druckberwachung und das Korrekturlesen waren anstrengend genug,
da der Drucker selbst hier meist nicht helfen konnte. Fr jede Publika-
tion in Latein, Griechisch oder Hebrisch bot eine Universitt ein groes
Arsenal an fhigen und billigen Studenten, die sich mit solchen Arbeiten
oft das Studium finanzierten oder etwas dazuverdienten. Wer anders als
der Autor htte die gleiche Arbeit fr ein arabisches Werk leisten sollen?
Dadurch musste der Autor fr ein solches Werk viel mehr Zeit aufwen-
den. Reiske schrieb: Mit dem Setzen arabischer Schriften geht es auch so
hurtig, wie mit dem Setzen der deutschen, nicht zu.55 Gleichzeitig ist in
diesem Umstand sicherlich ein Hauptgrund fr den meist sehr unsaube-
ren Druck mit vielen Problemen bei der Verbindung der Buchstaben zu
sehen. Das Edieren arabischer Schriften hatte also ganz andere Probleme
zu meistern. Warum htte jemand die hohen Kosten und den groen Zeit-
aufwand fr neue Typen auf sich nehmen sollen, wenn das Vorhandene
seinen Zweck fr einen sehr kleinen und nicht sehr profitablen Markt
durchaus erfllte? Welcher Autor wollte solche hochfliegenden Anspr-
che stellen, wenn er schon froh sein konnte, berhaupt ediert zu werden?
Neben den technischen Schwierigkeiten zeigt sich hier aber wohl
auch die autoritative Kraft einer Tradition, die eine eigene Dynamik ent-
wickelt und somit nicht unbedingt falsch ist. Arabisch lernte man in
Europa meist nicht aus Handschriften, sondern erst einmal aus Druck-
werken, und diese Schrifttradition hat die Art zu schreiben entscheidend
geprgt. Viele Orientalisten hatten tatschlich keinen sthetischen, son-
dern einen funktionalen Zugang zur arabischen Schrift. Kaum einer von
ihnen konnte bei einem kalligraphisch versierten Lehrer lernen. Ihre indi-
viduellen Handschriften sind nicht geprgt von den Manuskripten, die sie
teilweise in Massen besaen, sondern von der verbreiteten Druckschrift.
Andreas Acoluthus etwa konnte bereits am Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts fast
200 arabische, persische und trkische Handschriften, darunter mehr als
30 sorgfltig geschriebene Koranexemplare, sein eigen nennen. Aber seine

53Nach Milo arbeiteten die europischen Wissenschaftler bei der Suche nach typogra-
phischen Lsungen in einer bubble of ignorance for Arabic scripts.
54Vgl. etwa Geoffrey Roper: The history of the book in the Muslim world (2010): 331.
55Johann Jacob Reiske: Proben der arabischen Dichtkunst (Leipzig, 1765): 89.
44 boris liebrenz

eigenhndige Kopie des Korans gleicht nicht diesen Vorlagen, sondern


sieht aus wie ein sauberer Druck.56 Es gab durchaus Ausnahmen, wie
etwa Georg Jacob Kehr, der durch die Anweisungen von zwei syrischen
Arabern eine wohlproportionierte Kalligraphie beherrschte. Aber auch er
konnte an den materiellen Gegebenheiten des Druckes nichts ndern, sie
nur teilweise durch Einschbe von Kupferstichen die niemals die Ele-
ganz der spteren Lithographie erreichen konnten umgehen, musste
ansonsten jedoch die gleichen Typen benutzen wie seine Zeitgenossen.

III.Die Bedeutung des Buchdrucks fr die Entwicklung der Orientalistik

Drucken mit arabischer Schrift war in Leipzig im Untersuchungszeitraum


ein sehr lokales Unternehmen. Autoren, deren Werke hier aufgelegt wur-
den, waren meistenteils entweder selbst Leipziger, hielten sich whrend
der Drucklegung hier auf (Wallin, Schroeder) oder hatten hier studiert
(Khler). Es sollte auch hervorgehoben werden, dass 21 der 50 hier behan-
delten orientalistischen Monographien entweder keinen Verlag nennen
oder explizit auf Kosten des Autors gedruckt wurden. Ohne die finanzi-
elle Untersttzung eines Verlegers mussten frhneuzeitliche Orientalisten
aber nicht nur den Druck ihrer Werke selber finanzieren, sondern durch
die fehlenden Vertriebswege verringerten sich auch die Chancen, wahr-
genommen zu werden. Wieder wissen wir von Reiske, aber auch von sei-
nem Schler Khler, dass sie groe Summen aufwendeten, um sogar sehr
kleine Werke erscheinen zu lassen.
Eines der bestimmenden Themen der jungen Orientalistik bis in das
19. Jahrhundert hinein war der Zugang zu den Quellen. Wieder Reiske:
Wie glcklich wrde ich mich nicht schtzen, wenn ich vor meinem
Ende noch erlebete, da arabische Aldi und Frobenii aufstnden, die ara-
bische Bcher drucken lieen (...).57 Die Druckerei wird das Leitmotiv
seiner stetigen Klagen ber das Schicksal der arabischen Studien. Bereits
im zweiten uns erhaltenen Brief, als 20-jhriger, trumt Reiske davon, eine
orientalische Druckerei aufzubauen und Quellen zu edieren.58 Dabei geht
es nicht nur um den Mangel an Drucktypen,59 das Problem ist auch eines

56Abb. in Verena Klemm (Hg.): Ein Garten im rmel (Leipzig, 2008): 59


57Johann Jacob Reiske: Erinnerungen und Zustze (1757): 145146.
58Reiske: Briefe (1897): 8.
59Vgl. etwa ibid., 556; Froriep: Arabische Bibliothek (Leipzig, 1771): 174175; Johann
Bernhard Khler: Specimen emendationum in Scriptores Arabicos (Lbeck, 1767): 85: (...)
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 45

des Marktzugangs und des Publikums. ber seine Leidener Handschriften-


Exzerpte schreibt Reiske: Ich knnte allerley daraus ediren; aber wem
ist damit gedienet? Biethe ich meine Waare gleich unter Verlegern aus,
so sehnet sich niemand darnach. Drucket man doch nicht einmal gerne
griechisch und lateinisch, geschweige denn arabisch.60 Das orientalische
Oeuvre der Leipziger Verleger reflektiert also nicht nur die Fhigkeiten der
lokalen Gelehrten. Es illustriert vielmehr eines der Grundprobleme einer
jungen, sich entwickelnden Disziplin. Nichts zeigt das besser, als das Bei-
spiel Reiskes, der sowohl als Arabist wie als klassischer Philologe bedeuten-
des geleistet hat. Seinen gewichtigen, vielbndigen Editionen griechischer
und lateinischer Klassiker stehen auf arabistischer Seite wenige Dutzend
Seiten zusammenhngenden arabischen Texts und kleine Broschren
gegenber. Sein Maydn, sein Ab al-Fid, sein arr, alle lagen fertig
in der Schublade. Auch umfangreiche ungedruckte Manuskripte seiner
Schler und anderer Leipziger Orientalisten sind bekannt. Es ist also nicht
verwunderlich, wenn der Lob des Druckes fr Reiske sogar in der rigorosen
Feststellung gipfelt: Alle andere Vorschlge und Anstalten taugen nichts,
und richten mehr nicht aus als ein Schlag ins Wasser.61
Reiskes eingangs zitierte Aussage mag die geschichtliche Entwicklung
also in ein falsches Licht rcken, denn das Drucken mit arabischen Let-
tern war in Leipzig seit dem 17. Jahrhundert ohne Zweifel mglich. Aber
aus ihnen spricht doch eine Realitt, die einen gravierenden Einfluss auf
die Entwicklung der orientalistischen Quellenarbeit und edition hatte.

IV.Chronologische Liste der Drucke in arabischer Schrift in Leipzig bis 1800

1612 Megiser, Hieronymus: Institutiones Linguae Turcicae. Lipsiae.


[Typen von Peter Kirsten (Breslau); nur im ersten von vier
Bchern eingesetzt.]
1625 Wolfrum, Vitus: Nox Cygnea. Exhibens dissertationem in laudem
linguae Arabicae. Lipsiae, Imprimebat Gregor. Ritzsch.
[Arab. Gedicht im Kupferstich.]

quod summa est librorum Arabicorum typis editorum paucitas, et quod horum etiam
lectio maiori certe ex parte crebris librariorum et typothetarum vitiis est impeditissima.
60Johann Jacob Reiske: Gedanken, wie man der arabischen Literatur aufhelfen knne,
und solle (1757): 160. Auch Michaelis gibt 1776 einen kleinen Auszug aus der Geographie
Abulfedas heraus, von dem zehn Jahre danach erst 309 Exemplare verkauft waren; vgl.
Johann David Michaelis: Reiskens Leben (1786): 146.
61Reiske: Gedanken: 162.
46 boris liebrenz

1682 Acoluthus, Andreas: De sive Aquis Amaris


maledictionem inferentibus, vulgo dictis Zelotypiae. Lipsiae, Typis
Justini Brandi.
1687 Pfeiffer, August: Theologiae, sive potius Judaicae
atque Mohammedicae seu Turco-Persicae principia sublesta et
fructus pestilentes. Lipsiae Sumtibus Joh. Fridrich Gleditsch,
Literis Christophori Fleischeri.
[Nur wenige Worte im VI. Kapitel, vgl. Abb. 1]
1689 Drechsler, Wolfgang: Chronicon Saracenicum et Turcicum. a
Georg. Fabricio & Joanne Rosino emendatum auctumque. Huic
in libros quatuor & capita diviso notas atque supplementa tum
historica tum chronologica ex Arabicis, Persicis, Turcicisque scrip-
toribus nec non appendicem secundam ad a. MDCLXXXIX. usque
addidit M. Johannes Reiskius. Lipsiae, Impensis Joh. Christian
Wohlfart, Bibliopol.
1692 Opitz, Heinrich: Novum lexicon Hebraeo-Chaldaeo-biblicum. Lip-
siae apud Gottfried Liebezeit. Typis Christoph. Guntheri.
1695 Schieferdecker, Johann David: Nucleus institutionum Arabi-
carum enucleatus, variis linguae ornamentis atque praeceptis
dialecti Turcicae illustratus. Leipzig, apud autorem, Zeitz, excud.
M. Hucho.
1707 Kromayer, Johann Abraham: Filia matri obstetricans, hoc est: De
usu linguae Arabicae in addiscenda Ebraea, & explicanda Scrip-
tura S[acra]. Francofortum & Lipsiae, Sumptibus Haeredum
Johannis Grossii.
1720 Clodius, Johann Christoph: Liturgiae Syriacae septimanae pas-
sionis Domini nostril Jesu Christi excerptum e codice manuscript
Bibliothecae Senatoriae Lipsiensis. Lipsiae, Literis Bernh. Chri-

stoph. Breitkopfii.
1722 Wallin, Georg:
Sive Historia Josephi Fabri
Lignarii. Liber Apocryphvs Ex Codice Manvscripto Regiae Biblio-
thecae Parisiensis. Lipsiae (literis Andreae Zeidleri).
Clodius, Johannes: Quid sibi invicem debeant Ecclesiae ministri?
Ex jure divino et ecclesiastico in synodo dioecesana ad fraternam
Z proponit Johannes Clodius (...) respondente M. Hein-
rich Gottlob Fleischern. Anno MDCCXXII Mens. Octobr. Lipsiae,
Literis Takkianis.
1723 Clodius, Johann Christian: Specimen ex Historia Literaria Orien-
tali de nonnullis Historicis ac Geographis, Arabicis, Persicis, Tur-
cicis. Lipsiae, Literis Henrici Christophori Takkii.
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 47

Kehr, Georg, Jacob: Saraceni, Hagareni et Mauri quinam sint? Et


undenam dicti? Lipsiae, Literis Breitkopfianis.
1724 Clodius, Johann Christian: De Caussis contemtus Linguae Arabi-
cae. Lipsiae Literis Henr: Christophori Takkii.
Kehr, Georg Jacob: Monarchiae Asiatico-Saracenicae status qvalis
VIII. et IX. post Christvm natum seculo fuit, ex nummis argenteis
prisca arabum scriptura kufica. A Monarchis Arabicis Al-Mansor,
Harun Raschid, Al-Mamon, Aliisque In Metropolibus Chaldaeae,
Persiae, Transoxanaeqve Cusis, Et Nuper In Littore Maris Balthici
Prope Gedanum Effossis. Lipsiae, Prostat in Bibliopolio Jacobi
Schusteri.
[Nur Kupferstiche.]
1725 Kehr, Georg Jacob: Monarchiae Mogolo-Indici vel Mogolis Magni
Aurenk Szeb Numisma Indico-Persicum Argentum quinquelibrale
rarissimum in solemnem renovationem et confirmationem clien-
telarum urbis ac sedis imperatoriae Dehli, nunc dicta Dschihana-
bad, signatum. Lipsiae, impressit Heinrich Christoph Takke.
[Viele Kupferstiche.]
Clodius, Johann Christian: De nominibus ac cognominibus Ara-
bicis, servatoris nostri Jesu Christi, et B. Mariae matris ejus, in
memoriam sacris hujus temporis. Lipsiae, Typis Henrici Christo-


phori Takkii.
Clodius, Johann Christian: sive compendium


grammaticae Arabicae, una cum appendice de vulgari hodierna
dialecto Arabica et duobus capitibus versionis Arabicae Geneseos
editum. Lipsiae, typis H. C. Takkii [1725?].62
1729 Clodius, Johann Christian: Theoria & Praxis Linguae Arabicae
h[oc] e[st] Grammatica Arabica. Lipsiae, Apud heredes Joh.
Grossii.
1730 Clodius, Johann Christian: Excerptum Alcoranicum de Peregri-
natione Sacra. Hoc est Caput Vigesimum Secundum Alcorani
Variantibus Lectionibus Ex Msc. Commentatore Beidavio et Notis
Selectis Illustratum. Lipsiae, Literis Takkianis.
Clodius, Johann Christian: Compendiosum Lexicon Latino-
Turcico-Germanicum. Lipsiae, apud Wolffgangum Deer, Litteris
Zeidlerianis.

62Diesen Titel konnte ich nicht einsehen. Zur Datierung vgl. Christianus Fridericus de
Schnurrer: Bibliotheca Arabica (Halle, 1811): 65.
48 boris liebrenz

Clodius, Heinrich Jonathan: Scopelismi Criminis Arabiae


Rudera e varii generis antiquitatibus excussa. Lipsiae, Lit-


teris Zeidlerianis.
Clodius, Johann Christian: Hoc est: Chroni-
1731

con Peregrinantis seu Historia ultimi belli Persarum cum
Aghwanis gesti, a tempore primae eorum in regnum Persi-
cum irruptionis ejusque occupationis , usque ad Eschrefum
Aghwanum, Persiae regem continuata, ex codice Turcico, in
officina typographica recenti Constantinopolitana impresso,
versa ac notis quibusdam illustrate, cum Tabula Impera-
torum Familiae Othmanicae, ex codice manuscripto Turcico,
in fine adjecta. Lipsiae, apud Jo. Frid. Gleditschii B. Filium.
[Nur der arabische Titel im Holzschnitt wiedergegeben.]
1737 Reiske, Johann Jacob: Abi Mohammed El Kasim Bosrensis
vulgo Hariri Consessvs XXVI. Rakda sev variegatvs dictvs.
Lipsiae, literis Takkianis.
1739 Schrder, Nikolaus Wilhelm: Quatuor prima capita Gene-
seos Turcice et Latine. Lipsiae, Literis Takkianis.
1740 / 1741 Orationis Dominicae Versiones fere centum summa qua
fieri potuit cura genuinis cuiuslibet linguae characteribus
typis vel aere expressae. Lipsiae Litteris Takkianis.
[Auch Appendix zu Gener: Buchdruckerkunst. Bd. III.]
1742 Uhl, Johann Ludwig (Hg.): Thesavri Epistolici Lacroziani.
Lipsiae impens. Io. Frid. Gleditschii.
[Wenige Briefe enthalten einige im arabischen Alphabet
gedruckte Wrter.]
1744 Clodius, Johann Christian: Lexicon Hebraicum Selectum
in quo Voces rariores et obscurae Codicis Hebraei Biblici
illustrantur; Radices Nominum deperditae restituuntur, et
simul Loca Biblica varia explicantur. Lipsiae Sumptibus
Wolfgangi Deer.
1748 Reiske, Johann Jacob: De Arabum Epocha vetustissima, Sail
ol Arem, id est, ruptura catarrhactae Marebensis. Lipsiae,
Apud Geo. Wilh. Pouillard. [Halle, Institutum Judaicum].
1750 Longverve, Louis du Four de: (...) Dissertationes de variis
Epochis et Anni forma veterum orientalium; (...) Quibus
adiecta sunt Commercium Literarum Ludovici Picquesii, Tho-
mae Eduardi et Andreae Acoluthui. Hrsg. von Joannes Diete-
ricus Wincklerus. Lipsiae, in taberna Io. Frider. Gleditschii.
[Viele arabische Zitate in den angehngten Briefen.]
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 49

1755 Reiske, Johann Jacob: Abil Walidi Ibn Zeidvni Risalet sev
Epistolivm. Lipsiae, prostat in Officina Gleditschiana. Lip-
siae, litteris Loeperianis (S. XVI).
1758 Reiske, Johann Jacob: Sammlung einiger arabischer
Sprchwrter die von den Stecken oder Stben hergenom-
men sind. Leipzig. Gedruckt bey Gotthilf Albrecht Fried-
rich Lper.
Bahrdt, Carl Friedrich: Usum linguae Arabicae ex compara-
tione cum Hebraea. Lipsiae, Ex Officina Breitkopfia.
17581759 Rehkopf, Johann Friedrich: Vitae Patriarcharum Alexan-
drinorum quinque. Leipzig, Ex Officina Langenhemiana.
1759 Krger, Johann Christian: De fato Muhammedano. Lipsiae,
Ex Officina Langenhemia.
Reiske, Johann Jacob: De Actamo philosopho Arabico. Lip-
siae, Ex Officina Langenhemia.
1763 Krger, Johann Christian: Als (...) Johann Friedrich Rehkopf
(...) sich ehelich verband mit (...) Christianen Brigitten,
Tochter des Johann Gottfried Wellers (...) sang dieses ara-
bische Gedichte Johann Christian Krger. Leipzig, gedruckt
mir Lperischen Schriften.
Khler, Johann Bernhard: Observationes in sacrum codicem
maxime ex scriptoribus graecis et arabicis. Lipsiae, Loeper.
1765 Reiske, Johann Jacob: Proben der arabischen Dichtkunst
in verliebten und traurigen Gedichten aus dem Motanabbi.
Leipzig, gedruckt mit Lperischen Schriften.
1766 Khler, Johann Bernhard: Abulfedae Tabvla Syriae cvm
excerpto geographico ex Ibn ol Wardii Geographia et Histo-
ria natvrali. Lipsiae: Litteris Schoenermarkii.
[Zwei verschiedene Schriften fr Haupttext und Noten.]
1767 Froriep, Just Friedrich: De utilitate linguae arabicae in
defendendis nonnullis locis tu ketv, specimen primum. Lip-
siae, ex officina Langenhemia.
1768 Froriep, Just Friedrich: Corani caput primum. Lipsiae,
Impensis Hilscheri. Lipsiae, Typis Loeperi (S. 64).
1777 Jones, William: Poeseos Asiaticae commentariorum libri sex
cum appendice. Hrsg. von J. G. Eichhorn. Leipzig, apud haere-
des Weidmanni et Reichium. Jenae, litteris Fickelscherrii.
1779 Richardson, John: Abhandlung ber Sprachen, Litteratur
und Gebruche der morgenlndischen Vlker. (...) Mit einer
Abhandlung von Professor Eichhorn ber die verschiedenen
Mundarten der Arabischen Sprache. Leipzig, Weygand.
50 boris liebrenz

1781 / 1782 Reiske, Johann Jacob: Briefe ber das Arabische Mnzwe-
sen, Repertorium fr Biblische und Morgenlndische Litte-
ratur. Leipzig, Weidmann, Bd. 9 (1781), 197268; 10 (1782),
165240.
1784 Wahl, Samuel Friedrich Gnther: Allgemeine Geschichte
der morgenlndischen Sprachen und Litteratur. Leipzig,
bey Johann Gottlob Immanuel Breitkopf.
1791 Rinck, Friedrich Theodor: Abulfedae tabulae quaedam geo-
graphicae. Lipsiae, in Libraria Weidmannia.
Wahl, Samuel Friedrich Gnther: Neue arabische Antholo-
gie oder auserlesene Sammlung seltener und groentheils
erst neu aus Handschriften ausgehobener Stkke aus ver-
schiedenen Fchern der arabischen Literatur. Leipzig, bei
Johann Friedrich Junius.
Catalogus Bibliothecae Io. Augusti Dathii. Lipsiae, Loeper.
[Nur drei arabische Wrter.]
1792 Rosenmller, Ernst Friedrich Carl: Zohairi carmen templi
Meccani foribus appensum. Lipsiae Ex Officina Breitkopfia.
1796 Rosenmller, Ernst Friedrich Carl: Selecta quaedam Ara-
bum Adagia e Maidanensis Proverbiorum Syntagmate. Lip-
siae, ex typographia Breitkopfii et Hrtelii.
1799 Rosenmller, Ernst Friedrich Carl: Arabisches Elementar-
und Lesebuch. Leipzig, Barth.

Zeitschriften

Acta Eruditorum (Gleditsch, 16821731).


Nova Acta Eruditorum (Gleditsch, 17321782).
Repertorium fr Biblische und Morgenlndische Litteratur (Weidmanns
Erben und Reich, 17771786).
Memorabilien. Eine philosophisch-theologische Zeitschrift (Crusius,
17911796).
frher druck mit arabischen typen in leipzig 51

V.Literatur63

Acoluthus: Aquis Amaris (s.u. 1682).


Adelung, Johann Christoph, Heinrich Wilhelm Rotermund & Otto Gnther: Fortsetzung
und Ergnzungen zu Christian Gottlieb Joechers allgemeinem Gelehrten-Lexicon (...), 7
Bde. Leipzig 17841897.
Anon.: Geschichte des Herrn Nicolaus Wilhelm Schroeder. Des Neuen Gelehrten Europa
Funfzehnter Theil. Wolfenbttel 1760, 730742.
Alnander, Johannes O.: Historiola artis typographicae in Svecia. Rostock / Leipzig 1725.
Biographie universelle, ancienne et moderne (...). Vol. L, Paris 1827.
Catalogus Bibliothecae (s.u. 1791)
Froriep, Just Friedrich: Arabische Bibliothek, Bd. I. Leipzig 1772.
Gener, Christian Friedrich: Die so nthig als ntzliche Buchdruckerkunst und Schrift-
gieerey. 3 Bde., Leipzig 17401741.
Hanebutt-Benz, Eva: Schriftproben orientalischer Schriften aus europischen Giessereien.
Die Sprachen des Nahen Ostens und die Druckrevolution. Eine interkulturelle Begegnung. /
Middle Eastern languages and the print revolution. A cross-cultural encounter. Hrsg. von
Eva Hanebutt-Benz / Dagmar Gla / Geoffrey Roper, unter Mitarbeit von Theo Smets.
Westhofen 2002, 1332.
Heidemann, Stefan: Zwischen Theologie und Philologie: Der Paradigmenwechsel in der
Jenaer Orientalistik 1770 bis 1850. Der Islam 84 (2008): 140184.
Id.: Die Entwicklung der Methoden in der Islamischen Numismatik im 18. Jahrhundert
War Johann Jacob Reiske ihr Begrnder? Johann Jacob Reiske: Persnlichkeit und Wirkung,
hrsg. Hans-Georg Ebert und Thoralf Hanstein. Leipzig, 2005 (Beitrge zur Leipziger
Universitts- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte 7): 147202.
Klemm, Verena (Hg.): Ein Garten im rmel. Islamische Buchkultur. Leipzig 2008.
Khler, Johann Bernhard: Specimen emendationum in Scriptores Arabicos. Lbeck 1767.
Liebrenz, Boris: Arabische, persische und trkische Handschriften in Leipzig. Geschichte
ihrer Sammlung und Erschlieung von den Anfngen bis zu Karl Vollers. Leipzig 2008.
id.: Andreas Acoluthus und der Beginn des armenischen Druckes in Deutschland.
Armenisch-Deutsche Korrespondenz 146 (2009): 4648.
Megiser: Institutiones (s.u. 1612).
Michaelis, Johann David: Reiskens Leben. Johann David Michaelis Neue Orientalische und
Exegetische Bibliothek. Erster Theil. Gttingen 1786, 131160.
Pabst, Erika (Hg.): Man muss dergleichen Handschriften wenigstens sehen...: Orientalia
aus dem Archiv der Franckeschen Stiftungen. Halle 2007.
Pfeiffer: Theologiae (s.u. 1687)
Preiler, Holger: Orientalische Studien in Leipzig vor Reiske. Johann Jacob Reiske Leben
und Wirkung. Ein Leipziger Byzantinist und Begrnder der Orientalistik im 18. Jahrhun-
dert. Hrsg. Hans-Georg Ebert u. Thoralf Hanstein. Leipzig 2005, 1943.
Rehkopf, Heinrich Wohlrath: Leben meines Vaters. D. Johann Friedrich Rehkopfs (...) Pre-
digten und Reden, nebst Dessen Leben. Friedrichstadt/Dresden 1790, 295324.
Reiske, Johann Jacob: Erinnerungen und Zustze. Geschichte der kniglichen Akademie
der schnen Wissenschaften zu Paris, darinnen verschiedene Zustze und Verbesserungen
nebst einem ausfhrlichen Register ber alle zehn Theile enthalten sind. Bd. 11, Leipzig
1757, 1148.
id.: Gedanken, wie man der arabischen Literatur aufhelfen knne, und solle. Ibid., 148200.
id.: Proben (s.u. 1765).
id.: D. Johann Jacob Reiskens von ihm selbst aufgesetzte Lebensbeschreibung. Leipzig 1783.

63Werke, die bereits in der obigen chronologischen Liste der Quellen auftauchen, wer-
den hier nur mit einem Verweis auf die Jahreszahl angefhrt, unter der sie zu finden sind.
52 boris liebrenz

id.: Johann Jacob Reiskes Briefe. Hrsg. von Richard Foerster. Leipzig 1897.
Reske, Christoph: Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet.
Wiesbaden 2007.
Roper, Geoffrey: The History of the book in the Muslim world. The Oxford Companion to
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Schnurrer, Christianus Fridericus de: Bibliotheca Arabica. Halle 1811.
Schoeps, Hans-Joachim: Philosemitismus im Barock. Tbingen 1952.
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Alten und Neuen Theologischen Sachen, Bchern, Urkunden, Controversien, Anmerkun-
gen, Vorschlgen etc. 4 (1761): 414471.
Uhl (Hg.): Thesavri (s.u. 1742)
Wallin: Qiat Ysuf (s.u. 1722)
Zedler, Johann Heinrich: Grosses vollstndiges Universal-Lexicon aller Wissenschafften und
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worden. 64 Bde., Halle/Leipzig, 17321750.
Enlightenment in the Ottoman Context:
brahm Mteferrka and his Intellectual Landscape1

Vefa Erginba

brahim Mteferrika is known as the person who introduced the print-


ing press to the Ottoman Empire in the early eighteenth century, though
printer was only one of the many roles one can attribute to him. He
was a polymath in the truest sense of the word: an intellectual, an edi-
tor, a physicist, a geographer, a map-maker, a soldier, and a historian.
brahim Mteferrika as the polymath and complete intellectual has not
been investigated in detail: his intellectual contributions to and the
impact of his intellectual endeavour on Ottoman scholarship have not
been scrutinised. In this study, I attempt to put brahim Mteferrikas
intellectual persona in its proper context. Being encouraged by the new
trends in Enlightenment studies, I present him as a figure of the early
Ottoman Enlightenment.

New Trends in Enlightenment Studies

In recent years, significant advances have been made in the study of the
Enlightenment.2 In the 1960s, Peter Gay, in his influential studies which
aimed to restore the stature of the Enlightenment, defined the philoso-
phes as a family of intellectuals united by a single style of thinking.3 These
philosophes pitted two aspects of their heritage, paganism and Christian-
ity, against each other in order to gain their autonomy and to create, in a

1 I am very grateful to hocam, Jane Hathaway; without her extensive suggestions this
article would not have reached its full potential. I should like also to extend my spe-
cial gratitude to Y. Hakan Erdem of Sabanc University who introduced the wonderful
world of brahim Mteferrika to me, as well as Dale Van Kley of the Ohio State Univer-
sity who opened up my horizons with his courses on the French Revolution and the
Enlightenment.
2For a synopsis of the Enlightenments journey from its origins to the present see Lynn
Hunt and Margaret Jacob, Enlightenment Studies, Encyclopedia of the Enlightenment, ed.
Alan Charles Kors, 4 vols. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003). In this article I used
the electronic version of this encyclopedia, so no page numbers are specified.
3Peter Gay, The Enlightenment: An Interpretation, vol. 1: The Rise of Modern Paganism
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1967), x.
54 vefa ergnba

way, a modern paganism emancipated from classical thought as well as


Christian dogma.4 He argued that there were many philosophes in the
18th century but only one Enlightenment. The men of Enlightenment,
he posited
united on a vastly ambitious program, a program of secularism, humanity,
cosmopolitanism, and freedom above all, freedom in its many formsfree-
dom from arbitrary power, freedom of speech, freedom of trade, freedom to
realise ones talents, freedom of aesthetic response, freedom, in a word, of a
moral man to make his own way in the world.
Gay also made a bold argument about the Enlightenments stand against
religion. He argued that While the variations among the philosophes are
far from negligible, they only orchestrate a single passion that bound the
little flock together, the passion to cure the spiritual malady that is reli-
gion, the germ of ignorance, barbarity, hypocrisy, filth, and the basest self-
hatred.5 Gays studies provided a convenient framework to understand
the European intellectual activity of the eighteenth century and, in a sense,
canonise the definition of the Enlightenment. His perception proved very
useful for a spectrum of social scientists who defended a coherent view
of history, which culminated in the modernisation paradigm that whole-
heartedly defended the idea that societies evolved from primitive to com-
plex in order to achieve the best form of living and government.
Although Gay claimed that his view of the Enlightenment was com-
prehensive and he made a compelling case, discontent began to emerge
quickly. Within only a decade of the publication of his studies, historians
began to argue that picturing the Enlightenment as a monolithic proj-
ect would not do justice to reality. Although Gay also observed the fact
that the philosophes were divided among themselves on philosophical
and political questions, and some among them bore the marks of their
religious schooling,6 new Enlightenment studies argued that the dis-
parity was greater than Gays assumptions; they argued that there were
many Enlightenments not just one, and each case should be taken into
consideration in order to understand the intellectual, social, and politi-
cal phenomenon called the Enlightenment. The study of Enlightenments
has reached a point where the French version of the Enlightenment is

4Ibid., xi.
5Ibid., 373.
6Ibid., 4.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 55

no longer deemed the Enlightenment:7 from Naples to Scotland and from


Britain to Germany, the legitimacy of different versions of the Enlighten-
ment has been accepted by a wide range of scholars.8 In one of these
state-of-the-art studies in which the possibility of Enlightenments was
pushed to its limits, David Sorkin makes a convincing case even for a reli-
gious Enlightenment. Faith, something hostile to the very core of Enlight-
enment for the French philosophes, is now considered to be an essential
part of the Enlightenment process in some contexts. In his study David
Sorkin argues that:
Contrary to the secular master narrative, the Enlightenment was not only
compatible with religious belief but conducive to it. The Enlightenment
made possible new iterations of faith. With the Enlightenments advent,
religion lost neither its place nor its authority in European society and cul-
ture. If we trace modern culture to the Enlightenment, its foundations were
decidedly religious.9
On the other hand, not everyone accepted the idea of multiple Enlighten-
ments peacefully. Critics of the Enlightenments idea emphasise the danger
associated with the nationalisation and localisation of the Enlightenment
project, which, they believe, would turn the concept of Enlightenment
into a mere period of analysisstripped of its original meaningwhich
would include all intellectual activity between 1680 and 1800.10 Although
there is an imminent danger of depriving the Enlightenment of mean-
ing, I find the multiple Enlightenments idea useful because it allows us
to incorporate diverse cultures into a global framework. If we can dis-
play how different countries and cultures developed similar ideas around
the same time, the supposed dichotomy between the West and the rest

7No one is bolder than J. G. A. Pocock in attacking the definite article in the Enlight-
enment: J. G. A. Pocock, Barbarism and Religion, vol. 1: The Enlightenments of Edward
Gibbon, 17371764 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 7.
8See Roy Porter, The Creation of the Modern World: The Untold Story of the British
Enlightenment (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2001); John Robertson, The Case
for the Enlightenment: Scotland and Naples, 16801760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2005).
9David Sorkin, The Religious Enlightenment: Protestants, Jews, and Catholics from Lon-
don to Vienna (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008), 3. See also his Moses Men-
delssohn and the Religious Enlightenment (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996).
10John Robertson, The Enlightenment above National Context: Political Economy in
18th-century Scotland and Naples, Historical Journal 40, no. 3 (1997), 671. Jonathan Israel
rightly points out that it is more important now than ever before to form a clear picture
of the Enlightenment and what it really entails. Jonathan Israel, Enlightenment! Which
Enlightenment? Journal of the History of Ideas 67, no. 3 (2006): 523545.
56 vefa ergnba

becomes less meaningful. The Ottoman Empire, the villain and sick man
of Europe, was no different from the rest of Europe in the eighteenth cen-
tury. Through the example of the thought and actions of one eighteenth-
century Ottoman intellectual, this study aims to contribute to the multiple
Enlightenments project by exploring how progressive ideas, which could
be deemed as enlightened, were formulated and circulated in the early
eighteenth-century Ottoman Empire.11 Notwithstanding the diversity of
its scope and impact, by including the Ottoman intellectual production
of the eighteenth century in the broader Enlightenments project, one
can find ways to understand how certain ideas became widespread cross-
culturally. Such attempts can also incorporate the Ottoman intellectual
arena into the broader European framework.

Ottoman Empire and the Enlightenment

In her entries in the Encyclopedia of the Enlightenment, historian Ann


Thompson paints a picture of the Ottoman Empire in the most conven-
tional way, as an empire in decline. The Ottoman Empire is only consid-
ered as a subject of Enlightenment thinkers in this acclaimed encyclopaedia

11In 1996, in a special issue of Die Welt des Islams, a handful of historians engaged
in a conversation on the possibility of an Islamic Enlightenment. Reinhard Schulze, in
his provocative article Was ist die islamische Aufklrung? found in the Islamic mystical
literature of the eighteenth century an emphasis on anthropocentrism instead of theo-
centrism. He described this change as the basis for the idea of an Islamic Enlightenment.
According to Schulze, mystics of the eighteenth century emphasised the individuals sub-
jective experience on his path to God instead of traditional or theocentric modes. By cre-
ating an alternative story for the modernisation of Islamic thought with an emphasis on
indigenous actors, Schulze challenged the impact of the West paradigm, which attributes
change and renewal in the Islamic world to European influence. In the same issue of the
journal, Rudolph Peters criticised Schulze, claiming that it is not easy to spot the agents
of novelty in the Islamic world in the eighteenth century because our knowledge of the
period is not adequate to prove the existence of an Islamic Enlightenment represented by
local actors. Peters also disapproved of Schulzes use of the term Enlightenment outside
of its specific European context. In his survey of the eighteenth-century Sufi works, Bernd
Radtke, too, rejected the idea of an Islamic Enlightenment. He states that he could not find
any enlightened tendencies in the worldview of the 18th century. These criticisms reflect
the fact that Schulzes aspiration to define an Islamic Enlightenment comparable to its
European counterpart(s) has not really been shared. His argument did not aim at defining
an Islamic Enlightenment conclusively; he wanted simply to include the Islamic world
in discussions surrounding Enlightenments. Schulzes ideas did not create a positive wave
of responses among his colleagues; however, developments in Enlightenment studies in
European historiography in the last decades have proved that Schulze was not completely
wrong in positing an Islamic Enlightenment. See the articles in Islamic Enlightenment in
the 18th century, special issue, Die Welt des Islams, N.S. 36/3 (1996): 276325.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 57

and not as an entry itself. These thinkers pictured the empire as the land
of the impostors and despots;12 few among them recognised it as a place
of tolerance for different religions and as a tool for criticism against the
Catholic faith. Like the Enlightenment thinkers themselves, Ann Thomp-
son and the editors of the Encyclopedia did not also consider the Ottoman
Empire as a country where there could be some sort of an Enlightenment.13
Besides the Enlightenment philosophes attitudes toward the Ottoman
Empire, there is another reason the Ottoman Empire was not considered a
part of the broader Enlightenment project. For these philosophes and also
for the modern scholars who follow their example, the Ottoman Empire,
in a way, represented the anti-Enlightenment with its backward religion
and despotic government. Therefore, the Ottomans could not resemble
the enlightened countries and peoples. According to this view, not only
were they representatives of anti-Enlightenment but they also posited a
real threat to the dissemination of Enlightenment thought. For example,
the internationally renowned historian of early modern Greek culture,
Pachalis Kitromilides, argued once in one of his articles on the dissemi-
nation of Enlightenment ideas in the southeastern Europe: The fact of
Ottoman domination meant that the Enlightenment was faced with insti-
tutions of a theocratic Empire, based on a rigid corporate social organisa-
tion and inspired by an ideology that constituted a complete counterpoint
to all modern liberal values.14 It seems that Kitromilides was inspired
by Gibb and Bowens now badly outdated Islamic Society and the West,15
which was once the epitome of the notion of Ottoman decline.

12For philosophes take on the Ottoman Empire, see Asl rakman, From Tyranny to
Despotism: The Enlightenments Unenlightened Image of the Turks, International Journal
of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (2001): 4968; Thomas Kaiser, The Evil Empire? The Debate
on Turkish Despotism in Eighteenth-Century French Political Culture, Journal of Modern
History 71, no. 1 (2000): 634.
13Ann Thompson, Ottoman Empire; Islam, Encyclopedia of the Enlightenment (New
York: Oxford University Press, 2003).
14Paschalis M. Kitromilides, The Enlightenment East and West: A Comparative Per-
spective on the Ideological Origins of the Balkan Political Traditions, in his Enlightenment,
Nationalism, Orthodoxy: Studies in the Culture and Political Thought of Southeastern Europe
(Aldershot, UK: Variorum, 1994), 54. The picture that Kitromilides drew of the Ottoman
Empire is based on nationalist Balkan historiography, which, until now, sees the Ottoman
control in Europe as yoke, and the Ottomans as bearers of the most archaic, most bar-
baric, and most anti-modern worldview.
15H. A. R. Gibb and H. Bowen, Islamic Society and the West: A Study of the Impact of
Western Civilization on Moslem Culture in the Near East (London: Oxford University Press,
195057). For a critical take on this work see Roger Owen, The Middle East in the Eigh-
teenth Centuryan Islamic Society in Decline? A Critique of Gibb and Bowens Islamic
58 vefa ergnba

Decline rhetoric was created by Ottoman intellectuals in the early six-


teenth century. From then on they produced various works to cope with
the crisis they observed in the operation of the Empire. They thought
that the Ottoman Empire would collapse if the necessary precautions
were not taken in a timely manner.16 According to the decline scheme
developed by these Ottoman intellectuals, based on an Ibn Khaldunian
framework, the Ottoman Empire saw its golden age in the early sixteenth
century and began to decline from that point onward. Therefore, the his-
tory of the Ottoman Empire from approximately the 1560s to its demise is
seen as the history of the decline of the empire. The most ardent defend-
ers of the decline rhetoric have been, however, troubled by the reality
that this empire in decline survived another four centuries. European con-
temporaries who were keen observers of the empire and well-read in the
works of Ottoman men of letters also copied this rhetoric from Ottoman
intellectuals. In the second half of the twentieth century, many revisionist
studies were written to dismantle the decline paradigm and to show that
what the Ottoman intellectuals observed was a society in crisis, which
would transform and adapt to the new challenges. The eighteenth cen-
tury, in which brahim Mteferrika lived, has also been considered a part
of the long decline that the empire suffered. Recent scholarship on the
eighteenth-century Ottoman Empire also rejects the notion that the empire
was on the verge of collapse.17 The eighteenth century is now regarded as
an era of vivid transformation in which various parties in the Ottoman
administration attempted to solve problems associated with the empires
transformation from a traditional agrarian society into a commercial one.
In parallel with these administrative changes, Ottoman intellectual life
also changed, producing ideas comparable to those developed in Euro-
pean countries. In the eighteenth century, the Ottoman Empire experi-
enced intellectual movements similar to those sweeping western Europe,
although not necessarily equivalent in scale or impact. Many reform trea-
tises were written in this century to solve the problems of the empire.
Although they remained essentially conservative and prioritised faith, the

Society and the West, Bulletin (British Society for Middle Eastern Studies) 3, no. 2 (1976):
110117.
16For an overview of the decline literature see Douglas Howard, Ottoman Historiog-
raphy and the Literature of Decline of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, Journal
of Asian History 22, no. 1 (1988): 5277.
17For a comprehensive survey of the twentieth-century historiography of the eigh-
teenth-century Ottoman Empire, see Jane Hathaway, Rewriting Eighteenth-Century Otto-
man History, Mediterranean Historical Review 19, no. 1 (2004): 2953.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 59

exponents of these ideas aimed to bring a scientific approach to the study


of military science, and they wanted to expand the public sphere by the
dissemination of social and humanistic disciplines through printing. In
the early eighteenth century there was a rapprochement between Europe
and the Ottoman Empire. Ambassadors were sent to Europe to observe
the inner workings of European countries. There was also an increasing
interest in learning European history, government, and military structure.
As part of this effort, the printing press was also introduced into the Otto-
man Empire and many works were published. In the second half of the
eighteenth century, the real seeds of reform were planted and a series of
progressive sultans attempted to reform the military structure as well as
the government. While the Enlightenment was flourishing in Europe, the
Ottomans were not sitting and awaiting their unavoidable collapse. They
were engaging in intellectual debates on the fate of the empire, as well as
striving to bring forth new ideas and forms.
The Ottoman Empires early Enlightenment venture resembles in some
ways those in Greece and Russia.18 However, the Ottoman Enlightenment
of the eighteenth century should be understood in its specific context:
Ottoman intellectuals of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had
developed a unique understanding of progress based on their acceptance
of the importance of faith and religious law, their extension of the disci-
plines of history and geography to a wider readership, and the creation
of a military structure on modern lines. The emphasis on Islamic values
in the Ottoman version of the Enlightenment may seem contradictory, in
view of the fact that the French version of the Enlightenment was openly
anti-religious and anti-clerical. However, as mentioned earlier, faith and
progress are no longer considered mutually exclusive. Current European
historiography takes account not only of the secular Enlightenment led
by the French philosophes, but also of Catholic,19 Protestant, and Pietistic
versions of the Enlightenment. It is now evident that religion and religious
intellectuals were not outcasts of the Enlightenment but contributed

18The Enlightenment in Greece, which was part of the Ottoman Empire until the early
nineteenth century, developed in a similar way to the Ottoman Empire. Religion was an
especially sensitive topic. Even in the later phases, the Greek Enlightenment was anti-
clerical but not anti-religious. Anna Tabaki, Greece, in Encyclopedia of the Enlightenment.
The case in Russia is also similar. Isabel de Madariaga, Russia, ibid.
19See Jeffrey Burson, The Rise and Fall of Theological Enlightenment: Jean-Martin de
Prades and Ideological Polarization in Eighteenth-Century France (Notre Dame, IN: Univer-
sity of Notre Dame Press, 2010).
60 vefa ergnba

significantly to the intellectual transformation of the seventeenth and


eighteenth centuries in Europe.
In this article, brahim Mteferrika, one of the leading innovators
of the early eighteenth-century Ottoman Empire and a member of the
intellectual elites who represented enlightened thought in the Ottoman
domains, is scrutinised as an intellectual of the Ottoman version of the
Enlightenment. brahim Mteferrika was neither a philosophe, nor a man
of religion: he was a restless and erudite learner, an amateur scientist like
many of the Enlightenment figures, and an urban, cosmopolitan intellec-
tual. I argue that Enlightenment in the early eighteenth-century Ottoman
context operated in a conservative, middle way instead of following a
more radical and secular path.20 He therefore fits well into the frame-
work of the early Enlightenment. Intellectuals such as brahim Mtefer-
rika struggled to find ways to incorporate new ideas into a society that
took comfort in keeping up tradition. He argued that faith is the most sig-
nificant determinant in life; however, one should also pay close attention
to the natural causes of events and their consequences. He also asserted
that printing is a very good medium through which to educate Mus-
lims and disseminate knowledge. When Mteferrika wrote these ideas,
the Enlightenment in Europe was in the making: the first phase, which
was more moderate, came to a conclusion, but a more radical one was
yet to run its course. The Encyclopdie was published between 1751 and
1772, and Kant wrote his article What is the Enlightenment? in 1784. It
is difficult to establish real connections between Mteferrika and other
Enlightenment thinkers because he did not write in dialogue with them.
It is possible, however, to display themes and ideas that could be defined
as enlightened in his case. As Peter Gay put it cleverly in his classic work,
the hardcore of the Enlightenment was surrounded by an ever-growing
penumbra of associates.21 I claim that brahim Mteferrika was one of
those associates.
brahim Mteferrikas upbringing played a crucial role in the formation
of his intellectual landscape: therefore I begin my analysis with his biogra-
phy. After his life story, I particularly look into his works that provide the
main framework on which this study is based. I will not go into the details

20Jonathan Israel insisted on the idea that the Enlightenment that we know is the
Enlightenment of the radical philosophes and not the moderate ones. Jonathan Israel,
Enlightenment Contested: Philosophy, Modernity, and the Emancipation of Man, 16701752
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006).
21 Gay, Enlightenment, 18.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 61

of his printing venture, which has been aptly studied by contemporary


authors in its proper context.22 I study his printing as part of his intel-
lectual persona and attempt to put his publications in the proper con-
text by explaining why and how he chose his works and what made him
the most enlightened figure of the eighteenth-century Ottoman Empire. I
point out the importance of his innovative ideas and his links to the clas-
sical heritage of the Islamic world in general and the Ottoman Empire in
particular.

Courtier-diplomat: A Life in Borders: brahim Mteferrikas Life Story

Most modern-day secondary studies of brahim Mteferrika have been


undertaken by Turkish scholars. After the establishment of the Turkish
Republic in the 1920s, he was a subject of interest to only a few writers.23
Later, in the second half of the twentieth century, his career was revis-
ited in the context of his printing venture.24 Only recently, however, have

22See various studies of Orlin Sabev (Orhan Salih): I brahim Muteferrika ya da ilk
Osmanl matbaa seruveni, 17261746: yeniden degerlendirme (Istanbul: Yeditepe, 2006);
idem, The First Ottoman Turkish Printing Enterprise: Success or Failure? in Ottoman
Tulips, Ottoman Coffee: Leisure and Lifestyle in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Dana Sajdi (Lon-
don: Tauris Academic Studies, 2007), 6389; idem, Rich Men, Poor Men: Ottoman Printers
and Booksellers Making Fortune or Seeking Survival (Eighteenth-nineteenth centuries),
Oriens 37 (2009): 177190; idem, A Virgin Deserving Paradise or a Whore Deserving Poison:
Manuscript Tradition and Printed Books in Ottoman Turkish Society, in Friars, Nobles
and BurghersSermons, Images and Prints: Studies of Culture and Society in Early-modern
Europe, in memoriam Istvan Gyorgy Toth, ed. Jaroslav Miller, and Laszlo Kontler (Buda-
pest: CEU Press, 2010): 389409; idem, In Search of Lost Time: How Late was the Intro-
duction of Ottoman-Turkish Printing? Europa und die Trkei im 18. Jahrhundert [Europe
and Turkey in the eighteenth century], ed. Barbara Schmidt-Haberkamp (Gttingen: V&R
unipress, 2011): 447456. See also his essay Waiting for Godot: The Formation of Ottoman
Print Culture, in the present volume.
23Imre Karacson, brahim Mteferrika, Tarih-i Osmani Encmeni Mecmuas (TOEM)
1/3 (1328/1910): 178190; Ahmed Refik, Alimler ve Sanatkarlar (Istanbul: Kitabhane-i Hilmi,
1924), 329358.
24Niyazi Berkes, brahim Mteferrika, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. [heceforth EI2]
(Leiden: Brill and London: Luzac, 1986), 3:996998; idem, lk Trk Matbaas Kurucusunun
Dini ve Fikri Kimlii, TTK Belleten 26/104 (1962): 715737; Trkiyede adalama (Istan-
bul: YKY, 2004), 5063; T. Halasi Kun, brahim Mteferrika, slam Ansiklopedisi 2:896
900; smail Hakk Uzunarl, Osmanl Tarihi, vol. 4, pt 1 (Ankara: Trk Tarih Kurumu,
1994), 158162; William J. Watson, brahim Mteferrika and Turkish Incunabula, Journal
of the American Oriental Society 88 (1968): 435441; Halil Necatiolu, Matbaac brahim
Mteferrika ve Risale-i slamiye adl eserinin tenkidli metni (Ankara: Elif Matbaaclk, 1982);
ahap Demirel, brahim Mteferrikann Fyuzat- Mknatisiye Adl Kitab, Dil Tarih
Corafya Fakltesi Dergisi (DTCFD) (1982): 265330; Salim Aydz, brahim Mteferrika,
Yaamlaryla ve Yaptlaryla Osmanllar Ansiklopedisi (Istanbul: Yap Kredi Kltr Sanat
62 vefa ergnba

his biography and the impact of his printing venture been scrutinised in
detail.25 These studies have extended our knowledge of this unique figure
of the Ottoman eighteenth century as a printer;26 yet, printer was only
one of the many roles one can attribute to brahim Mteferrikahe was a
man of many parts. The establishment of a printing press by a Muslim for
the first time, not only in the Ottoman lands but also in the wider Islamic
world, was no doubt revolutionary; however, Mteferrikas proposals for
military reform, which were reproduced in the last decades of the eigh-

Yaynclk, 1999): 631633; Mustafa Asm Yediyldz, brahim Mteferrika, Vakflar Der-
gisi 22 (1991): 441447; Rana Temir, lk Trk Matbaasnn Kurucusu brahim Mteferrika
zerine Yeni Bilgiler, Trk Kltr 28/321 (January 1990): 4347; Adil en, brahim Mtefer-
rika ve Usull Hikem fi Nizaml mem (Ankara: TDV, 1995); J. Jozsef Horvath, Osmanlda
ilk Matbaay Kuran brahim Mteferrika, Tarih ve Toplum 215 (November 2001): 5158.
25Erhan Afyoncu, brahim Mteferrika, Diyanet slam Ansiklopedisi (DIA) 22:
324327; idem, lk Trk Matbaasnn Kurucusu Hakknda Yeni Bilgiler, TTK Belleten
45/242244 (2002): 606622; :
(17261746) (Sofia: , 2004). I used the short English
prcis at the end of this work and not the main work itself. Turkish trans.: Orlin Sabev
(Orhan Salih), brahim Mteferrika (2006).
26See the following studies for a discussion of the Mteferrika Press: Giambatista
Toderini, brahim Mteferrika Matbaas ve Trk Matbaacl, ed. evket Rado (Istanbul:
stanbul yaynclk, 1990); Franz Babinger, Mteferrika ve Osmanl Matbaas (Istanbul: Tarih
Vakf Yurt Yayinlari, 2004); Selim Nzhet Gerek, Trk Matbaacl: Mteferrika Matbaas
(Istanbul: Devlet Basmevi 1939); Server skit, Trkiyede Neriyat Hareketleri Tarihine Bir
Bak (Istanbul: Devlet Basimevi, 1939; repr. Ankara: MEB, 2000); Aladar v. Simonffy, brahim
Mteferrika: Trkiyede Matbaacln Banisi, trans. Faruk Yener ([Ankara:] Basbakanlk
Basn ve Yayn Genel Mudurlugu, 1945); Edvard Carleson, brahim Mteferrika Basmevi
ve Bast lk Eserler: brahim Mteferrikas Printing House and its First Printed Books, ed.
Mustafa Akbulut (Ankara: Trk Ktphaneciler Dernei, 1979); smet Binark, Matbaann
Trkiyeye Ge Giriinin Sebepleri, Trk Ktphaneciler Dernei Basm ve Yaynclmzn
250. Yl Bilimsel Toplants, 1011 Aralik 1979, Ankara: Bildiriler (Ankara: Trk Ktphan-
eciler Dernei, 1980), 139174; Sheyl nver, brahim Mteferrikann Bilimsel Yn ve
Yaynlarndaki zellikler, in Trk Ktphaneciler, 17; Osman Ersoy, lk Trk Basmevinde
Baslan Kitaplarn Fiyatlar, in Trk Ktphaneciler, 6983; Hidayet Nuholu, Mtefer-
rika Matbaasnn Kurulmas iin verilen fetva stne, in Trk Ktphaneciler, 119126; Jale
Baysal, II. Rakoczi Ferencin evirmeni Mteferrika brahim ve Osmanl Trklerinin ilk
Bastklar Kitaplar, in Trk-Macar Kltr Mnasebetleri I Altnda II. Rakoczi Ferenc ve
Macar Mltecileri Sempozyumu (Istanbul: Baha Matbaas, 1976), 217225; Alpay Kabacal,
Trk Kitap Tarihi (Istanbul: Cem, 1989), 3155; Alpay Kabacal, Balangcndan Gnmze
Trkiyede Matbaa Basn ve Yayn (Istanbul: Literatr, 2000); Orhan Kololu, Basmevi ve
Basnn Gecikme Sebepleri ve Sonular (Istanbul: Gazeteciler Cemiyeti, 1987); Mustafa
Akbulut, brahim Mteferrika ve ilk Trk Matbaas, in Trkler, vol. 14, ed. Hasan Celal
Gzel, Kemal iek, Salim Koca (Ankara: Yeni Trkiye, 2002), 919926; Hidayet Nuholu,
Osmanl Matbaacl, in Trkler, 14: 927932; idem, Mteferrika Matbaas ve Baz
Mlahazalar, Osmanl, ed. Gler Eren, vol. 7 (Ankara: Yeni Trkiye, 1999): 221229; Yusuf
Kaplan, Osmanllarda Matbaa: Bir Medeniyet Krizi Sorunu, Osmanl, 7:230237; Ahmed
Cevdet Paa, Tarih-i Cevdet, vol. 1 (Istanbul: dal Neriyat, 1994), 6976; Joseph Freiherr
von Hammer-Purgstall, Osmani Devleti Tarihi (Istanbul: dal Neriyat, 1983), 7:356357.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 63

teenth century by a handful of reform writers,27 and his loud call for order
(nizam) in the Ottoman Empire certainly made his impact greater than
that of simply a publisher.
While there is no certain information as to the birth date of brahim
Mteferrika, recent findings confirm that he was born between 1670 and
1674.28 Based on Risale-i slamiye, a work which is attributed to brahim, his
birthplace was the Hungarian town of Kolozsvr, today Cluj in Romania.
The earliest scholarly study of brahim Mteferrika was written by a Hun-
garian priest, Imre Karacson (18631911), in the early twentieth century.
This particular study has greatly influenced perceptions of Mteferrikas
background. Karacson argues that brahim was born into a poor Calvinist
family and later studied to be a minister. Niyazi Berkes challenges this
idea in an article in which he discusses Mteferrikas Unitarian beliefs
as reflected in the latters Risale-i slamiye.29 In this work, Mteferrika
states that he read books prohibited by the Habsburg imperial authori-
ties, which, according to Berkes, would have meant the works of Michael
Servetus, the theoretical founder of Unitarianism.30 Unitarians view God
as one person instead of three and defend non-Trinitarian monotheism.
They also believe that Jesus was a Prophet of God and not a divine being.
The Unitarians insist on the compatibility of reason and revelation and
claim that whatever is false according to reasonwhich for them meant
common sense and natural knowledgecan never be true as revelation.31
Islam also clearly espouses non-Trinitarian monotheism and Muslims
view Jesus as a Prophet of God and reject his divine nature. Unitarianism
and Islam are therefore easily compatible, and, as argued by Berkes, this
similarity played a significant role in brahims conversion to Islam. It is
evident from Mteferrikas thoughts that he also carried over this notion
of the compatibility of reason and faith from his old belief to the new
one. Although it has been argued by Karacson that brahim was enslaved
and forced to convert to Islam, it seems more reasonable to assert, as

27See, for example, the discussion of brahims impact on Koca Sekbanbas reform
treatise by Yusuf Hakan Erdem, The Wise Old Man, Propagandist and Ideologist: Koca
Sekbanba on the Janissaries, 1807, in Individual, Ideologies and Society: Tracing the
Mosaic of Mediterranean History, ed. Kirsi Virtanen (Tampere, Finland: Tampere Peace
Research Institute, 2001), 155177.
28Erhan Afyoncu, brahim Mteferrikann Yeni Yaynlanan Terekesi ve lm Tarihi
zerine, Trklk Aratrmalar Dergisi 15 (2004): 349362.
29Berkes, lk Trk Matbaas.
30Ibid., 729730.
31 Ibid.
64 vefa ergnba

Berkes did, that he took refuge in the Ottoman Empire and converted
voluntarily. Many Protestants, such as Mteferrika, did this, because of
Habsburg pressure on the non-Catholic population of Transylvania. The
Ottomans, indeed, had supported the independence of Protestant Tran-
sylvania in the face of Catholic Habsburg religious persecution from the
time of Sleyman the Magnificent.32 brahim, in his twenties, most prob-
ably moved to the Ottoman Empire with Imre Thkly (16571705), the
Protestant prince of Transylvania who started an uprising against the
Habsburgs and allied with the Ottomans against them.33
In a recent study, Erhan Afyoncu, utilising Ottoman archival documents,
outlines the trajectory of Mteferrikas career. Before being appointed as
mteferrika on 18 April 1716 he was a sipahi in the cavalry branch of the
imperial (Kapkulu) army.34 The mteferrika regiment is a subject that
has yet to be investigated in detail. It was principally an askeri position,
related to the military. They were the special servants of sultans, viziers,
and high-ranking bureaucrats.35 Mehmet Zeki Pakalin, in his acclaimed
inventory of Ottoman historical terms, traces them back to the early
period of the empire, noting that there is a reference to them in Mehmed
IIs (r. 14511481) Kanunname. It seems that the post of mteferrika was
mostly filled to employ (or sponsor) the sons of high-ranking officials,
such as grand viziers, governors of provinces, and chancellors (nianc),
who were not allowed to hold high offices. Mteferrikas fathers were from

32For the relationship between Ottomans and Protestants, see Carl Max Kortepeter,
Ottoman Imperialism during the Reformation (New York: New York University Press, 1972);
lber Ortayl, The Ottoman Empire at the End of the 17th Century, in Ortayl, Studies on
Ottoman Transformation (Istanbul: ISIS Press, 1994), 9.
33Niyazi Berkes, brahim Mteferrika, EI2.
34Afyoncu, lk Trk Matbaasnn Kurucusu Hakknda Yeni Bilgiler, 610. On the sipahis,
see smail Hakk Uzunarl, Osmanl Devleti Tekilatndan Kapukulu Ocaklari, II (Ankara:
TTK, 1988), 190. brahim might have entered the Ottoman army as a volunteer. Beginning
in the sixteenth century, foreigners were also included in times of need, which increased
the armys numbers dramatically. In 1713, when Mteferrika was in their ranks, the number
of sipahis was 10,778, apart from the approximately 12,000 remaining members of the six
divisions of the Kapkulu cavalry (alt blk halk). Uzunarl, Kapukulu Ocaklar, 2:216.
35The Mteferrika corps seems to have had its heyday in Egypt, where it was created
in 155455 as a separate and regular regiment combining both infantry and cavalry. Its
introduction was part of an effort to Ottomanise Egypts administration. See the follow-
ing works for the Mteferrika corps in Egypt in different contexts: Stanford Shaw, The
Financial and Administrative Organization and Development of Ottoman Egypt, 15171798
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1962); Jane Hathaway, The Politics of Households
in Ottoman Egypt: The Rise of the Qazdals (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997);
idem, The Mamluk Breaker Who was really a Kul Breaker: A Fresh Look at Kul Kran
Mehmed Pasha, Governor of Egypt 16071611, in The Arab Lands in the Ottoman Era, ed.
Jane Hathaway (Minneapolis, MN: Center for Early Modern History, 2009).
enlightenment in the ottoman context 65

all the main bureaucratic channels of the Empire: askeriye, kalemiye, and
ilmiye. It also seems that during the eighteenth century their composi-
tion changed dramatically; any member of the elite who did not fit in the
established administrative hierarchy was awarded this post and used for
special missions. The existence of the mteferrika class shows how the
Ottoman bureaucratic hierarchy was adapted to diverse needs. In the last
years of the seventeenth century, there were 631 mteferrikas.36 They were
an independent class under the sole authority of the sultan. From the
example of brahim Mteferrika, one can conclude that, in the eighteenth
century, people from outside palace circles, whose usefulness was proved,
were also granted these posts. brahim Mteferrika probably received this
post owing to his extensive knowledge of European languages (looking
at the posts to which he was appointed, he seemed to know German,
French, Hungarian, and Latin besides Turkish and Persian) as well as his
role as an interpreter between the Ottoman sultans and the Transylvanian
prince, Ferenc Rakoczi (r. 17041711).
After his appointment as a mteferrika, brahim was employed in
various diplomatic missions. First, he was sent to Belgrade in 1716 with
a delegation of Hungarians in order to promote their struggle against the
Habsburgs. Belgrade was an extremely important Ottoman provincial
capital and the forward base in campaigns against the Habsburgs. His
long-term job was as a liaison officer to Prince Ferenc Rakoczi, who fled
to Ottoman territory in 1711.37 Although his job became honorary after
the Ottoman plan of controlling Transylvania with proxy princes failed,
Mteferrika occupied this post until the death of Rakoczi in 1735.38 There
is not much information on the friendship between Rakoczi and brahim
Mteferrika, which probably developed greatly over twenty years, besides
the letters that a personal scribe of Rakoczi, Kelemen Mikes, wrote to his
imaginary aunt, in which he mentions brahim sporadically. While the
Hungarian scholar Joseph Horvath insists that Rakoczi supported brahim
Mteferrika in his printing enterprise,39 this claim still needs to be proved.

36Hezarfen Hseyin Efendi, Telhisl Beyan fi Kavanin-i Ali Osman, ed. Sevim lgrel
(Ankara: TTK, 1998): 86.
37Among those who fled with Rakoczi was Andras Tth, the father of Baron de Tott,
the outstanding military advisor to the eighteenth-century Ottoman sultans. It seems Hun-
garians were especially interested in the military. Virginia Aksan, Breaking the Spell of
the Baron de Tott: Reframing the Question of Military Reform in the Ottoman Empire,
17601830, International History Review 24, no. 2 (2002), 256.
38Afyoncu, lk Trk Matbaasnn, 611.
39Joseph Horvath, Osmanlda ilk Matbaay, 55.
66 vefa ergnba

The close relationship between him and his interpreter is evident in a let-
ter which Rakoczi composed before his death. He asks the grand vizier to
look after his faithful translator and asks for the Sultans favour for him
and prays for him in the following manner: May almighty God reward
him with His most precious gifts for his kindness to me.40
brahims long acquaintance with Rakoczi must have provided him
with extensive experience in diplomatic affairs. He was sent to Salonica,
in what is now northeastern Greece, in 1731 to escort the prince Mirza
Safi, claimant to the throne of Irans Safavid Empire, who had fled to Otto-
man territory in the wake of the Afghan invasion of Iran in 1722.41 In 1736,
brahim Mteferrika was sent on a diplomatic mission to Poland in order
to renew the peace treaty between the two states;42 in 1738 he conducted
negotiations on behalf of the Ottoman government and the anti-Habsburg
Hungarians for the surrender of the fortress of Orova (in modern-day
Romania), which changed hands various times in the eighteenth century,
to the Ottomans.43 He also took an active part, together with Comte de
Bonneval (Humbarac Ahmed Paa), in promoting Turkish-Swedish coop-
eration against Russia.44 He was appointed as the scribe of the Ottoman
artillery (Top Arabacilar) in 1738 and stayed in this post until 1743. He was
sent to Dagestan in that year to present an official letter of appointment
(tayin berat) to Asmay Ahmed, who had been nominated to the Kaytak
khanate.45 He was appointed official imperial historian (divan- hmayun
tarihisi) in 1744 and held that position until 1745.46

40Kelemen Mikes, Letters from Turkey, trans. Bernard Adams (London: Kegan Paul,
2000), 176. Kelemen Mikes, Osmanlda bir Macar Konuk: Prens Rakoczi ve Mikesn Trkiye
Mektuplar, trans. Edit Tasnadi (Istanbul: Aksoy Yaynclk, 1999). For a good compilation
of official Ottoman documents on Rakoczi, see Ahmet Refik, Memalik-i Osmaniyede Kral
Rakoci ve Tevabii (Istanbul: Hilal Matbaas, 1333/1917).
41 Ahmed Refik, Onikinci Asr- Hicride stanbul Hayat (Istanbul: Enderun, 1988), 119.
When the Safavid Shah Husayn (r. 16941722) was deposed as a result of the Afghan inva-
sion, at least three pretenders to the Safavid throne emerged. All of them were called
Mirza Safi, all claimed to be the youngest son of Shah Husayn. Although real son of Husayn
is believed to have been massacred with his father, one of those Safis took refuge in the
Ottoman Empire. The Ottomans welcomed him thinking that he might prove useful in
the future affairs of the Persian throne when the things finally settled. J. R. Perry, The Last
Safavids 17221773, Iran 9 (1971), 60.
42Afyoncu, lk Trk Matbaacsnn, 613.
43Berkes, brahim Mteferrika, EI2, 3: 997.
44Ibid., 3: 997.
45From the history of Suphi Mehmed Efendi (d. 1769), quoted in Afyoncu, lk Trk
Matbaacsnn, 615.
46Afyoncu, lk Trk Matbaacsnn, 615.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 67

Enlightenment through Printing: Mteferrikas Printing Venture

When brahim Mteferrika began to consider opening a printing house


in Istanbul,47 printing was already a well-known enterprise for the non-
Muslim population of the Ottoman Empire: Armenians, Greeks, and Jews
had already published many books.48 By the nineteenth century, Istanbuls
Jewish community alone had published more than eight hundred titles,
using Hebrew script.49 Christian communities in the Ottoman provinces
also published titles in Arabic script. For example, an Arabic translation
of the Psalms (Kitb al-mazmr) was published in Aleppo in 1706; within
five years, ten more titles were published there.50 But brahim Mteferrika
was an innovator not only in terms of his introduction of printing to the
Muslim population of the empire but also in terms of his publication of
Turkish works.
Mteferrika was very concerned about the future of his enterprise and
developed a clear strategy to avoid forfeiting his business. In his manifesto-
like essay, Vesilett Tibaa [The utility of printing], which he presented
to the enlightened grand vizier of the age, Damad brahim Paa, he dis-
cussed the importance and benefits of printing.51 Mteferrika was so con-
cerned about possible objections to his new enterprise that he included
this essay in the introductions to half of the books that he printed. In
it, he points out that although the holy book of the Muslims has been
preserved through the ages, many other useful titles were destroyed dur-
ing the Mongol invasions of the thirteenth century. He presents print-
ing as a means of preventing the destruction of rare books. According
to Mteferrika, printing would multiply dictionaries which serve as the
main references for the Arabic language and allow them to be corrected.

47For the location of the press and a discussion about it, see Orlin Sabev, brahim
Mteferrika, 156160.
48For details, see Gnay Alpay Kut, Matbaa: In Turkey, EI2.
49Kemal Beydilli, Matbaa, Diyanet slam Ansiklopedisi, 28:106.
50Ibid., 28:107.
51 Ebu Nasr smail Bin Hammad el Cevheri, Tercme-i Sihah-i Cevheri (Vankulu Lgati),
2 vols., trans. Mehmed bin Mustafa el Vani (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira, 1141 [1729]).
For transcriptions and translations of these important materials, see Refik, Onikinci Asr
Hicride stanbul Hayat; Turgut Kut and Fatma Tre, Yazmadan Basmaya: Mteferrika,
Mhendishane, skdar (Istanbul: Yapi Kredi Kltr Sanat, 1996), 3435; George Atiyeh
(ed.), Appendix: Ottoman Imperial Documents Relating to the History of Books and
Printing, trans. Christopher M. Murphy, The Book in the Islamic World: The Written Word
and Communication in the Middle East (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995),
283292.
68 vefa ergnba

The number of books on history, astronomy, philosophy, and geography


would likewise be greatly multiplied. Printed books are more reliable and
error-free, in Mteferrikas opinion, than their manuscript counterparts,
which are prone to erosion over time. They are also inexpensive and easy
to produce, and thus provide both rich and poor with a proper educa-
tion. Indexes and tables of contents in summary or detail make references
easier to find. With the fall in book prices that would result from the circu-
lation of printed copies, Mteferrika asserts, people who live in the coun-
tryside would also buy them and their ignorance would disappear. The
increase in the number of books would also lead to the establishment of
libraries. He argues that the Christians already recognise the significance
of books in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish and have profited from this. Yet,
their printed books are full of errors, Mteferrika points out, because they
are not the work of experts. Moreover, he continues, since the Ottomans
are superior to their rivals politically and culturally, they should also be
superior in the art of printing, which should meet the needs of not only
the Ottomans but all Muslims. Particularly striking is the fact that Mt-
eferrika was not only concerned with Istanbul, where he lived and which
was the centre of learning and scholarship for those who had access to it;
but he also considered the entire empire in his mission to spread ideas.
Through proper education, made possible by the multiplication of books
and libraries, an enlightened public would emerge throughout the Muslim
world. As a matter of fact, in the probate inventories of the residents of
Sarajevo and Sofia, which were studied by Orlin Sabev, there were Mt-
eferrika Press publications.52 One can thus claim that Mteferrika was
apparently successful in his mission to spread his publications to at least
the European provinces of the empire.
Mteferrika also pointed out that the usefulness of printing had already
been written and spoken about by many people, and some among them
had been given the task of opening a printing house, though the plan
was never realised. Although it is not clear who was given such a task
and when it happened, the chronicler brahim Peevi (15741649) and the
polymath Katip elebi (16091657) are known as intellectuals who wrote
about printing and explained its uses. However, neither of them intended
to introduce printing to the Ottoman Empire.53 Yirmisekiz elebi Mehmed

52Sabev, brahim Mteferrika, 281282.


53Sabev, Waiting for Godot, in the present volume.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 69

Efendi, who was sent on a diplomatic mission to France in 172021,54 is


known to have defended the uses of printing upon his return to the Otto-
man Empire; in fact, his son Said Efendi, himself a future ambassador
to France in 1742, who accompanied his father in his embassy, assisted
brahim Mteferrika to open the press.

Printing in the Service of an Enlightened Public

The books and maps published by the Mteferrika Press reveal the extent
of brahims connoisseurship: before his death (1746/7), he published sev-
enteen books and four maps. The choice and timing of each title shows
his involvement in the process of publication and his extensive interest in
language, history, geography, and the natural and military sciences. The
first publication of the press was Ab Nar Isml b. ammd al-awhars
Arabic dictionary, known in Ottoman Turkish as Sihah-i Cevheri, which
was translated into Turkish by Mehmed bin Mustafa el-Vani and pub-
lished in 1729. Mteferrika included in this publication Sultan Ahmed IIIs
decree permitting the opening of the press, the fetva giving the approval
of the eyhlislam Abdullah Efendi, appraisals supporting the printing
press written by significant scholars of his time, and his own manifesto,
Vesilett Tibaa. The inauguration of the press with a dictionary was a
well-made choice. Mteferrika complained in his introduction about the
laziness of scribes in compiling dictionaries and how difficult it was to
find one. Although the dictionary was ostensibly published for students,
the books extremely high price might have prevented students from buy-
ing it. Thus it seems safe to assert that Mteferrika was targeting a wider
audience. His press was still on shaky ground; therefore, he wanted to
reach bureaucrats, officials, teachers, and scholars with proof of the utility
of printing. Mteferrika returned to dictionaries and linguistics in his last
publication, Hasan uuris Persian dictionary, Lisanl Acem, printed in
1741.55 In between these two dictionaries, he published a Turkish grammar
book in French, Grammaire turque,56 prepared by a Jesuit priest, Jean-
Baptiste Holdermann, in order to teach Turkish to French translators/
interpreters (dragomans). This may have been the first book to provide
Latin equivalents to Arabic letters. Its publication was supported by the

54Gilles Veinstein, Mehmed Yirmisekiz, EI2.


55Hasan uuri, Lisanl Acem, 2 vols. (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira, 1155 [1741]).
56Jean Baptiste Holdermann, Grammaire turque (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira, 1730).
70 vefa ergnba

French ambassador to the Porte, the Marquis de Villeneuve,57 who also


favoured the publication of a Turkish-French dictionary that, however,
was never realised.58 The ambassador himself bought two hundred copies
of Grammaire turque. Nevertheless, the dictionary is not included in the
list of Mteferrika Press publications that brahim published in his edition
of the chronicle of the court historian Mustafa Naima.59 This omission
was probably due not to Mteferrikas fear of negative reactions to his
publication of a book in the Latin alphabet,60 but to the fact that Mtefer-
rika did not edit the dictionary, as he did most of the other works he pub-
lished. Such an enterprise was valuable for Ottoman officials who utilised
these dragomans extensively, and for the French merchants who traded
with the Ottoman Empire. As a matter of fact, after Sihah, this book was
the second best-seller among Mteferrikas publications.61 Thus we see
that Mteferrika was astute in his calculations that this book would sell
quickly and be sought after. Mteferrikas close friendship with the French
ambassador and his interest in the French language suggest that he might
also have known French himself.
In Mteferrikas printing venture and his Enlightenment project, which
consisted of spreading literacy and the knowledge of humanistic (history
and geography) as well as natural sciences (physics and astronomy), the
disciplines of history and geography play a significant role. In fact, for
most Enlightenment men of the eighteenth century, history was both a

57The Marquis de Villeneuve, French ambassador to the Porte, between the 1710s and
the 1740s seems to have been a most influential person, who increased the friendly rela-
tions between the Ottomans and the French. He was useful in the signing of the Treaty of
Belgrade and as a result of his services the capitulations given to the French were extended.
Mnir Aktepe, Mahmud I, EI2. His memoirs of the treaty of Belgrade, in which he played
a mediating role representing France were later collected by one Marc-Antoine Laugier,
and provide crucial insights into the character and work of the Marquis de Villeneuve, as
well as the actual proceedings of the treaty. Laugier argues that Villeneuve was a perfect
diplomat, who possessed all the qualities of a great negotiator. He also suggests that he
was very much loved and appreciated by the Porte. Upon his return to France he was
offered the ministry of foreign affairs, which he declined because of his old age and sick-
ness. He died in Marseille in 1745. Marc-Antoine Laugier, The History of the Negociations
for the Peace Concluded at Belgrade September 18, 1739, trans. M. labb Laugier (London:
J. Murray, 1770).
58Grald Duverdier, Savary de Brves et Ibrahim Mteferrika: deux drogmans cul-
turels lorigine de limprimerie turque, Bulletin du Bibliophile 3 (1987): 346350; idem, Ilk
Trk Basimevinin Kuruluunda ki Kltr Elisi: Savary de Breves ile brahim Mteferrika,
trans. Trker Acaroglu, Belleten 56/215 (1992): 298.
59Mustafa Naima, Tarih-i Naima, vol. 2 (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira, 1147 [1734], 15a.
60Gerek, Trk Matbaacl, 7274.
61 Sabev, brahim Mteferrika, 203.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 71

major avocation and a philosophical subject. Some of these Enlightenment


figures, such as Edward Gibbon62 and Voltaire, found special pleasure in
composing history and making a name based on these compositions.63
brahim Mteferrika was very fond of history both as a writer and as a
compiler. In his intellectual endeavour, he took the seventeenth-century
polymath Katip elebi as a role model. He was a polymath as well, and he
showed his respect for his mentor by publishing three of his works. Ktip
elebis Tuhfetl Kibar fi Esfaril Bihar published in the same year as the
Arabic dictionary, is a compendium on the Ottoman maritime wars from
the conquest of Istanbul to the authors own time.64 It includes the struc-
ture, hierarchy, and laws of the Ottoman navy as well as a special section
of advice to pirates and privateers, who played an important role in Otto-
man naval policy. As discussed below, Mteferrika was very interested in
military history, and especially the maritime wars.
The greatest achievement of the Mteferrika Press was undoubtedly the
publication of Katip elebis great geographical compendium, the Cihan-
nma. Mteferrika published this work at the urging of Mevlana Ahmed
Efendi, who later became the eyhlislam, or chief mufti, and felt that a
printed edition of the work would help the holy warriors of Islam on land
and sea. The mufti pointed out to Mteferrika that the non-Muslim pow-
ers made extensive use of correct maps to launch expeditions to unknown
lands. The mufti gave brahim a manuscript copy of the Cihannma, and
brahim compared it with the one he owned.65 Mteferrikas Cihannma
is a critical edition of Katip elebis work; he used Ebubekir Dimakis
(d. 1691) geography66 in order to correct Katip elebis mistakes.67 He also
wrote an appendix, which he called Tezyilt Tabii, in which he corrected
Katip elebis linguistic mistakes and extended the work in accordance

62Gay, The Enlightenment, 1:209211.


63Ibid., 2:368396.
64Katip elebi, Tuhfetl Kibar fi Esfaril Bihar (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira, 1141
[1729]).
65Mustafa b. Abdullah (Katip elebi), Kitab- Cihannma li-Katip elebi (Istanbul: Dr-i
iba-yi mira, 1145 [1732]), 3a3b.
66Dimakis translation is known as Nusretil-islam ves-surur fi tercme-i Atlas Mayor.
It has 9 volumes and consists of 242 maps. For a list of the maps see Thomas D. Goodrich,
Old Maps in the Library of Topkap Palace in stanbul, Imago Mundi 45 (1993): 120133.
67El-Dimaki was a late seventeenth-century scholar known as Corafyac Ebubekir
Efendi. He edited the Cihannma while he was translating the Latin-language Atlas Major
of Joan Blaeu, because he recognised Katip elebis mistakes. For his biography and works
see Fikret Sarcaolu, Cihannma ve Ebubekir b. Behram el-Dimaki, in Prof. Bekir
Ktkoluna Armaan (Istanbul: Edebiyat Fakltesi Basmevi, 1991), 129; idem, Ebubekir
b. Behram, Diyanet slam Ansiklopedisi, 10:110111.
72 vefa ergnba

with Katip elebis original plan, which he could not realise because he
lacked access to certain key sources. brahim introduced new findings in
geography, geometry, physics, and cosmography in that appendix and
extended the narrative of the cities, which Katip elebi had left at Van in
eastern Anatolia, to skdar on the Asian side of the Bosphorus. He also
enriched the book with figures and maps.68 The printed Cihannma was
one of the finest works of Ottoman intellectual production. Katip elebis
understanding of geography, which went beyond physical geography to
encompass social and cultural anthropology, as well as history, shaped
Mteferrikas view of this discipline. Geography, along with history, was
the backbone of his project of disseminating knowledge. Although the
ostensible purpose of this publication was to assist holy warriors, it is
doubtful that any holy warrior ever read the Cihannma, which was
priced beyond the average soldiers or sailors means.69 Rather, Mtefer-
rika intended to raise awareness of the world in which he lived by publish-
ing such geographical compendia.
Mteferrika was fond of geography and he practised it as a map-maker
and cartographer; in his attitude toward this science Mteferrika comes
very close to the Enlightenment thinkers. Geography was, at least in many
books of the period [i.e., the eighteenth century], a universalising dis-
course, designed to gather information about the globe.70 Enlightenment
thinkers saw geography as a way to collect and classify various natural
and social phenomena which were traditionally studied by the geogra-
phers. The Encyclopdie, which was published between 1751 and 1772 in
fascicules, and which was one of the signature works of Enlightenment
philosophes in France (17511772), is known to refer to various geographic
representations: the world is depicted as the Tree of Knowledge, or as a
mappe monde, a world map, in which all subjects were situated and con-
nected one to another.71 Whatever use was intended, the Encyclopdistes
aimed to bring together the information about various countries and peo-
ples and to show the relationship between them. The Encyclopdie there-
fore contained various articles on geography. Attaining precise geographic
data seemed crucial in the Enlightenment, to understand nature and the

68Fikret Sarcaolu, Cihannma ve Ebubekir bin Behram el-Dimaki, 140.


69For the prices of Mteferrikas publications relative to those of other goods during
Mteferrikas lifetime see Orlin Sabev, brahim Mteferrika, 287303.
70Charles W. J. Withers, Geography, Natural History and the Eighteenth-Century
Enlightenment: Putting the World in Place, History Workshop Journal 39 (1995), 142.
71 Ibid.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 73

world better. Geography was useful for the Enlightenment thinkers, as it


was for brahim Mteferrika. Charles Withers, in his studies on mapping
and cartography in eighteenth-century Scotland, expounds on the role
of mapping and geography in the creation of a national identity among
the Scots, and how it shaped the very idea of the Enlightenment. Scottish
mappers, he argued, recognized the utility of maps as a means to national
identity.72 Mapping in the Enlightenment, he also argues, was intrin-
sically practical, reflecting the expansion of geographical knowledge as
well as colonial plans.73 Similar to those Scottish mappers but earlier than
them and for practical reasons like theirs, brahim Mteferrika toyed with
the idea of creating a comprehensive map of the Ottoman domains in
order to reinforce the collective identity of the Ottomans and disseminate
this geographic knowledge to a wider readership. He wrote a great deal
on geography and its benefits in his treatise Usull Hikem. He believed
that geography is useful first and foremost for the statesmen who need to
know the borders of their states, fortresses, easy passages, close and dis-
tant routes, and conditions of the roads and seas, rivers, and mountains,
as well as the peoples of these lands. Since ihd is required for Muslims,
geography should be their greatest tool. By way of geographical knowl-
edge they can make intelligent decisions and evaluate the viability and
feasibility of events. Muslims are scattered all over the world and some
among them live in despair under non-Muslim domination. The science
of geography is a world-displaying mirror, which shows all these nations;
by the promotion of this science one can know the needs of one another
and ones morale is strengthened. Mteferrika even goes so far as to pro-
mote this science so that Muslims can unite under the authority of one
sultan, if they know each others conditions. He therefore brings forth,
maybe for the first time, a concept which was to become popular only
in the late nineteenth century and under the direct threat of imperial-
ism: pan-Islamic unity. He argues that the Ottoman navy does not have
up-to-date portolans and maps; it is not permissible to be dependent on
the ones produced by foreign cartographers. He argues that the theory of
geography had been greatly advanced by the Muslims in the early Islamic

72Charles W. J. Withers, The Social Nature of Map Making in the Scottish Enlighten-
ment, c. 1682c. 1832, Imago Mundi 54 (2002), 52; Reporting, Mapping, Trusting: Making
Geographical Knowledge in the Late Seventeenth Century, Isis 90, no. 3 (1999): 497521.
See also his books, Placing the Enlightenment: Thinking Geographically about the Age of
Reason (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007) and (with David N. Livingstone, ed.),
Geography and Enlightenment (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999).
73Withers, Social Nature, 47.
74 vefa ergnba

centuries but it was not put to practical use in the way Christians did.
The early Muslims understood the importance of this science, he argues;
the Abbsid caliph al-Mamn had important geographical works trans-
lated into Arabic. Christians dominated the majority of the lands and sea
in the world with the help of this science: Columbus, he adds, discov-
ered the new world and made a great step forward for the Christians by
using cartograms and maps in abundance. However, he strongly advises
against depending on the hands of individual cartographers and recom-
mends printing to provide well-drawn and correct maps. He also argues
that geographical works should be used when reading history to get a bet-
ter sense of the places and peoples described. He advises against com-
pletely abandoning the maps currently available, albeit incomplete and
inaccurate; they still have uses. They should be updated as much as pos-
sible. It is particularly important to use the information of local people in
drawing borders.74
One other publication of brahim Mteferrika, Tarih-i Hind-i Garbi
[History of the West Indies], is difficult to classify in terms of genre, but
he saw it as a work of geography, so it is best to evaluate it as such. This
work, brahim asserts in his introduction, which was presented to the
Ottoman Sultan Murad III (r. 15741595), has information on the discov-
ery of the New World in the year 903 / 14971498 and on the events that
occurred fifty years after its conquest. Mteferrika seems to be referring
to Amerigo Vespuccis first expedition, not that of Columbus. He also says
that he published this work in order to strengthen the sword of Islam and
present America as a new target for the Ottomans.75 Although it has long
been attributed to Katip elebi because of his well-known expertise in
geography, the style of this book bears no resemblance to that of Katip
elebi. It has now become clear that its real author is Mehmed bin Emir
el-Hasan el-Suudi (d. 1591).76 Thomas Goodrich argues that there were no
direct connections of any historical significance between the Ottoman

74brahim Mteferrika, Usull Hikem (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira, 1144 [1732]),
154162.
75Tarih-i Hind-i Garbi veya Hadis-i Nev (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira, 1142 [1730]),
2b. This work was translated into English by Thomas D. Goodrich and a facsimile of one
manuscript was published in Turkish along with a summary of the text. See Thomas D.
Goodrich, The Ottoman Turks and the New World: A Study of Tarih-i Hind-i Garbi and
Sixteenth-century Ottoman-Americana (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 1990); the original was
reprinted: Tarih-i Hind-i Garbi veya Hadis-i Nev (Ankara: Ministry of Culture and Tourism
of the Turkish Republic, 1987).
76For his biography and works see Cevat zgi, Mehmed Suudi Efendi, Diyanet slam
Ansiklopedisi, 28.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 75

Empire and the New World during the colonial era nor any indications
of official Ottoman interest beyond the British islands.77 He also argues
that, although there were some bits and pieces of information about the
Americas before the first emergence of this book in the 1580s, in Piri Reiss
Kitab- Bahriye, Seydi Ali Reiss al-Muhit, the geography of Tunuslu Ahmet,
and the mappa mundi of Ali Macar Reis, Tarih-i Hind-i Garbi was the only
major source of Ottoman information about American colonial history
and the great maritime powers after the 1580s.78 The main purpose of
the work seems to be introducing the New World to the Ottomans by
providing information on discoveries and conquests under Spanish aegis
based mainly on Italian sources.79 The passages selected for translation
describe the history, flora and fauna, salient features, and the people of
the newly discovered lands.80 There are also many depictions of animals,
flowers, and humans included in the printed edition, most of them seem-
ingly products of the imagination which are far from any known reality
about the Americas. It is true that after an initial Ottoman interest in the
New World in the sixteenth century, it remained limited, at least in intel-
lectual terms. The reasons Mteferrika chose this work and not a better
text should be sought in the limited availability of works on the Americas,
as well as Mteferrikas genuine interest in the history of the maritime
revolution, which we discuss below.
Mteferrika valued the discipline of history above any other field of
enquiry. As soon as he started his printing venture he published chroni-
cles that were relevant for his time and suited his historical perspective.
Mteferrika clearly expressed in his introduction to the history of Naima
(16551716), the first court historian who wrote the history of the Ottoman
dynasty, that his purpose was to collect and publish the official histories of
the Ottoman Empire in their totality (Osmanl devletine ait vekayiinin bir
kl haline getirilmesi),81 a goal he never realised. He published only Katip
elebis Takvimt Tevarih82 and Naimas history (Ravzatl- Hseyin),83

77Goodrich, The Ottoman Turks, 7.


78Ibid., 916.
79Giancarlo Casale sees this work as an attempt at beginning a new expansionist front
in the Indian Ocean under the leadership of vizier Koca Sinan Pasha. Giancarlo Casale,
Global Politics in the 1580s: One Canal, Twenty Thousand Cannibals, and an Ottoman Plot
to Rule the World, Journal of World History 18, no. 3 (2007): 285287.
80Goodrich, The Ottoman Turks, 1718.
81 Mustafa Naima, Naima Tarihi, ed. Zuhuri Danman (Istanbul: Zuhuri Danman
Yaynevi, 1967), 1:25.
82Ktip elebi, Takvimt Tevarih (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira, 1146 [1733]).
83Naima, Tarih-i Naima.
76 vefa ergnba

along with the histories of the court historians Raid Efendi (d. 1735) and
Kkelebizade Asm (16851760).84 He also wished to complete the pic-
ture with a history of Egypt;85 a regional history centred on Baghdad;86 a
history of the collapse in the early eighteenth century of the Ottomans
long-time rival, the Safavids;87 and a history of the medival Turkic con-
queror Tamerlane, or Timur.88 Two patterns emerge in Mteferrikas
choices: first, his choice of Naima instead of another well-known Otto-
man history, such as the Tact Tevarih of Sadeddin, suggests that Mt-
eferrika shared Naimas historical perspective, which is dealt with below.
Second, he chose works on the rivals of the Ottomans, notably the Safa-
vids, Mamluks, Habsburgs, and Timurids, but he attempted to achieve a
historiographical balance by utilising external instead of internal sources.
Tarih-i Seyyah, the work on the Afghan invasion of Iran and collapse
of the Safavids, was written by the Jesuit missionary Judas Thaddaeus
Krusinski (16751756), who served as the translator and scribe of the Isfa-
han episcopate.89 brahim was personally involved in the publication of
this work: he translated it from Latin, and edited it, correcting numer-
ous mistakes.90 It seems Mteferrika took advantage of the interest in the
Afghan invasion and the collapse of the Safavids and printed 1,200 copies,
the highest number among his publications, of this work at an affordable
price. Although Franz Babinger insists that brahim was not proficient
enough in Latin to translate such a work,91 thirty-six Latin titles identified

84Mehmed Raid, Tarih-i Raid, 3 vols. (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira, 1153 [1741]);
Kkelebizade smail Asm, Tarih-i elebizade (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira, 1153
[1741]).
85Sheyli, Tarih-i Msr- Kadim ve Msr- Cedid (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira, 1142
[1730]). This is also available in manuscript as Sheyl Efendi, Tevrh-i Msr [sic] ul-Kadm,
Sleymaniye Library, MS Fatih 4229.
86Nazmizade Murtaza bin Ali, Glen-i Hulefa (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira, 1143
[1730]).
87Judas Thaddaeus Krusinski, Tarih-i Seyyah der Beyan- Anaviyan ve Sebeb-i Inhidam-
Bina-i Devlet-i ahan- Safaviyan, trans. brahim Mteferrika (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi
mira, 1142 [1729]).
88Ahmed bin Muhammed bin Abdullah bn-i Arabah, Tarih-i Timur Grkan li
Nazmizade, trans. Nazmizade Murtaza bin Ali (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira, 1142
[1730]).
89Babinger, Mteferrika, 20.
90Orlin Sabev argues that this translation was done by Krusinski and not Mteferrika
and he sees it as plagiarism. However, unless we have a clear indication that Krusinski
was sufficiently well-versed in Turkish to translate such a work, it is difficult to settle this
matter. Sabev, brahim Mteferrika, 191.
91 Babinger, Mteferrika, 21.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 77

in Mteferrikas probate inventory call his claim into question.92 In his


introduction to Usull Hikem, he also points out his familiarity with Latin.
Latin was taught in Hungarian schools from at least the medival period
and it continued to be a significant asset for those who sought employ-
ment in the government, church, or academia.93 Therefore, it is almost
certain that brahim Mteferrika was well-versed in this language. From
his printing activities and from the curriculum that he developed, one
can easily recognise that his knowledge of Latin and the classical heritage
expanded his horizons.
Mteferrikas contribution to the history of recent developments did
not end with the Tarih-i Seyyah. He also published a gazavatname, or
conquest account, by the former Bosnian judge mer Efendi entitled
Ahval- Gazavat- der diyar- Bosna,94 which dealt with the war between
the Habsburg and Ottoman empires over Bosnian territory between
1736 and 1739.95 In this conflict, in which the Ottomans faced Habsburg
and Russian forces, the Ottomans won a decisive victory. The treaty of
Belgrade was signed in 1739 between the Habsburgs and the Ottomans.
The Ottomans regained from the Habsburg Empire a number of towns,
Belgrade being the most important, which had been lost by the treaty of
Passarowitz in 1718.96 mer Efendi collected his data from the narratives
of eyewitnesses to the war. Mteferrika composed an introduction to the
work, in which he notes that he cross-checked mer Efendis information
with the accounts of honest people who participated in this war. He also
praised the Bosnian people for their courage and obedience. By publishing
a gazavatname of a successful campaign, Mteferrika wanted to raise the
morale of the Ottoman army and to quench the thirst for information on
this very recent war. This book was translated into German in 1789, and

92: , 396.
93Hugh F. Graham, Latin in Hungary, Classical Journal 63, no. 4 (1968): 163165.
94For a discussion on the authenticity, relevance and importance of gazavat for the
Bosnian war, see Michael Robert Hickok, Ottoman Military Administration in Eighteenth-
century Bosnia (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 110.
95mer Bosnavi, Ahval- Gazavat- der Diyar- Bosna (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira,
1154 [1741]). There are two modern Turkish translations of this work: mer Bosnavi,
Bosna Tarihi (Tarih-i Bosna der Diyar-i Hekimolu Ali Paa), ed. Kamil Su (Ankara: Kltr
Bakanl Yaynlar, 1979); mer Efendi, Bosna Savalar, ed. Mehmet Akgzl (Istanbul:
tken, 1977).
96Mnir Aktepe, Mahmud I, EI2. In this article the date of the Treaty of Belgrade is
miswritten as 1737: it should be 1739.
78 vefa ergnba

into English by Charles Fraser, the translator of Naima, in 1830 under the
title History of the War in Bosnia during the Years 1737 to 1738 and 1739.97
The first step in Mteferrikas project of publishing official Ottoman
histories was his edition of the Tarih-i Naima, also known as Ravzat el
Hseyin fi hulasat ahbar el Hafikeyn, which traces the history of the Otto-
mans between 1000 (1591) and 1070 (1659). In this work, before launching
into the chronology, Naima summarises his perception of history, which
is based on the civilisational theory of the North African historian Ibn
aldn (13321406).98 Giambattista Toderini, who composed a valuable
study of the literature of the Turks approximately forty years after brahim
Mteferrikas death, asks why brahim did not begin his official historian
project with Sadeddins (15361599) Tact Tevarih, which was very beauti-
ful in style and organisation; he speculated that brahim could not find a
reliable version of this history.99 However, Mteferrikas choice of Naima
was deliberate and well thought out, even though all he says with direct
reference to his choice is that he published Naimas history because it
is very beautifully written, scarce, and priceless.100 Compared to Saded-
din, Naima wrote in simple Turkish, whereas Sadeddin, being the son of a
former Persian refugee, preferred composite Ottoman Turkish. Sadeddin
represented an age in which writing histories based on Persian models
was highly valued. Naima, on the other hand, represented a new wave of
historical composition, which prioritised clarity, simplicity, and meaning
over style and lavishness. Moreover, Naima was a representative of proto-
scientific history-writing, which emphasised the historians integrity, mod-

97Babinger, Mteferrika, 30.


98Ibn aldn is now accepted as the pioneer of sociological study and one of the
few authors in the medival period who brought forth a consistent philosophy of his-
tory. According to Ibn aldn, civilisations achieve full power and prosperity at a certain
point, and this goes hand in hand with a dominant culture; however, every civilisation
eventually declines and collapses owing to the invasion of barbaric forces of some sort.
Gradually, these barbaric people also get used to the benefits of civilisation and they also
are destroyed by some other force. This cyclical process continues forever. There are usu-
ally many signs prior to the collapse of a civilisation, including luxurious and lavish life-
styles. This simplified version of Ibn aldns theory of civilisations was widely accepted
by Muslim thinkers after the Middle Ages. See Muhsin Mahdi, Ibn Khalduns Philosophy
of History: A Study in the Philosophic Foundation of the Science of Culture (London: George
Allen and Unwin, 1957). Ottoman intellectuals after the sixteenth century especially found
Ibn aldns theory relevant for their own times, which they thought were the age of
decline and collapse. See Cornell Fleischer, Royal Authority, Dynastic Cyclism and Ibn
Khaldunism in Sixteenth-century Ottoman Letters, Journal of Asian and African Studies
18, nos. 34 (1983): 199.
99Toderini, brahim Mteferrika Matbaas, 94.
100Naima, Tarih-i Naima, 1:1b2a.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 79

eration in evaluating historical events, and source criticism. Mteferrika


chose Naima in order to demonstrate the value he attached to Naimas
historical perspective, which was parallel to his own.101 Naima also wrote
his history in a time very close to Mteferrikas own: it therefore seemed
more up-to-date to Mteferrika.
In his preface to his edition of the history, Mteferrika demonstrates
that he shares Naimas Ibn Khaldunian views. In addition, Mteferrika
differentiates between laws based on religion and laws promulgated by
a secular state, and he acknowledges that the laws of the Christian Euro-
pean powers of his day are based on reason, while the laws of the Muslim
states are largely based on the will of God as expressed in the ara. He
praises the Ottomans for their struggle in the name of Islam and asserts
that histories are necessary to memorialise the Ottomans glorious past.
The broad appeal of Naimas history is indicated by the fact that it was
translated into English in 1832 and 1836 by Charles Fraser, under the
title Annals of the Turkish Empire from 1591 to 1659 of the Christian Era
by Naima.102
Mteferrika also published the histories of Raid and Asm, who con-
tinued the history of the Ottoman Empire where Naima left off. He also
intended to publish the histories of Mustafa Sami (d. 1733) and Hseyin
akir (d. 1742)also court historiansbut this venture was realised only
years after his death, when his press was reopened in 1783/84.103
History was a teacher for many early modern intellectuals, and Mt-
eferrika was no exception.104 He published Tarih-i Timur Grgan by the
Arab historian Ibn Arabh (13921450), which was translated into Turk-
ish by Nazmizade Murtaza in 169899, for this purpose. The original title
of this work is Aib al-maqdr fi nawib Tmr. Ibn Arabh was a con-
temporary of Timur (r. 13701405), and was among the inhabitants moved
from Damascus to Samarkand by Timur in the year 1400/01. Later, he
became a confidant of Sultan Mehmed I (r. 14131421) in Edirne and was
said to have translated some works for him. He also worked as Mehmed Is

101 For Naimas views on history, see L. V. Thomas, A Study of Naima, ed. Norman Itz-
kowitz (New York: New York University Press, 1972), 110119.
102Babinger, Mteferrika, 29.
103Mustafa Sami and Hseyin akir, Tevarih-i Sami ve Subhi ve akir (Istanbul: Dr-i
iba-yi mira, 1783/1784).
104Intriguingly, a hero of the European theological Enlightenment, the German Prot-
estant theologian Siegmund Jacob Baumgarten shared Mteferrikas views on the uses of
history. See David Sorkin, Reclaiming Theology for the Enlightenment: the Case of Sieg-
mund Jacob Baumgarten (1706 1757), Central European History 36, no. 4 (2003): 513523.
80 vefa ergnba

personal correspondent (sr katibi) in composing and translating works


from Arabic, Persian, Mongolian, and Turkish.105 Ibn Arabhs history
was well-known in Europe: it had been published in the original Arabic,
with a Latin preface, by Jacobus Golius in Leiden in 1636.106 In his own
preface, Mteferrika explains that while Timur, the haughty and evil, is
an unpleasant topic, it is necessary to be informed about the upheavals
of his thirty-six-year reign so as to appreciate the benefits of life under
Ottoman rule. In this work, Timur is depicted as a cruel tyrant, although
some of his other qualities were named at the end.107 This seems to be
an important work on Timur because it was composed by one of his con-
temporaries who spent quite some time in his capital and was well-versed
in all four languages of the region at that time. Therefore, Mteferrikas
choice was well-made. Mteferrika also deserves credit for publishing a
book on the early Ottomans arch-enemy, who defeated the Ottomans
dramatically in the early fifteenth century. He certainly wanted to pres-
ent history as it was, triumphal or sorrowful. He furthered his interest in
the enemies of the Ottomans by publishing a two-volume history of Egypt,
whose second volume was dedicated to the conflict in 151617 between
Selim I and the Mamluk sultan Qnh al-Ghawri. (The first volume was
a standard Islamicised general history of Egypt from Noahs flood to the
emergence of the Circassian Mamluk sultans in 1382.) Tarih-i Msr- Kadim
ve Msr- Cedid of Sheyli Efendi,108 who was a scribe attached to the gov-
erning council (divan) of Ottoman Egypt in the early seventeenth century,
was printed in 1729/30, the same year as Ibn Arabhs history of Timur.
Mteferrika also published a regional history focusing on Baghdad under
the Abbsid caliphs. Glen-i Hulefa was written by Nazmizade Murtaza
(d. 1723), a native of Baghdad who was educated there and who served
the Ottoman governors in various capacities;109 he also translated the his-
tory of Timur mentioned above. brahim mentions in his preface to this
work that it is a history of Iran, Iraq, Anatolia, Damascus, and Egypt from
127 to 1130 (7451718).110 At that time, this was the only detailed work on
Baghdad under Ottoman control and it included extensive information

105J. Pedersen, Ibn Arabshh, EI2. See also Abdlkadir Yuval, bn-i Arabah, Diya-
net slam Ansiklopedisi, 19:314.
106Babinger, Mteferrika, 23.
107Pedersen, Ibn Arabshh.
108erife Yalnkaya, Sheyli, Ahmed, Diyanet slam Ansiklopedisi, 38:3233.
109For his biography and works see Tahsin zcan, Nazmizade Murtaza Efendi, Diya-
net slam Ansiklopedisi, 38:461463.
110Nazmizade Murtaza, Glen-i Hulefa, 4a4b.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 81

on Ottoman governors who served there. So Mteferrika seems to have


chosen a valuable and up-to-date work to publish on this city. His selec-
tion of two Nazmizade editions also displays his respect for this scholar,
whom he may have met before the latters death in 1723. In his choice
of history books to publish Mteferrika strived for a broad regional and
chronological knowledge and attempted to link the history of the Otto-
mans to the histories of earlier Muslim dynasties as well as to their con-
temporaries. Although he could not wholly fulfil his desire to create a
complete history of the Ottomans, he achieved a partial but notable suc-
cess in this project.
Mufti Ahmed Efendi urged Mteferrika, in the later stages of his print-
ing venture, to publish the second volume of the Cihannma, which
included all the countries in the world and their conditions. Mteferrika
demurred, emphasising the expense and time necessary to compile a
proper edition of this work. Instead he continued to publish histories that
he believed were useful and virtuous. As an introduction to his complete
Ottoman history project, he published Katip elebis Takvimt Tevarih, a
calendar of important dates from creation until 1648 (1058 AH). This work
had already been translated into Italian in 1697 by the translator of the
Venetian ambassador to the Porte, Giovanni Rinaldo Conte Carli.111 Other
editions in Latin and French followed.112 In editing the book, Mtefer-
rika included the additions of Mehmed Efendi (d. 1732), shaykh of the
Emir Buhari takka (a Sufi lodge), who brought the calendar up to 1731
1732 (1144 AH), then personally added events for 1732 and 1733 (1145 and
1146 AH) thus ending with a complete calendar of world history up to his
own time.
In 173132, the Mteferrika Press published a book on magnetism,
Fyuzat- Miknatisiye, which reflects Mteferrikas passion for new scien-
tific developments and his desire to spread them to a wider public.113 In
the introduction, Mteferrika notes that he compiled the book himself
from Latin sources; in fact, most of the book consists of a translation of
an article written in 1721 in Leipzig. The book traces the invention and

111 Babinger, Mteferrika, 29.


112Gottfried Hagen, Ktib elebi, Muaf b. Abdullh, c alfe (b. 1609; d. 1657),
in Historians of the Ottoman Empire, ed. C. Kafadar, H. Karateke, and C. Fleischer, online:
http://www.ottomanhistorians.com/database/pdf/katibcelebi_en.pdf: 12 (accessed 17 Octo-
ber 2012).
113brahim Mteferrika, Fyuzat- Miknatisiyye (Istanbul: Dr-i iba-yi mira, 1144
[1732]). For a Latin-alphabet transcription, see ahap Demirel, brahim Mteferrikann
Fyuzat- Mknatisiye Adl Kitab, 265330.
82 vefa ergnba

development of the compass and new findings concerning its use in deter-
mining latitude and longitude. By recognising the surprising and strange
behaviour of the compass, the individual affirms the miracles of God,
according to brahim, but it is also a good means of expanding commerce,
a good navigational guide, and a tool for education in geography. The
press likewise published four different maps (of the Sea of Marmara, the
Black Sea, Iran, and Egypt) for the purpose of geographical education.114
Mteferrikas printing venture had a lasting impact on printing in
the Muslim world. In 179495, when the Mhendishane Press opened
in Istanbul, it followed a path similar to that of the Mteferrika Press,
publishing titles in geography, military tactics, and engineering.115 But the
Mhendishane Press preferred religious works to history. The books that
the Mteferrika Press published also gave European intellectuals access
to these works for the first time. As a result, many translations of them
were published by European printing houses during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries. These clearly show that Mteferrika was successful
in incorporating the Ottoman corpus into the European one. Thus his goal
of making these works accessible to a wider readership seems to have
been realised. Mteferrika also opened another avenue of innovation in
the Ottoman Empire by urging the Ottoman sultan to open a paper mill
in the city of Yalova. He began working on this project and brought three
skilled workers from Poland for the job.
Mteferrikas printing venture clearly shows that he worked like an
encyclopaedist by critically editing, expanding, and commenting on the
works he published.116 He also publicised works that were significant for
him, such as Katip elebis Cihannma or Naimas history. He made these
authors works accessible and their approaches to geography and history
more credible.

114These maps can be found in Kut and Tre (eds.), Yazmadan Basmaya, 2229. For
further details about these maps, see Vefa Erginba, Forerunner of the Ottoman Enlight-
enment: brahim Mteferrika and his Intellectual Landscape (Masters thesis, Sabanci
University, Istanbul, 2005), 3940.
115For the books published by the Mhendishane Press, see Kemal Beydilli, Trk Bilim
ve Matbaaclk Tarihinde Mhendishane, Mhendishane Matbaas ve Ktphanesi (1776
1826) (Istanbul: Eren, 1995). For an interpretation of the Mteferrika and Mhendishane
presses, see Vefa Erginba, Forerunner, 4041.
116I owe this to Jane Hathaway.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 83

Mteferrika as Part of an Enlightened Elite

It would not be an exaggeration to claim that there was an enlightened


circle at the Ottoman court in the first decades of the eighteenth century.
brahim Mteferrika was part of this circle, which contributed a great
deal to his intellectual upbringing. The most controversial member of this
enlightened group was no doubt the grand vizier who presided over the
so-called Tulip Age, Damad brahim Paa. He was the signatory to the 1718
treaty of Passarowitz, which put an end to warfare between the Ottomans
and Habsburgs for two decades. Afterward, brahim Paa and the wealthy
elites of the Ottoman capital, in an attempt to strengthen public morale,
indulged in the construction of beautiful palaces and kiosks, as well as
the urban restructuring of Istanbul. Until he was brought down by the
Patrona Halil rebellion, which was led by a disgruntled mercenary officer,
Damad brahim attempted to create a cultural florescence in the capital
by establishing libraries and forming a translation committee to trans-
late major works of classical Islamic scholarship as well as major Euro-
pean works.117 Revisionist studies have now established that the Patrona
Halil rebellion resulted not from the fanaticism of Ottoman society but
from a class struggle between the newly emerging commercial bourgeoi-
sie and traditional artisans and craftsmen.118 Damad brahim supported
Mteferrikas printing venture.
The second influential personality in Mteferrikas enlightened circle
was the progressive eyhlislam (mufti) Yeniehirli Abdullah Efendi, who
supported the press with a religious verdict, which Mteferrika included
in most of his editions.119

117See Mehmet pirli, Lale Devrinde Tekil Edilen Tercme Heyetine Dair Baz
Gzlemler, Osmanl lmi ve Mesleki Cemiyetleri: 1. Milli Trk Bilim Tarihi Sempozyumu, 3/5
Nisan 1987, ed. Ekmeleddin hsanolu (Istanbul: stanbul niversitesi Edebiyat Fakltesi
slam Konferans Tekilat, slam Tarih Sanat ve Kltr Aratrma Merkezi, 1987), 3339.
118Robert Olson, The Esnaf and the Patrona Halil Rebellion of 1730: A Realignment in
Ottoman Politics? Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 17 (1974): 329
344. See also Faik Reit Unat, 1730 Patrona syan Hakknda bir Eser: Abdi Tarihi (Ankara:
Trk Tarih Kurumu, 1943); Mnir Aktepe, Patrona syan, 1730 (Istanbul: Edebiyat Fakltesi
Basmevi, 1958); Bekir Stk Baykal, Destari Salih tarihi: Patrona Halil Ayaklanmas hakknda
bir kaynak (Ankara: Trk Tarih Kurumu Basmevi, 1962).
119For some of the progressive fetvas of Abdullah Efendi, see Mehmet pirli, Lale
Devrinde Yeniliki Bir Alim: eyhlislam Yeniehirli Abdullah Efendi, stanbul Armaan
(4): Lale Devri, ed. Mustafa Armaan (Istanbul: stanbul Bykehir Belediyesi Kltr leri
Daire Bakanl Yaynlar, 2000): 249259.
84 vefa ergnba

The role of Said Efendi (the son of Mehmed Efendi mentioned above),
a grand vizier in the second half of the eighteenth century, in Mtefer-
rikas venture is obscure. He was given the authority to open a press along
with Mteferrika in the original imperial order (ferman) issued for this
purpose by Sultan Ahmed III (r. 17181730). However, when Mteferrikas
permission was extended by the new Sultan Mahmud I (r. 17301754) in
1732, Said Efendi was not mentioned, while Mteferrika was granted sole
authority.120 It seems that Said Efendi became preoccupied with other
appointments, and did not help Mteferrika as much as expected. How-
ever, Said Efendis initial investment and initiation make clear that he was
one of the enlightened figures in Mteferrikas circle.
Although Mteferrika took pride in editing most works that he pub-
lished, he was assisted in his job by a group of intellectuals. Among those
employed in correction (tashih), roughly equivalent to copy-editing, by
the imperial order which allowed the opening of Mteferrikas printing
press, were the former Salonica judge Mevlana Sahib (Pirizade), also a
former eyhlislam, who translated the first five chapters of Ibn aldns
Muqaddima into Turkish (the sixth was translated a century later by
Ahmed Cevdet Paa); the former Galata judge Mevlana Esad; the sheikh
of the Kasmpaa Mevlevi lodge, Mevlana Musa; and the former Istanbul
judge Mevlana shak.
Mteferrikas enlightened circle was not confined to his friends among
the Ottoman intelligentsia; he also established friendships with foreign
ambassadors in Istanbul, such as the French ambassador Villeneuve, with
whom he exchanged ideas. He took an interest in the religious men of the
non-Muslim communities, such as the Jesuits in Istanbul.121 He worked
with Comte de Bonneval,122 known as Humbarac Ahmet Paa, to pro-
mote an Ottoman-Swedish alliance123 and no doubt exchanged ideas with
him about the military organisation of the Ottoman Empire.
Mteferrikas enlightened circle thus included Muslim as well as non-
Muslim bureaucrats, religious dignitaries, scholars, linguists, command-
ers, soldiers, and scientists. In this enlightened environment, Mteferrika
became the man he was through a syncretic approach: he combined sci-
entism with practicality, Islamic thought with rationality, historical imag-

120Kut, Matbaa: in Turkey, EI2.


121 Duverdier, Savary de Brves et Ibrahim Mteferrika, 346347; idem, Ilk Trk Basi-
mevinin, 298.
122Bowen, Ahmad Pasha Bonneval, EI2.
123Berkes, brahim Mteferrika, EI2.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 85

ination with state transformation. He became an Ottoman man of the


Enlightenment in a unique way by striving to disseminate Enlightenment
ideas such as scientific thinking, rationality and modern state structure.

Enlightening the Corps through Military Reform:


Usull Hikem and Its Influence

Mteferrikas printing venture literally made his name: he was known in


Ottoman society as printer (basmac) brahim Efendi. However, Mtefer-
rika was not simply a printer; he was involved in every title he published
as an editor, translator or continuator/author. The books he published
belong as much to brahim Mteferrika as they did to their authors. He
also composed and printed his own entirely original book, entitled Usull
Hikem fi Nizaml mem [Essentials of rule in the order of the nations].124
It was written at the outbreak of the Patrona Halil rebellion, which shook
the imperial capital in 1730, resulting in the deposition of Sultan Ahmed III
(r. 171830) and the execution of his grand vizier, Damad brahim Paa. He
stated that he wrote this book to present it to the new sultan, Mahmud I
(r. 173054), and to statesmen in the hope that his advice might be put
into practice.125 He printed five hundred copies, clearly aiming to reach
out to a wider readership than a small clique in the palace.
The book has many subsections: the first deals with the importance
and benefits of order in the army; the second the significance of the sci-
ence of geography; and the third the organisation, rules, and ceremonies
of the Christian armies. Usull Hikem, however, is not just another reform
treatise. It includes not only proposed solutions to the Ottoman military
collapse and keen observations, but also Mteferrikas political philoso-
phy. He expounds on political systems, noting the need of humans for
rulers. He argues that some people who are superior to others in power,
wealth, and property have a tendency to make their inferiors subservi-
ent to their authority and to exploit them. Rulers exist in order to pre-
vent conflict arising from this inequality by rendering everyone satisfied
with his lot.126 Mteferrikas articulation of this solution clearly derives

124brahim Mteferrika, Usull Hikem. Unless specified, Usull Hikem in the footnotes
refers to the transciption of the text printed in Adil en, brahim Mteferrika. There is also
a simplified version of this work: brahim Mteferrika, Milletlerin Dzeninde lmi Usuller,
ed. mer Okutan (Istanbul: MEB, 1990).
125brahim Mteferrika, Usull Hikem, 127.
126Ibid., 128130.
86 vefa ergnba

from generations of Islamic political theorists. The similarity of his views


to Ibn aldns is particularly striking. Ottoman intellectuals discovered
the work of the North African philosopher-historian Ibn aldn in the
seventeenth century; his ideas became widespread among the Ottoman
intelligentsia thereafter. Mteferrika, like Katip elebi and the historian
Naima, was one of the intellectuals who internalised Ibn aldns political
framework. One of the peculiar features of humans, who are political by
nature, according to Ibn aldn, was their need for restraining influence
and strong authority,127 a concept Mteferrika duly adopted. Elsewhere,
I also suggest that there is an overwhelming similarity between the ideas
of brahim Mteferrika and Thomas Hobbes.128 Like Hobbes, Mteferrika
believed that human beings were born into a state of nature. In the
Hobbesian state of nature, humans are driven to conflict naturally and
fighting determines who is stronger among them.129 Mteferrika, when
he explains the need for rulers in society, highlights the greed in human
nature and peoples natural tendency to attack each other. Rulers were
not an exception to this rule.130 In the introduction, he also describes
the three dominant political regimes in European civilisation: monarchy,

127Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, trans. Franz Rosenthal, ed. N. J. Dawood (London:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1987): 4243. Ibn aldn summarises this as follows: When
mankind has achieved social organization, as we have stated, and when civilization in the
world has thus become a fact, people need someone to exercise a restraining influence
and keep them apart, for aggressiveness and injustice are in the animal nature of man. The
weapons made for the defence of human beings against the aggressiveness of dumb ani-
mals do not suffice against the aggressiveness of human beings toward each other because
all of them possess these weapons. Thus something else is needed for the defense against
the aggressiveness of human beings toward each other. It could not come from outside
because all the other animals fall short of human perceptions and inspiration. The per-
son who exercises a restraining influence, therefore, must be one of themselves. He must
dominate them and have power and authority over them, so that no one of them will be
able to attack another. Ibid., 47.
128Vefa Erginba, Forerunner.
129Hobbes formulates his theory in the following manner: In the state of nature, there
is in all men a will to do harm, but not for the same reason or with equal culpability...
But the most frequent cause why men want to hurt each other arises when many want
the same thing at the same time, without being able to enjoy it in common or to divide it.
The consequence is that it must go to the stronger. But who is the stronger? Fighting must
decide... Therefore the first foundation of natural right is that each man protect his life
and limbs as much as he can... He has also right to use any means and to do any action
by which he can preserve himself. Thomas Hobbes, On the Citizen, ed. Richard Tuck and
Michael Silverthorne (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 2527.
130brahim Mteferrika, Usull Hikem, 132.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 87

aristocracy, and democracy, although he seems somewhat confused about


the origins of these regimes.131
Although in the eighteenth century Ottoman fortunes were mixed on
the battlefield, the overall lack of progress was a real concern for many
such as Mteferrika. The main theme of his book is the problems of the
Ottoman military and how they should be fixed. His main quest is to
understand the reasons behind European success and Ottoman failure.
Mteferrika asserts that the soldiers of the past were dramatically differ-
ent from those of today. He explains how traditional armies, Muslim as
well as non-Muslim, worked in the past,132 and adds that today the Otto-
man army should be organised along European lines. Although his effort
certainly shows the influence of earlier advice to princes literature, as
discussed below, he differs from these advice writers in regarding change
as positive, rather than seeking to return the Ottoman Empire to a bygone
perfect order.133 Earlier critics of the Ottoman decline wholeheartedly
believed that by going back to the practices of a bygone golden age, be
it Mehmed IIs, Selim Is or Sleymans time, the Empire would solve its
problems. Mteferrika, in contrast, differed from them gravely. He argued
that change was necessary and time was no longer the cure. He studied in
detail the reasons behind the Ottoman military failures against the Hab-
sburgs and Russians by reading books in Latin about military organisation,
in addition to various histories, and war manuals. He also talked to various
experts in military science, Muslim and non-Muslim, in order to be truly
informed. His thirst for knowledge made him the Enlightenment man he
was: he collected a wide variety of information without considering the
baseness of the ground (sfliyet-i zemin bahane olunmayub), referring to
the origin of some of his information in the work of non-Muslim and even
enemy military experts. He deemed the knowledge itself valuable, regard-
less of its origin or producer.

131 Ibid., 130131. In his distinction between these three regimes, he seems to be influ-
enced by Katip elebi, radl Hayara ila tarihl Yunan ven nasara. Katip elebiden
Semeler, ed. Orhan aik Gkyay (Istanbul: MEB, 1968), 16. Niyazi Berkes claims that
brahim implied that democracy is superior to all other regimes. Berkes, Trkiyede
adalama, 53. However, I do not see any such implication in this text. On the con-
trary, brahim describes these three forms of government neutrally. Berkess interpretation
derives from his grand narrative of Turkish history, which according to him has progressed
inexorably toward modernisation/secularism.
132brahim Mteferrika, Usull Hikem, 134137.
133Ibid., 125.
88 vefa ergnba

As mentioned earlier, when Mteferrika composed his work, the Pat-


rona Halil Rebellion had displaced the old power elite, as well as the sul-
tan of the infamous Tulip Age, Ahmed III. Mteferrikas work reflects
his anxiety at the anarchy he witnessed when the Patrona rebellion shook
the capital. Throughout Usull Hikem, he uses words denoting order and
anarchy or their equivalents in different contexts on more than two hun-
dred occasions. He argues that neither the concepts of Plato nor those of
Aristotle can solve the problems associated with anarchy; strength, cour-
age, and large numbers are useful only if the armies are organised in an
orderly fashion. The first part of his book is devoted to a discussion of tra-
ditional warfare based on courage, swordsmanship, and chivalry, and an
explanation of why it is no longer sustainable. He notes that the Christian
European powers organised their armies according to a new dispensation
(tertib-i cedid) and urges the Muslims, by which he means the Ottomans,
to be aware of the characteristics of their rivals armies.
Mteferrika summarises his solution to the military problem of the
Ottomans in the following manner: the first and foremost requirement
in an army is order (Belki art- azam ve cmleden elzem ve ehemm
olan hsn-i nizam- tertib-i pr intizamdr). Disorder in the army is the
ultimate cause of the collapse of the treasury and the devastation of the
country. He does not prescribe order in the army only as a solution to
the draining of the treasury and devastation of the country: he further
implies that the maintenance of orderly armed forces in peacetime is the
real solution to the rebellions that cause enormous mischief among the
subjects of the empire.
The structure of the Ottoman army drastically changed over the centu-
ries. With the dissolution of Ottoman fief system and the increasing inef-
fectiveness of the Janissaries, creating an Ottoman army in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries required unconventional thinking. In the wars
that took place in these centuries, the Ottoman army consisted of many
contracted soldiers, or local militias (levends) who were recruited from the
countryside on a campaign-by-campaign basis; this army, which naturally
included many less rigorously trained soldiers, had a different organisa-
tion from the army of the earlier centuries of Ottoman rule. Consequently,
maintaining order in this type of army was much more challenging than it
had ever been before. Mteferrikas concerns were therefore justified.
It is also clear that Mteferrikas obsession with the idea of order, in
the form of a well-organised and disciplined army, amounted to a mod-
ern military concept. He had a keen eye on the operation of the Otto-
man army and its weaknesses because he himself was part of this military
enlightenment in the ottoman context 89

organisation. Being part of the corps which had a special position in the
Ottoman askeri class, brahim Mteferrika kept a critical eye on the cam-
paigns and the everyday operation of the soldiers. Thanks to his post he
was able to develop his scheme to reorder the Ottoman military structure.
His observations were indeed critical; even late in the eighteenth century,
the Europeans were pointing out the lack of order in the Ottoman army
as the biggest problem.134
He also prescribes the creation of a well-organised army as a cure for
social anarchy. In keeping with his habit of providing parallel examples
from European and world history, he cites the examples of the Roman
Empire and Byzantine Empire. He gives a short background on each, then
argues that both worked exceptionally well until disorder in the military
took the better of both and led to the devastation of their subjects. Both
were finally dominated by a superior force: Frankish kings in the case of
the Romans and the Ottomans in the case of the Byzantines.135 The Otto-
mans not only inherited the Byzantine legacy in Constantinople, but they
also saw themselves as the true heirs to the Roman Empire. By bringing
forth examples closest to the Ottoman mind, Mteferrika attempted to
show the Ottomans what would happen if they did not prevent disorder
in and the collapse of the army. He was well-read in European history, as
he mentions many times throughout the work, though his knowledge was
not always accurate. He also refers to many examples from European his-
tory, such as the French-Spanish war and Russian expansion. It is evident
that in his criticism of the Muslim army, he is referring to the Janissaries,
not to a group of imaginary soldiers. He goes on to make specific recom-
mendations on how the Ottoman army should be organised, based on his
knowledge of European armies, about which he had read from various
sources in Latin, and based on his own observations.
It is apparent that what Mteferrika suggests for the Ottoman army
is the strict application of the organisation of European armies after the

134Virginia Aksan points out that creating an orderly army required more than a
reform. It required a substantial change in the whole system of governance. In parallel
with Aksans argument, there is much reason to believe that change in the Ottoman army
required a systemic change. As early as the sixteenth century, Ottoman reform writers
observed many problems in the army and offered feasible solutions, but they were not put
into practice until the nineteenth century. The Ottomans problem was not diagnosis; the
change required in the army was so systemic that it would bring a complete reversal of
the ideals of the Ottoman enterprise. See Virginia Aksan, Breaking the Spell of the Baron
de Tott, 170.
135brahim Mteferrika, Usull Hikem, 149152.
90 vefa ergnba

military revolution. The books that he suggests should be read were those
concerning the military revolution in Europewar manuals and various
histories that explain the development of new tactics and formations. He
was particularly interested in the role of army officers and believed that the
disorder and the problems in the officer ranks are the main reason behind
the failure of the Ottoman army. He also strongly believed in the benefits
of a meritocratic organisation of the army, and suggested that this would
solve most of the problems between the soldiers and their officers.

Mteferrikas Advice to Princes: Enlightening the Empire through


State Transformation

brahim Mteferrikas observations on the problems of the Ottoman


Empire and their causes, as reflected in his Usull Hikem, are greatly
influenced by earlier mirror for princes, or counsel for sultans (nasi-
hatname) literature. For him, the main problems of Ottoman politics
derived from the following: (1) incompetence in the application of reli-
gious law, (2) ignorance in the practice of justice, (3) lack of discipline in
the enforcement of the principles of good governance, (4) the assignment
of important tasks to undeserving people, (5) the lack of consultation
and disregard for intelligent decisions, (6) failure to put into practice the
advice of experienced and sagacious people, (7) the loose organisation of
soldiers and ignorance of new military developments, (8) the soldiers lack
of fear of their officers and their inclination to take bribes, and (9) worst
of all, lack of knowledge of the soldiers conditions and the reasons for
their laxity.136 These points had already been made by the decline writ-
ers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Revisionist scholarship on
the Ottoman decline paradigm points, in many cases, to these observa-
tions as reflections of these earlier intellectuals frustration with the Otto-
man administrative hierarchy and their inability to advance within it.137
Mteferrika did not share these career frustrations; moreover, he offered
different solutions to the problems of the Ottoman political system. In
general, he proposed change in the political structure instead of a change
in agents or individual officials. The well-known decline writers, such as

136Ibid., 171.
137Mustafa Alis criticisms are evaluated in this context in Cornell Fleischer, Bureacrat
and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire: The Historian Mustafa Ali (15411600) (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1986).
enlightenment in the ottoman context 91

Ltfi Paa (14881563), Mustafa Ali (15411600), Koi Bey (d. 1654), Katip
elebi (160957), Defterdar Mehmed Paa (d. 1717), Hezarfen Hseyin
Efendi (160078), and Naima (16551716) concentrated on the qualities
of individuals, such as viziers and commanders, or the sultan himself.
According to them, if high government posts were allocated to people
who were talented and deserving, and if bribery and favouritism were
prevented, the problems would be solved. brahim Mteferrika, in con-
trast, recommended a change in the structure of the state, especially in its
military organisation. Unlike Ali or Defterdar Mehmed, he never named
names or used actual officials as examples. Nor did he refer to the past as
a golden period that should be revived; instead, he chose to reckon with
the present, with its vices and virtues.
Mteferrika agreed with the nasihatname authors that social strati-
fication was natural and should be preserved. Like his predecessors, he
divided society into four classesmen of the sword, men of the pen, men
of agriculture, and men of commerceof which the first class was most
important. By listening to the advice brought forth by the men of the
pen, men of the sword should organise and discipline the affairs of the
other two classes. It is especially important to set soldiers and subjects
apart from each other; neither should be asked to undertake each others
responsibilities. Mingling of the classes was a prescription for anarchy,
he believed.138 He likewise adopted other ideas from his predecessors:
the view that soldiers should be few but strong from Ltfi Paa,139 the
anonymous (?) author of Kitab- Mstetab140 and Koi Bey;141 the emphasis
on spies and awareness of the enemys circumstances from Mustafa Ali,142
Hezarfen Hseyin Efendi,143 and Defterdar Mehmed;144 the advocacy of
military uniforms, which would make trouble-makers readily identifiable,

138For a comprehensive evaluation of nasihatname writers take on the military prob-


lems of the Ottoman Empire, see Erginba, Forerunner, 93102.
139For the full text of this treatise, see Ltfi Paa, Asafname, ed. Ahmet Uur (Ankara:
Kltr Bakanl, 1982).
140Kitab- Mstetab, ed. Yaar Ycel (Ankara: Ankara niversitesi Basmevi, 1974),
59.
141 Koi Bey, Koi Bey Risalesi, ed. Ali Kemal Akst (Istanbul, 1939), 51.
142Mustafa Ali, Naat al-saln = Muaf ls Counsel for sultans of 1581, ed. and
trans. Andreas Tietze (Vienna: Verlag der sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,
1982), 2:919.
143Hezarfen Hseyin Efendi, Telhisl Beyan.
144Defterdar Sar Mehmed Paa, Ottoman Statecraft. The Book of Counsel for Vezirs and
Governors, Nasaihl vzera vel mera of Sar Mehmed Pasha, the Defterdar, ed. Walter
Livingston Wright (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1935), 121.
92 vefa ergnba

from the author of the Kitab-i Mesalih.145 More than a century and half
earlier, Hasan Kfi Akhisari had emphasised the importance of using the
new military technology of the Christian European powers and pointed
out the ramifications of disorder in the army. In fact, Mteferrika took
the title of his book from him and extensively used the ideas contained
in Akhisaris Usull Hikem fi Nizaml Alem.146

Enlightening the People through Social Critique

One of the distinguishing features of brahim Mteferrikas writing is his


intelligent employment of political language. He developed a critique of
Ottoman society. In his quest for the reasons for military and political
failure in the Islamic world, he points out the impact of the maritime
revolution. Locked and disabled in the Mediterranean because of the
rising power of the Ottomans, the Portuguese and the Spanish crowns
looked for ways to go around the tip of Africa and ultimately to reach
India without paying customs or fees to the Muslims on the way. For this
purpose, they invested in new maritime technologies, such as new and
durable ships, advanced compasses and astrolabes, and they sponsored
voyages in the Atlantic. Their efforts proved fruitful, and by the mid-
sixteenth century, they were able to reach the riches of the New World
(Americas) by organising transatlantic expeditions. The Ottomans did not
compete with the European expeditions because they were content with
what they had in the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean and focused on
those. brahim Mteferrika, being aware of the impact of this revolution,
attributes European military success against Muslims to two major fac-
tors: the European discovery of the New World and the fanaticism of the
Muslims. The first factor was discussed extensively in the Ottoman intel-
lectual circles in the seventeenth century; Katip elebi was one of those
intellectuals who wrote on this. brahim Mteferrika, however, brought
a fresh perspective to an age-old problem. He claimed that Muslims
neglected learning about European Christian societies because of their

145Kitab- masalih ul-Muslimin ve menafi ul-muminin, ed. Yaar Ycel (Ankara: DTCF,
1980), 93.
146For Hasan Kafis text, see Mehmet pirli, Hasan Kfi El-Akhisari ve Devlet Dze-
nine ait Eseri Usull Hikem fi Nizamil Alem, stanbul niversitesi Edebiyat Fakltesi
Tarih Dergisi 1011 (1979), 239278. Mteferrika also adopted Hasan Kafis organisation
and framework. For the close connection between Mteferrika and Kafi, see Erginba,
Forerunner, 103105.
enlightenment in the ottoman context 93

fanatical hatred of Christians. Instead, they should have become familiar


with European state organisation and laws, to which he provided indica-
tions in his Usull Hikem. Mteferrikas complaints suggest that, as early
as the 1700s, Muslim intellectuals were engaged in self-critique and were
aware of the rise of the West. His favourite role model was the principal-
ity of Muscovy, which was weak when it first won independence from the
Mongols in the fifteenth century, but progressed remarkably in a short
period of time because it adopted new military technologies. The Russian
tsars (Peter the Great specifically, whose career Mteferrika must have
been following) made great strides, especially in the navy, by adopting
new shipbuilding technologies and scouting and hiring British and Dutch
engineers. This led to their domination first of the Baltic Sea and then to
their complete control of the Caspian.147
The historian Lewis Thomas argues that the Ottomans major difficulty
at this time was not that they did not have ideas on how to fix the prob-
lems of the state, but that they failed to pay the indispensable minimum
attention to the heathen.148 Evidence, however, belies Thomass claim:
beginning with Katip elebi in the middle seventeenth century and con-
tinuing with figures such as Ebubekir Dimaki and brahim Mteferrika,
there developed among the Ottoman intellectuals a current which
defended the idea that one should intensively study the European states
and their conditions, and which found this crucial for the stability of
the Ottoman Empire. brahim criticises the Muslim community for their
fanaticism (taassup), though it is not really clear if he means religious
fanaticism specifically. He accepts the fact that events happen according
to Gods will, but only if people pay due attention to immediate causes.
His solution to this fanaticism is to increase knowledge and awareness
among the Muslim community.
Reason and rationality were key terms in understanding the Europeans,
according to Mteferrika. Also, since the Hebrew Bible and the New Tes-
tament, in contrast to the Qurn, do not contain specific rules for social
organisation, he argues, the non-Muslims had to base their civilisation
on rational principles instead of religious ones. They do not fight for a
transcendent cause in the war, but for worldly gains and pleasures. Mus-
lims, on the other hand, have a clear and detailed religious law. They are
commissioned by God to fight for the cause of religion, and rewards await

147brahim Mteferrika, Usull Hikem, 189190.


148Thomas, Study of Naima, 82.
94 vefa ergnba

them in this world and hereafter. He argues that by creation Muslims are
naturally steadfast, courageous, and agile, whereas unbelievers are fear-
ful and weak; they are heavily armoured because of the fear of death.149
Mteferrika finds religious law sufficient for the daily lives of Muslims but
his interpretation opens a door for innovation: he implies that if certain
things are not specified in the religious law, then Muslims should seek
rational solutions. This is why he fits well within the concept of moderate/
conservative Enlightenment. He continues to respect tradition and reli-
gious views, but he also argues that fanaticism was getting the better of
Muslims by pushing them into the depths of ignorance. By using reason
and knowledge, they could understand the cures for their problems and
thrive against their rivals.

The Case for an Ottoman Enlightenment

In recent decades, studies on the Enlightenment in different European


contexts have opened new horizons for the conceptualisation of intel-
lectual activity in this important period. The common theme, although
not unchallenged, in these studies has been the importance of framing
the Enlightenment in different national/thematic contexts. The study
of the Enlightenment in local frameworks has allowed historians to
extend the concept of the Enlightenment to the entire European conti-
nent, thus enabling historians to conceive of multiple Enlightenments.
As a result, Enlightenment no longer refers solely to the intellectual
activities of the French philosophes of the eighteenth century. Under-
standing the Enlightenment in a wider European context allows compari-
sons among different national trends in eighteenth-century thought and
demonstrates the diffusion of ideas on a wider scale. This new approach
to the Enlightenment takes the emphasis off the elites and establishes
that the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century was a wider intellec-
tual phenomenon than the productions of the French philosophers. In
the mid-twentieth century Peter Gay identified anti-clerical/anti-religious
aspects of Enlightenment thinkers as a unifying factor among them. How-
ever, revisionist scholarship challenged his ideas and argued that there
were at least two currents of Enlightenment thought: one was radical and
one was moderate/mainstream. Moderate Enlightenment figures were not
always anti-religious, although they could be anti-clerical or anti-Christian.

149brahim Mteferrika, Usull Hikem, 164165.


enlightenment in the ottoman context 95

Some among them even held strong religious beliefs. Studies by David
Sorkin and others display the importance of religious thinkers and reli-
gion in the making of Enlightenment thought.
In an effort to extend the sphere of the Enlightenment to the Islamic
world, this article has attempted to analyse one of the enlightened think-
ers of the Ottoman eighteenth century. By analysing brahim Mteferri-
kas printing venture, his opinions on Ottoman military organisation, and
his critical take on the Ottoman society of his time, I have tried to make
a case for the Enlightenment in the Ottoman context. I argue that this
developed according to a middle way. The Ottoman intellectuals tried to
incorporate ideas similar to those espoused by the Enlightenment figures
in Europe, but in a peculiar way: they brought these progressive ideas
into a society where religion was still the dominant force, and thus they
adapted these ideas to be successful in this society. I argue that the seeds
of Enlightenment thought circulated in the eighteenth-century Ottoman
Empire and were propounded by members of the intelligentsia, such as
brahim Mteferrika, who hoped to disseminate these ideas to a wider
readership. The ideas defended by Mteferrika were scientism, seeking
the causes of events and rational solutions to problems which were not
specified in religious law, a positive attitude toward change and renewal,
and the dissemination of knowledge, especially humanistic and scientific
knowledge, through printing. These ideas made brahim Mteferrika a man
of the Enlightenment in the Ottoman context. His activities as a printer,
publisher, scientist, and intellectual confirm his adherence to these ideas,
which he promoted in an environment where he was surrounded by an
enlightened elite. Although the Ottoman Enlightenment did not fully
resemble its European counterparts, we can still see the seeds of enlight-
ened thought in the eighteenth-century Ottoman Empire. If there was an
Ottoman Enlightenment, brahim Mteferrika was unquestionably one of
its founding fathers.

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Yediyldz, Mustafa Asm. brahim Mteferrika. Vakflar Dergisi 22 (1991): 441447.
Ycel, Yaar, ed. Kitab- Masalih ul-Muslimin ve menafi ul-muminin. Ankara: DTCF, 1980.
Waiting for Godot:
The Formation of Ottoman Print Culture

Orlin Sabev (Orhan Salih)

One of the hallmarks of the Ottoman eighteenth century is the Tulip Age
(17181730). Historians called it so because of the tulip gardens cultivated
in different parts of Istanbul. Their refined fragrance replaced the smell
of the gunpowder that prevailed during the preceding wars. In addition,
in those years there was a place in the Ottoman capital where, for the first
time, ones nose could sense another kind of smell: the heavy smell of the
oil-based ink, used in the first Ottoman Turkish printing press. In fact, this
aroma existed even earlier, from Jewish, Armenian and Greek Orthodox
printing houses that were established during the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries, but it was during the Tulip Age that printing technology
with movable type was introduced to the Ottoman Turks themselves.
The adoption of this technology was closely connected with sociocul-
tural developments during the Tulip Age, and that is why the contextuali-
sation of the first Ottoman printing press within the framework of these
developments is unavoidable. The major trend that started during the
Tulip Age was the so-called Westernisation of the Ottoman Empire, which
was to a great extent sparked by the first long-term Ottoman embassy to
France. The almost one-year long embassy that took place in 172021 pro-
voked among the Ottoman elite a remarkable interest in Western culture,
luxurious lifestyle, architectural styles such as rococo and baroque, and
findings in the fields of geography, astronomy, biology, and medicine.1 The
Western influence, however, did not replace traditional Ottoman culture
immediately and completely. It was adapted rather than merely adopted,2

1 For the Tulip Age see W. Heinz, Die Kultur der Tulpenzeit des Osmanischen Reiches,
Wiener Zeitschrift fr die Kunde des Morgenlandes 61 (1967): 62116; A. . Evin, The Tulip
Age and the Definitions of Westernization, in Social and Economic History of Turkey
(10711920): Papers Presented to the First International Congress on the Social and Economic
History of Turkey (Ankara: Hacettepe University, July 1113, 1977) (Ankara, 1980): 131145;
F. M. Gek, East Encounters West: France and the Ottoman Empire in the Eighteenth Cen-
tury (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987).
2See A. U. Peker, Western Influences on the Ottoman Empire and Occidentalism in
the Architecture of Istanbul, Eighteenth-century Life 26, no. 3 (2002): 139163.
102 orlin sabev (orhan salh)

thus creating, in Fatma Mge Geks words, a cultural dichotomy3 or,


in Rifaat Ali Abou-el-Hajs expression, a cultural symbiosis.4 In such a
cultural atmosphere, much more open to its Western counterpart than in
previous times, the Ottoman elite, or at least a part of it, being inclined
to make use of selected Western achievements, supported the establish-
ment of typography to print books for the Turkish-speaking Muslim read-
ing public.
The Ottoman authorities did not initiate, but supported such a printing
enterprise, which was entirely a private and personal undertaking. It was
brahim Mteferrika, who initally enjoyed the moral and financial sup-
port of Said Efendi, one of the officials to join the embassy to France, that
established the first Ottoman printing press.
brahim Mteferrika was a Transylvanian-born Hungarian Protestant
who studied to become a minister and belonged to the Unitarian denomi-
nation. During the revolt of Imre Thkly against the Austrian occupa-
tion of Transylvania in the early 1690s, he became an Ottoman subject
and later converted to Islam, taking the name brahim.5 In 1716 he was
elevated to the position of permanent mteferrika, owing to which he was
nicknamed Mteferrika. Mteferrika was the name of a corps at the Otto-
man court, whose members were especially attached to the person of the
sultan and used for more or less important public or political missions.
brahim Mteferrika, in particular, was employed in diplomatic missions
and some bureaucratic services. His last service seems to have been the
direction of what was presumably the first Ottoman paper mill at Yalova,
near Istanbul, in the years 174447.6 brahim died at the end of January
1747,7 and an inventory of all his goods, as well as the unsold books he

3Gek, East Encounters West, 81.


4R. A. Abou-el-Haj, Formation of the Modern State: The Ottoman Empire, Sixteenth to
Eighteenth Centuries (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991): 67.
5C. de Saussure, Lettres de Turquie (17301739) et Notices (1740) de Csar de Saussure, ed.
C. de Thaly (Budapest, 1909), 9394; G. Duverder, Savary de Brves et brahim Mtefer-
rika: deux drogmans culturels lorigine de limprimerie turque, Bulletin du Bibliophile 3
(1987): 322359; N. Berkes, brahim Mteferrika, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. [hence-
forth EI2] (Leiden: Brill, 1971), 3:996998.
6Details of the biography of brahim Mteferrika are provided in T. Halasi-Kun,
brhim Mteferrika, slm Ansiklopedisi (Istanbul, 1950), 2:896900; Berkes, brahim
Mteferrika; E. Afyoncu, lk Trk Matbaasnn Kurucusu Hakknda Yeni Bilgiler, Bel-
leten 65, no. 243 (2001): 607622.
7There are controversial views, according to which Mteferrika died in 1745, 1746 or
1747. See the latest articles on this issue: K. Beydilli, Mteferrika ve Osmanl Matbaas. 18.
Yzylda stanbulda Kitabiyat, Toplumsal Tarih 128 (2004): 4452; E. Afyoncu, brahim
the formation of ottoman print culture 103

had printed, were listed in a probate inventory dated 1 April 1747. That
inventory, however, became known only recently.8
brahim Mteferrika became famous both among his contemporaries
and in history not as mteferrika but as the first Ottoman printer. His enor-
mous enthusiasm for printing helped him to overcome some obstacles set
by alleged opponents of printing, such as scribes, manuscript copyists, and
religious men. In order to convince the authorities of the reasonability of
his undertaking, in 1726 brahim wrote a treatise on the utility of print-
ing (Er-Risletl-msemm bi-Veslett-Tba). In it, brahim pleaded in
favour of the printing enterprise and set out its eventual benefits to Mus-
lims and to the future of the Ottoman state.9
Besides this treatise brahim submitted to the grand vizier an appli-
cation for an official permit to run his printing house. The grand vizier
approved the application, then the grand mufti issued an official religious
opinion (fetv) allowing printing as a useful way of multiplying written
materials, and finally, at the beginning of July 1727, the sultan Ahmed III
(17031730) signed a special decree (fermn), giving to brahim and Said
Efendi an official permit to run the printing house.10 Said Efendi, how-
ever, withdrew in the early 1730s, leaving Mteferrika to run the enter-
prise alone.
As Mteferrikas probate inventory shows, the books he printed sold
slowly and with some difficulty. Omne principium difficile! Inevitably,
the unsold copies of the earlier editions were fewer in number than the
later ones, since they were on the market for a longer period of time. By
examining the numbers of unsold copies against the initial print runs of
each of the Mteferrika editions, one is able to establish the degree of
popularity that each title enjoyed. Among Mteferrikas bestsellers were

Mteferrikann Yeni Yaynlanan Terekesi ve lm Tarihi zerine, Trklk Aratrmalar


Dergisi 15 (2004): 349362.
8The inventory itself is preserved in stanbul Mftl eriye Sicilleri (Archive of

the Mufti of Istanbul), Ksmet-i Askeriye Mahkemesi, Defter 98, fols. 39a40b. Translitera-
tion into modern Turkish is given in my monograph on the first Ottoman Turkish print-
ing press: O. Sabev, brahim Mteferrika ya da lk Osmanl Matbaa Serveni (17261746):
Yeniden Deerlendirme (Istanbul: Yeditepe Yaynevi, 2006), 350364.
9See the English translation by C. M. Murphy: The Usefulness of Printing, in The

Book in the Islamic World: The Written Word and Communication in the Middle East, ed.
G. N. Atiyeh (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), 286292; French transla-
tion by H. Omont, Documents sur limprimerie Constantinople au XVIIIe sicle, Revue
des Bibliothques 5 (1895): 193200.
10Translation into English by Murphy, The Book in the Islamic World, 284285; and into
French by Omont, Documents, 190192.
104 orlin sabev (orhan salh)

the Arabic-Turkish dictionary of Vankulu and Grammaire turque, followed


by some other titles such as Usll-Hikem f Nizmil-mem, Fyzt-
Mkntsiyye, and Ahvl-i Gazavt der Diyr-i Bosna, as well as the Trh
of Naima. There are five other titles on history and geographyTuhfetl-
kibr, Trh-i Seyyh, Trhl-Hindil-Garb, Trh-i Tmr-i Gurkn,
Trhl-Msril-Cedd / Trhl-Msril-Kadmwhich seem also to have
been selling well, but since they are inventoried in one group it is difficult
to make a distinction between them.
Books such as Glen-i Hulef, Takvmt-Tevrh, and Kitb- Cihnnm
seem to have enjoyed moderate commercial success. Only the Trh of
Raid Efendi and Ferheng-i ur, which had been on the market for a
good six years before the death of brahim Mteferrika, sold fewer than
50 percent.
The total number of all Mteferrikas printed books was presumably
in the range of 10,000 to 11,000 printed copies. If we juxtapose this figure
with the number of unsold copies that Mteferrika left upon his death,
which is 2,981 unsold copies, as mentioned in the probate inventory, we
can infer that 69.3 percent of his editions were sold. These figures clearly
show that brahim Mteferrikas printing enterprise was far from the
fiasco presented in previous scholarship. In other words, it was either a
qualified success or a qualified failure.11
Although the first Ottoman Turkish printing enterprise was relatively
successful, it ceased immediately after Mteferrikas death, was revived
just for one edition in the mid-1750s and did not resume a more stable
existence until 1784. That is why previous scholarship was inclined to
claim that the first Ottoman Turkish printing press was a failure rather
than a success. Perhaps the hitherto negative assessments of Mtefer-
rikas printing enterprise were due to the view that the introduction of
printing was a sweeping revolution that took place in a short period of
time. It was Elizabeth Eisenstein, a prominent researcher in the field
of book history, who put forth the idea that the printing press was an
agent of change that resulted in a communications revolution, in which
traditional scribal culture was replaced by a new print culture.12 However,

11 For more detailed analysis of the commercial success of the Mteferrika press, see
O. Sabev, The First Ottoman Turkish Printing Enterprise: Success or Failure? in Ottoman
Tulips, Ottoman Coffee: Leisure and Lifestyle in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Dana Sajdi (Lon-
don: Tauris Academic Studies, 2007), 6389.
12E. L. Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and Cul-
tural Transformations in Early-Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1979); idem, The Fifteenth-century Book Revolution, Some Causes and Consequences of
the formation of ottoman print culture 105

more recent scholarship in book history is reevaluating Eisensteins the-


ory either radically or moderately,13 criticising her non-contextualised
approach, according to which the advent of printing with movable type in
itself created a print culture, and insisting that the transition from scribal
to print culture was an evolutionary rather than revolutionary process.
Her critics point out that if the issue of printing is studied within a given
sociocultural context it can be seen that manuscript copying and printing
existed side by side, as complementary or competing technologies until
well into the eighteenth century.
Scholarship on printing in the Islamic world seems to be more or
less influenced by the revolution theory,14 although there are excep-
tions which treat Ottoman printing in an evolutionary mode.15 So,
was Mteferrikas printing enterprise an agent of change in the world
of Islam? Previous scholarship tended to give a negative answer to this
question since he did not sell all the copies of the books he printed, and
since his enterprise was suspended after his death. But, in my opinion,
brahim Mteferrika was an agent of change, though not an agent of
immediate change.

the Advent of Printing in Western Europe, in Le Livre dans les socits pr-industrielles
(Athens, 1982): 5776; idem, From Scriptoria to Printing Shops: Evolution and Revolution
in the Early Printed Book Trade, in Books and Society in History: Papers of the Association of
College and Research Libraries Rare Books and Manuscripts Preconference, 2428 June, 1980,
Boston, ed. K. E. Carpenter (New York, 1983): 2942; See also E. Eisenstein, The Printing
Revolution in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
13R. Houston, Literacy in Early Modern Europe: Culture and Education 15001800 (Lon-
don and New York: Longman, 1988), 160163; J. Le Goff, Les intellectuels au Moyen ge
(Paris: Seuil, 1985): 187; B. Richardson, Printing, Writers and Readers in Renaissance Italy
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); A. Johns, The Nature of the Book: Print and
Knowledge in the Making (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998); D. Raven, Eliza-
beth Eisenstein and the Impact of Printing, European Review of HistoryRevue europene
dHistoire 6, no. 2 (1999): 223234; N. Hudson, Challenging Eisenstein: Recent Studies in
Print Culture, Eighteenth-century Life 26, no. 2 (2002): 8395; A. Briggs and P. Burke, A
Social History of the Media: From Gutenberg to the Internet (Cambridge: Polity, 2002): 1573;
D. McKitterick, Print, Manuscript and the Search for Order, 14501830 (Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 2003).
14See for example Middle Eastern Languages and the Print Revolution: A Cross-cultural
Encounter / Sprachen des Nahen Ostens und die Druckrevolution: eine interkulturelle Begeg-
nung, ed. E. Hanebutt-Benz, D. Glass, G. Roper / Gutenberg Museum Mainz (Westhofen:
WVA-Verlag Skulima, 2002).
15See A. Demeerseman, Un mmoire clbre qui prfigure lvolution moderne en
Islam, IBLA 18 (1955): 532; W. Gdoura, Le dbut de limprimerie arabe Istanbul et en
Syrie: volution de lenvironnement culturel (17061787) (Tunis: Markaz al-Dirst wa-l-
But al-Utmnya wa-l-Mrskya wa-l-Tawtq, 1985).
106 orlin sabev (orhan salh)

Indeed, the transition from scribal to print culture was a slow, gradual,
and arduous process. In Brian Richardsons words, old habits die hard.16
But at what stage of the development of printing can one claim that a cer-
tain print culture is already formed? We need a definition of print culture
in order to fix definitively the time of its real predominance over scribal
culture. The traditional so-called print-culture scholarship satisfied itself
with pointing out that once printing technology with movable type was
introduced, the spread of printed books caused profound transforma-
tions in all social spheres. But is the existence of a printing press in itself
enough to enable us to speak about print culture? A significant indication
of a developed and predominant print culture is probably the existence
of a social conviction of the necessity of printed agents of knowledge
and information. Thus, the establishment of a printing house is certainly
a starting point in the formation of print culture, but in different social
contexts the latter could overcome the strong traditional scribal culture
in a shorter or longer time.
A good illustration is probably the case of Greek Orthodox printing. It
started in the sixteenth century with various printing houses outside the
borders of the Ottoman Empire, except for one founded by the patriarch
himself (Kyrillos Lukaris) and the monk Nikodemos Metaxas in Istanbul
in 1627. However, until well into the nineteenth century the Greek mon-
asteries, schools, and other cultural institutions continued copying theo-
logical books by hand, since the locals considered the books printed in
Western Europe to be corrupted with Catholic interpretations.17 At the
turn of the nineteenth century Greek intellectuals held conflicting atti-
tudes toward printing. In 1783 D. Katardzis (d. 1807) called on Greek callig-
raphers to resurrect manuscripts and pleaded for their active use, citing
the example of the Ottomans (at that time without a printing house);
while others like Y. Misioadakas (d. c. 1800) and A. Korais (d. 1833) insisted
on printed books.18 So, in view of such conflicting attitudes could one
claim that Greek print culture had established itself around the begin-
ning of the nineteenth century? It seems that one should be much more

16Richardson, Printing, Writers and Readers, 77.


17T. E. , ,
[Le Livre dans les socits pr-industrielles] (Athens, 1982): 283293. I am grateful to Svet-
lana Doncheva (Institute of Balkan Studies, Sofia) for the translation from Greek.
18A. ,
[Le Livre dans les socits pr-industrielles] (Athens, 1982):
257269. I am grateful to Svetlana Doncheva (Institute of Balkan Studies, Sofia) for the
translation from Greek.
the formation of ottoman print culture 107

patient in waiting for a positive answer. In other words, the formation of


print culture must be considered a long-term process, which took more or
less time, depending on various sociocultural contexts.
As for the transition from scribal to print culture in the Turkish-Muslim
segment of Ottoman society, its long print revolution or evolution, as you
like, was preceded by a long delay or wait. Printing in western Europe began
in the mid-fifteenth century, and non-Muslim Ottoman subjects such as
Jews, Armenians, Greeks, Orthodox Slavs, Arabic- or Turkic-speaking
Christians established their own printing presses to print predominantly
religious texts during the late fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, and early
eighteenth centuries; but the first Ottoman Muslim printing enterprise
was launched only in the third decade of the eighteenth century.
How can we explain such a delay? Let us first turn to contemporaries
accounts. Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century western travellers held
that the Ottoman reluctance to adopt printing technology was due to the
strong manuscript tradition and the resistance of Ottoman copyists and
calligraphers.
Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq (15221592), Austrian envoy to the Ottoman
Empire, wrote in the accounts of his second stay in Istanbul during the
years 15551562 that the Turks adopted from Europe neither the print-
ing press nor clock-towers, because of their firm conviction that the for-
mer would be considered offensive to the holy texts, and the latter would
harm the service of the mezzins who are in charge of summoning the
faithful for religious service by calling from the minaret.19 Obviously it
was unusual for any Muslim to see the Qurn in printed form, though
some Western printed versions had existed since the sixteenth century,
because the Qurn is considered the ultimate divine revelation, fixed in
manuscript form, and neither its sacred text, nor its sacred form can be
altered. For Muslims the Qurn is eternal and every word between its two
covers is literally divine.20 As Thomas Francis Carter states, it was obvi-
ously this conservative attitude that fed the Muslim bias against printing:
since the Qurn was written down in manuscript form, it should always
be reproduced by hand.21

19 See Gdoura, Le dbut, 103.


20J. Pedersen, The Arabic Book, trans. G. French (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1984), 12.
21 Th. F. Carter, The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward, rev. ed.
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1931), 112.
108 orlin sabev (orhan salh)

Such an explanation might seem sensible, but one should immediately


recall the late nineteenth-century discoveries in the Fayyum oasis in Egypt
of fragments of block-printed texts in Arabic, dating mostly from the late
thirteenth century, but the earliest of which could be dated to the tenth
century and the rule of the Muslim Fatimid dynasty (9091171). Moreover,
among these block prints are even examples of printed Qurnic verses.22
Ibn al-Abbr (11991260), on the other hand, recounts that during the reign
of the Muslim ruler of Andalusia (Muslim Spain) Abd al-Ramn al-Nir
(912961), official administrative documentation in printed form was sent
to the provincial governors.23 These findings imply that block printing
was known and used to a certain extent in the Arab Muslim states in
Egypt and Andalusia from the tenth to the thirteenth centuries, but it did
not develop later, probably because it did not prove efficacious.
While printing with movable type was introduced in Europe in the
mid-fifteenth century, the first sixteenth-century examples of Arabic
texts printed in Europe showed that the technology was imperfect and
impractical, in view of the multitude of orthographical and grammatical
errors in the Western printed versions of the Qurn and some classical
Arabic texts, such as Avicennas Canon of Medicine.24 These imperfections
resulted from the lack of capable punch-cutters of the Arabic characters,
and the scarcity of proficient proofreaders.25 It seems that the poor typo-
graphic quality of these editions was the reason why sales were lower than
expected. In his preface to Herbelots Bibliothque Orientale, printed in
France in 1697, Antoine Galland, who was in Istanbul in 167273,26 relates
that the Rome-based Medici Presss late sixteenth-century editions of Ara-
bic texts of Avicenna (medicine), Euclid (geometry), and al-Idrs (geogra-
phy) were expected to sell out in the Middle East, but they did not achieve
the expected commercial success because Muslims ignored printed books

22G. Oman, Matbaa, 1. In the Arab World, A. Xylography, EI2, 6:795; R. W. Bulliet,
Medieval Arabic arsh: A Forgotten Chapter in the History of Printing, Journal of the
American Oriental Society 107, no. 3 (1987): 427438. See also the essay by Karl Schaefer in
the present volume, and the sources there cited.
23Gy. Kaldy-Nagy, Beginnings of the Arabic-Letter Printing in the Muslim World, ed.
Gy. Kaldy-Nagy, The Muslim East: Studies in Honour of Julius Germanus (Budapest: Lornd
Etvs University, 1974), 201; Bulliet, Medieval Arabic arsh.
24M. Mahdi, From the Manuscript Age to the Age of Printed Books, The Book in the
Islamic World: The Written Word and Communication in the Middle East, ed. G. N. Atiyeh
(Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), 12.
25Gdoura, Le dbut, 35.
26A. Galland, stanbula Ait Gnlk Htralar (16721673), trans. Nahid Srr O rik (Ankara:
Trk Tarih Kurumu Basmevi, 1949).
the formation of ottoman print culture 109

in favour of manuscripts, although the latter fetched higher prices. Indeed,


according to an eighteenth-century inventory of Medici Press books stored
in cupboards in the Palazzo Vecchio in Rome, 810 copies of the Avicenna,
1,967 of the Euclid, and 1,129 of the Idrs books remained unsold.27
It was especially important that duplication of the Qurn adhere to the
approved norms in terms of content and orthography, not only because it
is considered divine revelation, but also because Islam recommends that
the holy book be read and learned by heart by every Muslim man and
woman.28 So copying the Qurn was of vital importance for its spread
among the entirety of the Muslim community. By contrast, in Christendom
the Church was, in principle, opposed to direct and unlimited, widespread
access to the Bible by common people; rather the message of scripture was
to be disseminated to them indirectly, and only by the learned ecclesiasti-
cal hierarchy. Thus the Church was much concerned about the spread of
Bibles in the vernacular, even before the invention of printing in Europe,
not to speak of printed versions of the Bible, whose text was corrupted
by defects of the printing technology itself.29 In this respect, duplication
of the Qurn required strict faithfulness to the norm, since it would be
read and learned not only by educated Muslim religious functionaries, but
also by the public. Moreover, according to the traditional Islamic concept
of knowledge diffusion, the education of children starts specifically with
reading and learning the Qurn by heart.30 Accordingly, the main point
here was the correctness of the text itself and the mode of duplication
must implement this irrevocable requirement.
Other seventeenth-century Western travellers tended to be more
subjective, claiming that copyists and calligraphers resistance and the
obstacles set by religious men and the authorities were the main reason
for the delay of Ottoman printing. In his book on the Ottoman Empire,
published in 1668, Paul Ricaut claims that printing was absolutely pro-
hibited because it would encourage learning and thus become a threat
to the tyrannical rule of the Ottomans; it would also deprive numerous

27P. Lunde, Arabic and the Art of Printing, Saudi Aramco World 32, no. 2 (1981), online:
http://www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/198102/arabic.and.the.art.of.printing-a.special
.section.htm (accessed 23 October 2012).
28A. L. Tibawi, Islamic Education: Its Tradition and Modernization into the Arab National
Systems (London: Luzac, 1972), 24.
29Raven, Elizabeth Eisenstein.
30Tibawi, Islamic Education, 26; C. zgi, Osmanl Medreselerinde lim (Istanbul, 1997),
1:61108.
110 orlin sabev (orhan salh)

scribes of their livelihood.31 In his book on Turkish literature, printed in


1688, Giovanni Donado asserts that the Ottoman sultans banned printing
in order to maintain the source of subsistence of the manuscript copy-
ists, and that the Turks considered printing a Christian invention, and
therefore printed books were heretical, though it should be noted that
their negative attitude was not explicitly admitted.32 By contrast, Count di
Marsigli, who spent eleven months in Istanbul in 16791680, and then vis-
ited the Ottoman capital once again in 1692, related in a book on the mili-
tary state of the empire, published in 1732, that the Turks were reluctant to
print their books not because of any prohibition, but because of concern
about the livelihood of the numerous copyists and calligraphers.33
There is, however, no documentary evidence available so far to confirm
the allegations that the Ottomans were negatively inclined toward print-
ing. Some higher Muslim religious officials possessed copies of the West-
ern editions of Arabic texts. Zeynulabidin son of Halil, kadi of Galata, for
instance, possessed a Medici Press copy of Avicennas Canon of Medicine
(1593), as a marginal note (dated 1049/163940) on the title page reveals.
Another two identical marginal notes on the same title page reveal that a
certain El-Hac Mehmed al-Garbi (a nickname, which in fact implies West-
ern origin) bought that copy in 1107/169596 from the inheritance of the
late El-Hac Mahmud, who was mufti of Trabzon.34
Two prominent seventeenth-century Ottoman writers, brahim Peevi
(1574before 1649) and Katib elebi (16091657), deal briefly with print-
ing technology. In his Tarih [History], brahim Peevi relates the advent
and development of European printing, emphasising that printing one
thousand copies of a book is less difficult than copying a single manu-
script.35 On the other hand, in his famous geographical work Cihannma
[Mirror of the World], Katib elebi mentions that the Chinese had been
acquainted with the art of printing since ancient times.36 He complains

31 P. Ricaut, The Present State of the Ottoman Empire (London, 1668), 32.
32Fr. Babinger, Stambuler Buchwesen im 18. Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 1919), 8n1; Turk-
ish translation by N. Kuran-Burolu: 18. Yzylda stanbulda Kitabiyat, Mteferrika ve
Osmanl Matbaas, ed. N. Kuran-Burolu (Istanbul, 2004), 9n12.
33S. C. di Marsigli, Stato militare dellImpero Ottomanno incremento e decremento del
medesimo / LEtat militaire de lEmpire ottoman, ses progrs et sa dcadence (The Hague
and Amsterdam, 1732), 40.
34C. & . , ,
XVIIIXIX / St. Kenderova & Z. Ivanova, From the Collections of Ottoman Libraries in
Bulgaria during the 18th19th Centuries (Sofia, 1999), 95 and 126127.
35. Peevi, Peevi Tarihi (Ankara, 1981), 1:8283.
36O. . Gkyay, Katip elebiden Semeler (Istanbul, 1968), 124.
the formation of ottoman print culture 111

also that during the preparation of his book he had in hand only a few
maps, since the art of printing was not in common use in his country and
therefore it was a matter of difficulty to draw even a page (bu diyarda
basma istimal olunmamak ile bir sahifesini bile resm emr-i asirdir).37
However, as Orhan Kololu points out, Katib elebi did not recommend
that art to the Ottomans themselves.38 brahim Peevi considered print-
ing an odd art and likewise remains completely silent about its eventual
application on Ottoman soil. Katib elebis last work, Mzn work, [Bal-
ance of Truth] (1656), which contains a number of essays on controversial
issues related to Islamic doctrine and practice, is completely silent about
printing, apparently because it was still not on the Ottoman agenda. The
author and obviously his contemporaries were more concerned with the
ignorance of some rational sciences or with the issue of whether to drink
or not to drink coffee, for instance.39 In other words, in the seventeenth-
century Ottoman world, printing was an issue which did not receive any
serious attention. One possible reason for this could be the simple fact
that for the Ottomans, printing did not seem a satisfactory alternative to
manuscript copying. However, Katib elebis explicit complaint about the
lack of printing facilities, particularly for maps, is an implicit indication
that some pre-eighteenth-century Ottoman intellectuals felt the want of
printing. One must recall here that the first Ottoman Turkish printing
efforts in the first half of the eighteenth century were actually related to
cartography.
The lack of such recommendations leaves the impression that, in fact,
the Ottomans did not feel a crucial need for printing. As Rifaat Ali Abou-
el-Haj and Ekmeleddin hsanolu state, the Ottoman elite was in ongoing
contact with Europe and no iron curtain existed to prevent the adoption
of new ideas and cultural patterns from the European counterpart, but
they were adopted only when really needed.40

37H. S. Selen, Cihannm, Ktip elebi Hayat ve Eserleri Hakknda ncelemeler


(Ankara: TTK, 1957; repr. 1991), 131. Cf. O. Ersoy, Trkiyeye Matbaann Girii ve lk Baslan
Eserler (Ankara: Ankara niversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Corafya Fakltesi, 1959), 30 (the author
quotes Selens publication but incorrectly presents Katib elebis words by claiming that
printing had been forbidden).
38O. Kololu, Basmevi ve Basnn Gecikme Sebepleri ve Sonular (Istanbul, 1987), 30.
39Ktib elebi, The Balance of Truth, translated with an introduction and notes by
G. L. Lewis (London: Allen and Unwin, 1957).
40Abou-el-Haj, Formation of the Modern State, 68.
112 orlin sabev (orhan salh)

According to some late eighteenth-century Western authors of histo-


ries or memoirs of the Ottoman state, like Abbot Mignon (1773),41 Elias
Abesci (1784),42 and Franois de Tott (1786)43 the guild of copyists and
calligraphers, as well as the theologians, were responsible for the cessa-
tion of Ottoman printing after Mteferrikas death. Others, however, hold
another view. Giambattista Toderini, for example, who spent four and a
half years in Istanbul during the period 178186 and who wrote three vol-
umes on Turkish literature and writing culture, denies that the opposition
of the copyists brought an end to the first Ottoman printing enterprise,
pointing out that it could not threaten their livelihood at all, because it
did not print religious books. According to Toderini the only reason was
the death of brahim Mteferrika himself.44 A contemporary of Toderini,
Mouradgea dOhsson, shares the same opinion in his Tableau gnral de
lEmpire Othoman.45 In other words, the vitality of the first Ottoman print-
ing press depended completely on the efforts and activity of its founder.
To use Toderinis metaphor, Mteferrika was the soul of the press.46 Or,
in Gibb and Bowens words, the first Ottoman printing house was a one-
man show.47
Another late eighteenth-century Western traveller, Carsten Niebuhr,
claims, however, that neither the theologians, nor the copyists and
scribes hindered printing technology in the Arabic countries, as believed
in Europe. According to him, brahim Mteferrikas printing house was
closed down because manuscripts still surpassed in elegance texts printed
with Arabic letters.48 Indeed, even toward the close of the nineteenth cen-
tury, as Lucy Garnett recounts, the Turks preferred elegant manuscripts
to printed books, and the copying of manuscripts was still practised.49

41 . , : -
VIVIII (Sofia, 2004): 216; French translation: R. Zamova, Voyager vers
l autre Europe: images franaises des Balkans ottomans, XVIeXVIIIe sicles (Istanbul: Isis,
2007).
42E. Abesci, tat actuel de lEmpire ottoman (Paris, 1792), 1:151152.
43F. de Tott, Mmoires du Baron de Tott sur les Turcs et les Tartares, Nouvelle dition
revue, corrige & augmente: 1 (Maestricht, 1786), 117118.
44M. labb Toderini, De la Littrature des Turcs (Paris, 1789), 3:212219.
45I. M. dOhsson, Tableau gnral de lEmpire Othoman (Paris, 1787), 1:301.
46Toderini, Littrature des Turcs, 3:19.
47H. A. R. Gibb and H. Bowen, Islamic Society and the West, vol. 1, pt.2: Islamic Society
in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1962), 1:153.
48C. Niebuhr, Beschreibung von Arabien (Copenhagen, 1772), 215216, quoted by
O. Kololu, Basmevi ve Basnn Gecikme Sebepleri ve Sonular, 42.
49L. M. J. Garnett, The Turkish People: Their Social Life, Religious Beliefs and Institutions
and Domestic Life (London, 1909), 180181; cf. Y. Erdem, Sahhaflar ve Seyyahlar: Osmanlda
Kitaplk, in Osmanl, ed. G. Eren (Ankara, 1999), 11:728.
the formation of ottoman print culture 113

Niebuhrs contemporary, Franois de Tott, also relates that Mteferrikas


press could not achieve perfect connections, it was held in contempt, and
brahim closed down the printing shop (la Typographie ne pouvait attein-
dre la perfection des liaisons; on la mprisa, brahim ferma boutique).50
By liaisons Franois de Tott must have meant the connections between
Arabic types, which were always problematic in printing with movable
types. Ubicini also draws attention to this problem, especially in terms of
competition with calligraphically executed manuscripts.51
Indeed, although Mteferrika succeeded in printing books with a type-
face that is much more legible and pleasing than earlier Western editions
of texts in Arabic, the connections between the types in the books he
printed are not always perfect and sometimes the link is visually missing,
probably because of the uncontrollable movement of the types, which can
become loose during the repeated pressure while printing. This is much
more visible in his later editions, in which the types seem to be already
more or less spoiled. Printing with Arabic letters creates great difficulties,
which are not to be found in printing with Latin, Greek, Armenian, Hebrew,
and Cyrillic alphabets, nor even with Chinese characters. As a matter of
fact, in evaluating Mteferrikas enterprise scholars have neglected this
aspect of printing.52 Arabic and its Persian and Ottoman Turkish versions
respectively are cursive scripts, that is, most letters should be linked to
the preceding and following ones, and consequently they have four differ-
ent forms, one isolated and the other threeinitial, medial and final
dependent on their position in the word. Thus, printing in Arabic is much
more difficult and in a sense impractical, first because it requires many
more sorts than the other scripts, and second because these sorts must
be perfectly linked to each other.53 This being so, the typesetting process
takes much longer, and the result is not always adequate, thus under-
mining the claim that printing is a better way of duplicating texts than

50de Tott, Mmoires du Baron de Tott, 118.


51 M. A. Ubicini, Lettres sur la Turquie ou tableau statistique, religieux, politique, admin-
istratif, militaire, commercial, etc. de lEmpire ottoman, depuis le Khatti-Cherif de Gulhan
(1839). Premire partie: Les ttomans (Paris, 1853), 245.
52A. Erzi, Basm, Trk (nn) Ansiklopedisi (1951), 5:334, 336; S. Maden, Balangcndan
Bugne Trk Grafik Sanat: Mteferrika Dnemi, evre: Mimarlk ve Grsel Sanatlar Der-
gisi 2 (1979): 8387; 3 (1979): 8790; 4 (1979): 8990; O. Kololu, Basmevi ve Basnn, 4144;
A. Kabacal, Trk Kitap Tarihi, I: Balangtan Tanzimata Kadar (Istanbul, 1989), 112113;
H. G. Topdemir, brahim Mteferrika ve Trk Matbaacl (Ankara, 2002), 3032.
53H. S. AbiFares, Arabic Typography: A Comprehensive Sourcebook (London: Saqi, 2001),
9495; W. Chappell, A Short History of the Printed Word (London, 1972): 38.
114 orlin sabev (orhan salh)

copying by hand. Indeed calligraphy is a supreme Islamic art54 that makes


the desired success of printing technology quite a hard task. When lithog-
raphy was invented in the late eighteenth century and later introduced to
the Islamic world, it proved much more satisfying to the Muslim reading
public on aesthetic grounds.55
Thus, it seems that technological difficulties may explain Muslims
reluctance about the immediate and ultimate adoption of printing
with movable type, and only personal striving and effort, as in the case
of Mteferrika, and not a clear sociocultural demand, called Ottoman/
Muslim printing into being. Printing with movable type was probably the
first European invention that was introduced to the Ottomans entirely as
a result of Mteferrikas personal aspirations.
brahim Mteferrikas printing enterprise was possible because he was
a confident bearer of the already developed European print culture and
probably well enough skilled in that art to be keen on undertaking such
a venture on Ottoman soil, where calligraphy was valued and printing
was considered inadequate to meet the specific requirements of the Ara-
bic alphabet. In fact, the Ottomans relied upon such external agents of
change until well into the nineteenth century. For example, persons of
foreign background like Topu Urban, who made cannons for the Otto-
mans during the reign of Sultan Mehmed II (14511481); brahim Mtefer-
rika, who introduced printing technology; and Claude de Bonneval, who
converted to Islam, took the name Ahmed Pasha and trained the Ottoman
artillerists, were educated border crossers who became agents of change
in a state which was inward-looking, except for its aspirations to conquer.
Moreover it was during the Tulip Age (17181730) that for the first time
long-term Ottoman embassies were sent to France and Persia; however,
permanent Ottoman embassies were not established until 1793.56 After
this point, the Ottoman state gradually became outward-looking, much
more interested in developments outside its borders, and began to charge
its own representatives with observing these developments and operating
as agents of change, adopting or adapting some of these developments
into the Ottoman milieu. Moreover, not only diplomats, but also Ottoman

54See U. Derman and N. etin, The Art of Calligraphy in the Islamic Heritage (Istanbul,
1998).
55F. Robinson, Technology and Religious Change: Islam and the Impact of Print, Mod-
ern Asian Studies 27, no. 1 (1993): 229251.
56E. Kuran, Avrupada Osmanl kmet Eliliklerinin Kuruluu ve lk Elilerin Siys Fali-
yetleri (17931821) (Ankara, 1988).
the formation of ottoman print culture 115

students were sent to Europe, mostly to Paris, to acquire Western knowl-


edge in various technologies, lithography and typography included, and to
apply it on their return to the homeland.57
This is probably the reason why the Ottomans waited so long for their
Godot. As Samuel Becketts famous play En attendant Godot implies,
chance is the underlying factor behind human existence and as a direct
result of this, time is meaningless. It was apparently a matter of chance
that brahim Mteferrika, un de ces personnages hors du commun que
lhistoire ottomane produit de temps en temps, in Sinan Kuneralps
words,58 appeared only in the first half of the eighteenth century, a period
in Ottoman history when such an eccentric enterprise as printing seems
to have been more or less welcomed, and made the first steps in the for-
mation of Ottoman print culture.
So, when can one speak about a developed Ottoman print culture? Jale
Baysal suggests that an important step was made in 1803, when for the
first time a religious book, Birgivis Vasiyetnme (Testament), was printed
in Istanbul, providing the reading public with access to a popular text
of this kind in printed form.59 And finally, Baysal asserts that during the
period 18691875, when the first Ottoman Turkish novels and plays were
written and printed, printing adequately served the expectations and
tastes of the Muslim reading public and was now accepted by society.60
Moreover, during that period another major step proved Ottoman print-
ing to be irreversible: the printing of the Qurn itself. It was first printed
lithographically, in 1871, and then with movable types in 1874.61 Appar-
ently before the 1870s the Muslim segment of Ottoman society was not

57A. iman, Tanzimat Dneminde Fransaya Gnderilen Osmanl rencileri (18391876)


(Istanbul, 2004); R. Zamova, The Sultans Subjects at the Ottoman Imperial School after
the Crimean War, Uluslararas Osmanl ve Cumhuriyet Dnemi Trk-Bulgar likileri Sem-
pozyumu, 1113 Mays 2005, Eskiehir, Trkiye: Bildiriler (Eskiehir, 2005): 269273.
58S. Kuneralp, Les dbuts de limprimerie Istanbul au XVIIIe sicle, in Turquie:
Livres dhier, livres daujourdhui, ed. P. Dumont (Strasbourg and Istanbul, 1992), 3.
59J. Baysal, Mteferrikadan Birinci Merutiyete Kadar Osmanl Trklerinin Bastklar
Kitaplar (Istanbul, 1968), 63.
60Ibid., 7174.
61 See O. Keskiolu, Trkiyede Matbaa Tesisi ve Mushaf Basm, Ankara niversitesi
lhiyat Fakltesi Dergisi 15 (1967): 121139; M. Gndz, Matbaann Tarihesi ve lk Kuran
Kerim Basmalar, Vakflar Dergisi 12 (1978): 335350; N. Kuran-Burcuolu, Matbaac
Osman Bey: Saraydan lk Defa Kuran- Kerim Basma znini Alan Osmanl Hattat, Trklk
Bilgisi Aratrmalar/Journal of Turkish Studies 26, no. 2 (2002): 97112; idem, Osman Zeki
Bey and his Printing Office, the Matbaa-i Osmaniye, in History of Printing and Publishing in
the Languages and Countries of the Middle East, ed. P. Sadgrove (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2004), 3557.
116 orlin sabev (orhan salh)

prepared to have its holy text in printed form, rather they were waiting to
be persuaded of the advantages of printing. In his Tarih, the prominent
nineteenth-century Ottoman intellectual Ahmed Cevdet Pasha (18221895)
provides an insight into the reasons for these developments; he points
out that brahim Mteferrika and Said Efendi obtained a permit to print
books, but not religious texts. According to him, the printing of religious
texts was considered a threat to their sacredness, as the above-mentioned
Busbecq related in the sixteenth century, because of the pressure applied
to the sheets themselves. However, Ahmed Cevdet Pasha adds that the
bookbinders bind the Qurn in exactly the same way, by pressing the
codex, and putting an ornamental stamp over the cover by striking it. So
if this was not considered a blasphemy, and in this process the sacred text
was well preserved, then printing religious books could not be considered
a blasphemy either. Thus the printing of religious texts, first treatises for
students in Muslim theology and jurisprudence, began.62 It seems that
indeed in the 1870s Ottoman print culture was sufficiently developed and
the Muslim reading public accepted the first Ottoman printed versions
of the Qurn more readily than the earlier Western printed Qurns. At
least, the 1878 probate inventory of a certain Hadice, daughter of Hac
mer Aa, from Salonica, including two printed Qurns,63 suggests that
printing was not considered advocatis diaboli anymore, as it still had
been in 1844, for example, when Charles White reported that the Istan-
bul booksellers considered that manuscript copyists deserved to go to
heaven, whereas the printing press was made from the poisonous and
hellish plant zakkum.64
Yet there is another striking marker, showing that the 1870s were indeed
a turning point in the development of Ottoman print culture. Intellec-
tuals like Mnif Pasha (18301910) and Celal Nuri were concerned that
printing with movable type did not quite fit the specificities of the Arabic
script.65 But this did not mean that Ottomans should desist from print-
ing with movable type. Quite the contrary, in 1879 the Council of Public
Education (Meclis-i Marif-i Ummiye) appointed a special committee
to reform the Arabic script by making it non-cursive in order to facilitate

62Trh-i Cevdet (Istanbul, 1309/1891), 1:76.


63M. Anastassiadou, Livres et bibliothques dans les inventaires aprs dcs de Salo-
nique au XIXe sicle, Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Mditerrane 8788 (1999): 120.
64C. White, Three Years in Constantinople; or, Domestic Manners of the Turks in 1844
(London, 1846), 2:155. Cf. Y. Erdem, Sahhaflar ve Seyyahlar, 725.
65H. G. Topdemir, brahim Mteferrika, 3032.
the formation of ottoman print culture 117

the process of printing. The committee, however, proved unsuccessful.66


Later, in 1914, the so-called Enver Pasha orthography (Enver P imls)
separated the Arabic characters and was tested in printing for a while.67
Finally, the introduction of a Turkish version of the Latin script in 1928
solved all these problems.68
By the 1870s the Ottomans seem to have become quite accustomed
to printed books and were determined to resolve the incompatibility
between the cursive Arabic script, in general use from the seventh cen-
tury, and printing with movable type, which started only in the 1720s, in
favour of the latter. All this began with brahim Mteferrika, whom the
Ottomans themselves had not seemingly been awaiting as faithfully as
Becketts characters for their Godot. Yet unlike Godot, brahim Mtefer-
rika did appear, and made the first step in the formation of Ottoman print
culture.

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Tibawi, A. L. Islamic Education: Its Tradition and Modernization into the Arab National Sys-
tems. London: Luzac, 1972.
Toderini, M. labb. De la Littrature des Turcs, t. 3. Paris, 1789.
Topdemir, H. G. brahim Mteferrika ve Trk Matbaacl. Ankara, 2002.
Tott, F. de. Mmoires du Baron de Tott sur les Turcs et les Tartares. Nouvelle dition revue,
corrige & augmente: 1. Maestricht, 1786.
Ubicini, M. A. Lettres sur la Turquie ou tableau statistique, religieux, politique, administratif,
militaire, commercial, etc. de lEmpire ottoman, depuis le Khatti-Cherif de Gulhan (1839).
Premire partie: Les ttomans. Paris, 1853.
Zamova, R. The Sultans Subjects at the Ottoman Imperial School after the Crimean
War. In Uluslararas Osmanl ve Cumhuriyet Dnemi Trk-Bulgar likileri Sempozyumu,
1113 Mays 2005, Eskiehir, Trkiye: Bildiriler, 269273. Eskiehir, 2005.
. : -
VIVIII . Sofia: , 2004.
. Voyager vers l autre Europe: images franaises des Balkans ottomans, XVIeXVIIIe
sicles. Istanbul: Isis, 2007.
Printing and the Abuse of Texts in
al-abarts History of Egypt

Sarah Mirza

In June 1798, Napoleon landed from a fleet of French ships on the coast of
Alexandria, accompanied by a host, not only of soldiers, but also French
scientists, intellectuals, and interpreters who were prepared to make an
archaeological, anthropological, and scientific study of Egypt. The occu-
pation of Egypt lasted three influential years, ending with the evacuation
of French forces in 1801 and the return of Ottoman overrule to a country
that had been, before the arrival of Napoleon, under the control of local
Mamluk military households.
Edward Said argues that the French occupation betrayed a textual
and schematic1 attitude toward Egypt from its inception. As part of his
colonising mission, Napoleons scholars established the Institute of Egypt
in Cairo, where they set up a number of printing presses, under the direc-
torship of Jean-Joseph Marcel. These instruments were new to the major-
ity of Egyptians. What Said sees as the dawn of Orientalist discourse on
the Middle East, as initiated by Napoleons project to textualise Egypt and
epitomised in the publication of the Institutes research in the twenty-
three volume Description de lEgypte, found resistance in at least one
native Egyptian writer. A witness to the French invasion, Abd al-Ramn
al-abart (17561826), was a historian, biographer, and al-Azhar scholar.
As a member of the educated religious elite, the ulam, al-abart chose
to counter Napoleons claims to authority through the traditional arts of
grammatical and literary criticism. He wrote three different versions of
his account of the French occupation, based on public documents, infor-
mants, and eyewitness accounts. His first chronicle, entitled Tar mud-
dat al-Faranss bi-Mir [The history of the period of the French in Egypt],
was written in 1798 from al-abarts initial impression of the French, and
covers the first seven months of the occupation. The second chronicle,
Mahar al-taqds bi-zawl dawlat al-Faranss [The sacred aspect of the fall
of the French], covers June to December 1801 of the occupation, and was

1Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978), 86.


122 sarah mirza

presented to the Ottoman general Yusuf Paa upon the Ottoman reoc-
cupation of Egypt.
Comparing al-abarts earlier editions of his history with his final
work, Aib al-r f l-tarim wa-l-abr [The wondrous vestiges in
the biographies and history], a multi-volume chronicle of Egypt from
1688 to 1821, some scholars characterise his initial depiction of the French
as that of a traditional Muslim scholars reaction against infidel occupi-
ers. After his experience of suffering under the Ottoman reoccupation of
Egypt, however, these scholars argue that al-abart came to prefer French
over Ottoman or Mamluk rule. Yet al-abarts reaction to the French and
Ottoman occupations is complex. His livid cursing against the French and
his bitterness toward the Ottomans are instigated by their official procla-
mations, as translated into Arabic from French and Turkish. A compari-
son of his depiction of the French and Ottoman forces reveals al-abarts
insight into the production and dissemination of governmental texts as
tools of oppression.
Al-abarts understanding of the Islamic cosmos includes the concept
of a divinely revealed relationship between human speech, justice, and sal-
vation. In his worldview, written texts have an implicit governing nature.
Al-abart uses the word siysa to express this relationship. In modern
Arabic this term refers to politics, but al-abart uses it in the sense of a
model drawn from sacred texts for the governing of peoples affairs. In his
introduction to Aib, he describes how God created humans weak and
dependent on each other for their livelihoods. He writes, men realised
that they were in need of a just ruler and a wise king who would establish
for them a standard of justice and a law of government [siysa]...God
therefore sent down His Book to bring the truth, and His balance to bring
justice.2 Al-abart organises the strata of society according to this rela-
tionship between Islamic textual and political authority, stating that the
ulam are second only to the prophets and are followed by the kings,
whose role is to establish justice, but only through the guidance of the
religious scholars.
A significant portion of al-abarts first chronicle, Muddat, is devoted to
taking apart each phrase of Napoleons first proclamation to the Egyptian
populace, translated into and printed in Arabic, with the aid of interpreter

2Thomas Philipp, Moshe Perlman, and Guido Schwald, eds., Abd al-Ramn al-Jabarts
History of Egypt: Ajib al-thr f l-tarjim wa-l-akhbr (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag,
1994), 1:9.
the abuse of texts in al-abarts history of egypt 123

and translator Jean-Michel Venture de Paradis, on the dawn of Napoleons


occupation of Alexandria on 2 July 1798. Though the proclamation was
circulated in both Arabic and Turkish, al-abart makes no mention of
this, nor does he criticise the style of the Turkish version. Accurately
reproducing the printed Arabic pamphlet in manuscript form, al-abart
begins his critique of it by saying, Here is an explanation of the inco-
herent words and vulgar constructions which he put into this miserable
letter.3 An aspect of Napoleons propaganda was to present himself not
only as sympathetic to but on the verge of formally adopting Islam, and
for this purpose he appropriated Islamic rhetoric on themes such as that
of a millenarian deliverer. In this proclamation he claimed, for example,
I have not come to you except for the purpose of restoring your rights from
the hands of the oppressors and...I more than the Mamluks, serve God
may He be praised and exaltedand serve His Prophet Muammad and
the Glorious Qurn.4 Al-abart is aware of the propagandistic nature of
this and similar notices, and presents a counter-argument exposing logi-
cal fallacies, including the incompatibility of Islam with the ideals of the
French revolution as expressed by Napoleon. He disparages, for example,
the choice to live without a leader, to have no chief or sultan.5
Al-abarts bitterest critique is of the Arabic of the proclamation, as he
systematically corrects its spelling, syntax, and style. Napoleon is accused
of incorrect plural forms, wrongful use of connectors, colloquialisms,
faulty conjunctions, and incorrect use of prepositions. Most of al-abarts
curses on the French occur in the context of this grammatical and liter-
ary critique. An example of this is the following: in response to the use
of the adverb wa-asratan instead of wa-uan, al-abart writes, Its
occurrence here is like animal droppings on the road or a boulder in a
mountain pass, may God afflict the man who composed it with break-
bone fever and may God expose him to all sorts of destruction.6
Al-abarts criticism of this initial proclamation is the first in a series
of such critiques of French notices. During the first year of his occupation,
Napoleon attempted to consolidate his authority by recruiting a number of
the ulam, whom he hoped to use as his intermediaries with the people,
to the local governing body of the diwan. The diwan was established in an

3Shmuel Moreh, ed. and trans., Napoleon in Egypt: al-Jabarts Chronicle of the French
Occupation, 1798 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1993), 27.
4Ibid., 2526.
5Ibid., 28.
6Ibid., 30.
124 sarah mirza

environment of social upheaval. In Cairo, the houses of the Mamluk amirs


were plundered by Egyptians and French soldiers alike. Ironically, those
who feared for their houses, al-abart writes, hung a flag on their doors
and got a handwritten paper (from the French) which they posted on
their doors, without knowing what was written on it.7 The various proc-
lamations of the French, whether printed or manuscript, did not fit into
the textual culture of Egypt and lacked both coherency and legitimacy.
The opening scene of Muddat describes how the people of Alexandria
request their Mamluk leaders for protection, after letters containing news
of the sighting of the French fleet have been read out loud to them. Thus
al-abart begins his account of the French occupation with the recitation
and discussion of written text, an illustration of the system of communi-
cation between the Egyptian populace and their leaders through literate
intermediaries such as the ulam. When the French arrive, they believe
that publicly posting copies of an official printed statement will convey
absolute authority. Texts such as the ones hung on the doors of houses are
not orally and authoritatively transmitted, their assurances are as flimsy
as Napoleons claims of Muslim identity. The French are also guilty of
abusing the written language in order to dispossess people of their legal
property. Under their new bureaucratic and legal system, Egyptian citi-
zens were forced to reduce their daily transactions to traceable and stan-
dardised documents. Taxes and certificates were enforced on every major
human action, including birth, inheritance, travel, and death.8 Property
held without verifiable title-deeds was confiscated, although one could
pay a fee for the proper documentation and then have that property heav-
ily taxed. The establishment, in September 1798, of the Court of Cases
(the makamat al-qay), is a major concern of al-abarts. He writes
in Aib on the proclamation establishing this court: They made many
copies of this document...They set stipulations within stipulations in
incomprehensible phrases, the intention of which could only be under-
stood after much reflection because of their ignorance of the rules of Ara-
bic syntax. The purpose of it was trickery to exact money.9
Despite their superior level of technology, their ability to translate into
Arabic, and their use of printing, al-abart depicts the French as being
incapable of speech and communication in the language of the Qurn,
and emphasises their erroneous reliance on their written words to convey

7Ibid., 44.
8Ibid., 6970.
9Philipp, et al., 3:31.
the abuse of texts in al-abarts history of egypt 125

their ideals and restructure Egyptian society, to impose their discourse


on the natives.
Seemingly in contradiction with his critique of the French proclama-
tions, after visiting the Institute of Egypt, al-abart records his admiration
for the learning and translating activities of the French, particularly
their efforts to learn Arabic and to collect texts on Islam. In the library
of the institute, he was shown an illustrated biography of the Prophet
Muammad, a work he labels using the word for individual reasoned
effort in Islamic jurisprudence, itihd. He writes: In this volume they
draw his noble picture according to the extent of their knowledge and
judgment about him [itihd].10 His account of the institute suggests that
he did not find foreign textual practices, including printing books and
portraying the Prophet, threatening to Islamic culture. French memoirs
of the occupation also record the visits of other Egyptian scholars to the
institute, and how those who had already seen printing presses in Istanbul
and Lebanon had been impressed by the efficacy of the French apparatus
and its possibilities as applied to Arabic works.11
Al-abarts linguistic critique of the French proclamations is thus not
an expression of his resistance to intellectual and technological practices
which he conceives as threats. In spite of all the printed notices sent out
by the French, which al-abart quotes in full and often comments on,
he does not once directly consider the role of printing in Islamic intellec-
tual culture. In his description of Napoleons first proclamation, he notes
that the document was printed, using the word for drawing or engraving,
marsm, and copied, and that the translators were probably captives from
Malta, all non-Muslims, who were familiar with Arabic.12 His attention
to the process of printing and translation ends there. Al-abart is more
interested in the dissemination and governing use of documents than in
the technology used to reproduce them. An understanding of how tex-
tual norms convey political and social norms informs the framework of
his chronicle covering both the period of the French occupation and the
Ottoman return.
In his chronicle of the period of the Ottoman reoccupation of Egypt,
al-abart again turns to the use of citations of governmental texts to
frame his criticism. While the French printed and publicly posted multiple

10Moreh, 109.
11 Young officer Niello Sargy recorded that Shay al-Bakr felt there were many works in
Arabic that should be printed. Juan Cole, Napoleons Egypt (New York: Palgrave Macmillan,
2007), 148.
12Philipp, et al., 3:4.
126 sarah mirza

copies of official reports, the official Ottoman decrees or firmans were,


more traditionally, first read aloud to the shaykhs, who then conveyed
their contents to the people.
Despite this difference in the transmission process, al-abarts protests
in Aib against the transgressions of the Ottoman governors and sol-
diers form almost parallel descriptions to his criticisms of the French. His
account focuses on soldiers seizing goods from civilians and shopkeep-
ers and selling them at exorbitant prices, the harassment of women, the
high taxes, and the forced occupation of peoples homes. The period of
the Ottoman reoccupation of Egypt, from 1801 to 1805, is characterised by
the short periods of rule of a series of tyrannical governors and military
commanders whose cruelties are licensed by imperial decrees. Al-abart
writes under his account of October 1801:
The military terrorised the populace and craftsmen...Some would go to a
village, produce a document written in Turkish, and declare that they had
come to put an end to oppression, or make some similar fraudulent claim.
They would demand a huge sum for their travel expenses, arrest the village
elders, impose upon them exorbitant duties, seize sheep, assault women,
and perpetrate innumerable debauches.13
Like the French, the Ottomans are depicted as manipulating documentary
practices, often using an incomprehensible official diction, just as Otto-
man Turkish was used among Egyptian peasants, to perpetrate fraudulent
claims against their subjects.
Al-abart is aware of how this documentary system targets and regu-
lates public behaviour, especially of the lower classes, an illiterate major-
ity. He cites, for example, in May 1804, the Ottoman proclamation that all
peasants and unemployed servants should leave Cairo. Any of them found
after three days not carrying a document, a waraqa, from his employer
would be subject to punishment.14 Al-abart makes the same point in
regard to the registration of lands held as religious endowments, when,
echoing his description of the unfair property registers of the French
Court of Cases, he writes:
Then it became clear that the purpose was merely to raise money...after
harassment and adducing spurious evidence in establishing the claimed rev-
enue and expenditure, especially when it concerned weak persons of the

13Ibid., 3:305306.
14Ibid., 3:453.
the abuse of texts in al-abarts history of egypt 127

lower classes, not the notables; or when there was some conflict between
the victim and the scribes.15
Oppressive conditions led, in May of 1805, to a popular protest and demands
for the deposition of the Egyptian governor, Ahmed Hurid Paa.16 The
people turned to an Albanian mercenary named Muammad Al, who a
year earlier had supported them in protesting against the land tax, and
the ulam requested him to become governor so long as he ruled in con-
sultation with them. The Ottoman sultan ratified their choice on 18 June
1805. According to al-abart, this agreement between the viceroy of Egypt
and the religious scholars was not upheld. In fact, owing to its criticism of
Muammad Al, publication of Aib was forbidden in Egypt until 1870,
more than forty years after al-abarts death.
In conclusion, al-abarts chronicle is permeated with concern for the
problematical texts of both the French and Ottoman bureaucracies. As
one of the literate, educated religious elite, he was interested in methods
of transmission and communication, but did not find the printed procla-
mations of the French remarkable, or inherently alien and threatening.
Instead, he depicts the attempt to regulate informal and personalised
modes of social transaction through formal and legal government-issued
documents as common practice under both the French and Ottoman
administrations, in an environment of social upheaval and resistance.
Egyptian citizens were required to fill in these written spaces as opposed
to creating their own textual space. As a witness to these efforts at pub-
lic control, al-abart responded specifically to the textual aspect of the
imperialistic agendas of the French and Ottoman occupations.

Bibliography

Cole, Juan. Napoleons Egypt: Invading the Middle East. New York: Palgrave Macmillan,
2007.
Moreh, Shmuel, ed. and trans. Napoleon in Egypt: al-Jabartis Chronicle of the French Occu-
pation, 1798. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1993.
Philipp, Thomas, Moshe Perlman, and Guido Schwald, eds. Abd al-Ramn al-Jabarts
History of Egypt: Ajib al-thr f l-tarjim wa-l-akhbr. 4 vols. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner
Verlag, 1994.
Said, Edward W. Orientalism. New York: Pantheon Books, 1978.

15Ibid., 3:304.
16Ibid., 3:505506.
Judo-Arabic Printing in North Africa, 18501950

Yosef Tobi

Introduction

For almost four hundred years, since the first book was printed in Hebrew
charactersRashis commentary on the Pentateuch in Reggio di Calabria,
Italy in 1475, nearly all Hebrew printing presses were located in European
cities (Rome, Venice, Krakow, Prague, Amsterdam, Istanbul, Salonica,
Izmir, Livorno, and Warsaw), where the Arabic language was not used by
local Jewish communities. Some Hebrew books were printed in Spain and
Portugal, prior to the expulsion of the Jews in 1492/96. In the sixteenth
century, attempts to establish Hebrew printing presses in Arabic-speaking
countries, namely in Fez (Morocco), Cairo and Safed (Palestine), were car-
ried out by Jews from Spain, Italy, and Poland respectively. However, the
production output of these printing presses, which survived for only a few
years, was very small, not exceeding half a dozen books.1 In any case, none
of them was in Judo-Arabic (henceforth JA).
JA refers to the Arabic language, writtenor, in our case, printed
with Hebrew characters, as was customary among Arabic speakers in Jew-
ish communities of old, a custom already prevalent in pre-Islamic (hil)
Arabia.2 JA was the main literary vehicle by which Jews, scholars as well
as laymen, expressed themselves in mediaeval Arab lands, especially from
the tenth to mid-thirteenth centuries. For reasons that do not fall within
the scope of our present enquiry, the Jewish communities in Arab lands,
save Yemen, almost totally abandoned Arabic as a literary, written lan-
guage, and reverted to Hebrew, in particular, the scholarly writings of
the rabbis.3 This, then, accounts for the lack of printed books published
in JA until the mid-nineteenth century. Prior to this time, JA had been

1 Vinograd, Otsar ha-sefer ha-Ivri (Jerusalem: Institute of Digitized Bibliography, 1993


95); Iakerson, Catalogue of Hebrew Incunabula (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of
America, 200405).
2Tobi, The Orthography of the pre-Saadianic Judaeo-Arabic, Proceedings of the Semi-
nar for Arabian Studies 34 (2004): 343349; idem, Literature, Judeo-Arabic, Encyclopedia
of Jews in the Islamic World, (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 3:271273.
3Tobi, Literature, Judeo-Arabic, 3:274.
130 yosef tobi

used in printed books solely by Christian scholars, from as early as the


sixteenth century, for printing works of famous Jewish scholars, such as
Saadias tafsr (Arabic translation of the Hebrew Bible), for the polyglots,
and for Maimonides.4 Moreover, owing to the absence of printing presses
in Arab countries, the rabbis in those countries had no choice but to print
their Hebrew books in European cities where there were Hebrew printing
presses, mostly in Venice, Istanbul, Amsterdam, and Livorno. Consider-
ing the means of transport used at that time, this was not an easy task to
accomplish, to say the least.
Even so, JA had never been used solely as a spoken language by the
Jews in Arab lands, despite the fact that there existed many separate dia-
lects of Arabic, some of which were mutually incomprehensible. Rather, it
was also used for their limited liturgical needs, such as for writing poems
and biblical translations recited in the synagogues. These texts were not
printed but kept in manuscript form. At that time, nearly all folk literature
of the different genres (e.g., tales, songs, proverbs, and riddles) was writ-
ten in JA script, by and large as oral literature, and intended for very wide
and diverse segments of society, more notably the lower social stratum,
whose exposure to rabbinical Hebrew and/or canonic literature was rare
and exceptional.

The Beginnings of JA Printing in North Africa

The penetration of European powers into North Africa (henceforth NA),


in particular by France, which took control of Algeria in 1830, brought
about social and cultural changes, as well as innovative ideas affecting
the lifestyle of peoples in the region. Many of these ideas were directly
influenced by the French and industrial revolutions. One of the most sig-
nificant results of this process was the establishment of Hebrew printing
presses in every NA country:5 Algiers (1853) and Oran (1856) in Algeria,

4E.g., Saadias tafsr of the Pentateuch, which was first printed in Hebrew characters
in the Polyglot of Constantinople, 1546, and was later printed in Arabic characters in the
Polyglots of Paris (16291645) and London (1657).
5Not all Hebrew publishers in NA were privileged to have their publications fully
listed. Many studies have been conducted on this subject, especially by the late Abraham
Attal. The following is a list of the comprehensive bibliographies showing the publications
of these presses, based on the chronological order of their founding: AlgeriaAbraham
Attal and Mera Harosh, Ha-defs ha-ivr be-lgr, Kiryat Sefer 61 (1986/7): 561572;
Robert Attal, Ha-iton ha-yehudi ha-rishon ba-Magreb: lIsralite Algrien (), 1870,
Peamim 17 (1984): 8895; idem, Ha-defs ha-ivr be-Wahrn, Kiryat Sefer 68 (1998):
judaeo-arabic printing in north africa 131

Tunis (1860) in Tunisia, Tangier (1891), Casablanca (1919) and Fez (1926)
in Morocco, and Tripoli (1911) in Libya. The first books printed in Algiers
and Tunis by Jews were, however, in Arabic, using Arabic characters, and
clearly not directed to the Jewish public. Neither of these were printed by
a Hebrew printing press:

(a)The first, Nuzhat al-mutq wa-uat al-uq f madnat Tiryq f


l-Irq (1847), was a play by Abraham Daninos of Algiers, composed
in the local dialect.6 However, as already noted, it was printed in Ara-
bic characters, either because there was no Hebrew printing press in
Algiers, or because the author himself wished to have it distributed
among an Arab readership, comprised of both Muslims and French
occupiers. We can assume that Daninos was influenced by the French
plays that had been printed and performed in Algiers since the 1830s
for the growing French population in that city, after its occupation
in 1830.
(b)A book of Hebrew blessings and a poem,7 as well as an Arabic poem
composed in Arabic characters in praise of the Muslim Bey of Tunis,

8592; Tunisia (including Livorno)Robert Attal, Ha-sifrut ha-Arvit ha-Yehudit be-Tuni-


syah: meah shenot yetsirah (18611961): tsiyunim bibliyografiyim [Un sicle de littrature
judo-arabe tunisienne (18611961)] (Jerusalem: Institut Ben-Zvi, 2007); Jacqueline Fraen-
kel, LImprimerie hbraique Djerba: tude bibliographique (Thse du doctorat, Paris
III, 1982); Robert Attal, Ittnt yehdt be-Tnsyah, Qeer 5 (1989): 8796; Morocco
Joseph Tedghi, Ha-Sefer eha-defus ha-ivri be-Fas [Le livre et limprimerie hbraques Fs]
(Jerusalem: Institut Ben-Zvi, 1994); Eliyyahu Marciano, Sefer ben melakhm ve-h tledt
ha-sefer ha-ivr be-Marq mi-enat 277749 [15111989] (Jerusalem: Makhon ha-Raam,
1989); Robert Attal, Ha-ittnt ha-ivrit be-Marq, Peamim 57 (1994): 125131; Pierre
Cohen, La presse juive dite au Maroc 18701963 (Rabat: Bouregreg, 2007); LibyaMera
Harosh, Ha-defs ha-ivr bi-rpl e-be-lv, Kiryat Sefer 59 (1984): 625634; 61 (1986):
375376. For short, but exhaustive summaries on the history of Hebrew printing in NA
during recent years, see Robert Attal, Haggadat Algir: faqsimile sel ha-haggada ha-risona
se-nidpesa bi-Zfon-Afriqa, Algir 5615 [La haggada dAlger: fac-simil de la premire haggada
de Pessa] (Jerusalem, 1975), 59; idem. Ha-defs ha-Ivr ba-Magreb, in Mi-Mizra u-mi-
Maarav 2 (Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 1980). For a bibliographical list of Jewish
journals in the entire region of NA, see Robert Attal. Kitve et ve-ittnm yehdiyym bi-fon
afrka (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, 1996).
6For a publication of the text, see Shmuel Moreh and Philip Sadgrove, Jewish Contribu-
tions to Nineteenth-century Arabic Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996); see
also, concerning the play itself, Moreh, The Nineteenth-century Jewish Playwright Abra-
ham Daninos, Judaism and Islam (Leiden: Brill, 2000): 409416.
7The name of the poems author is penned in acrostics at the start of each rhymed
verse: . He died in 1886. A eulogy of him by R. imon Nataf at the
first anniversary of his passing (21 Sept. 1887) was brought to the printers in the year 1889:
see Eusbe Vassel, La littrature populaire des isralites tunisiens (Paris: E. Leroux, 1905
07): no. 103; Attal, Ha-sifrut ha-Arvit -ha-Yehudit be-Tunisyah, no. 1279. I could not find
132 yosef tobi

Muammad diq B (18591882), on the occasion of his accession


to the throne. The Hebrew texts are accompanied by an Arabic trans-
lation in Arabic characters, to make them legible to the person who is
being praised. As is known, this ruler took it upon himself to imple-
ment the statutory law declared by his brother, the Bey Muammad,
in 1856, which promised equal rights to religious minorities. This pub-
lication8 was printed at the government press, an establishment man-
aged at that time by an Englishman, Richard Holt (Tunis 1860).9

The establishment of these Hebrew printing presses was closely related


to the proliferation of JA literature in NA. In this case, there is no rea-
son to concern ourselves with the question about which came first. It is
quite evident that the establishment of the North African Hebrew printing
presses preceded the flowering of JA literature. Actually, it was the main
factor, albeit not the sole one, for the natural increase and variety of JA
publications.10
Let us begin with the most important, unequivocal fact: most of the
printed materials published by these NA Jewish publishers were in
JA script, the vast majority being small books and booklets, and even

any information on Mordechai Ganuna in other sources; it is likely that a certain Joseph
Ganuna was Mordechais son, one of the enlightened leaders of the Jewish community in
Tunis at the end of the nineteenth century and beginning of the twentieth century, and
one of the more active persons involved in JA journalism in that city. Concerning him,
see Yosef Tobi and Zivia Tobi, Ha-Sifrut ha-Arvit-ha-Yehudit be-Tunisyah (18501950) [La
littrature judo-arabe en Tunisie (18501950)] (Lod: Orot Yahadut ha-Maghreb, 2000), 299
(index, s.v. ,) .
8This pamphlet is exceptionally rare. I have seen a copy of it only in the archives of

Alliance Isralite Universelle in Paris. No mention or reference is made in it about the Jew-
ish printing presses in NA, neither is there any historical record in it concerning the Jews
of NA, nor has it been listed in the catalogue of any library, including the Hebrew National
Library of Jerusalem. Nevertheless, it should be noted that an entry was given by Friedberg,
Bet Eked Sepharim I (Tel Aviv: M.A. Bar-Juda, 1951), 167 (letter bet), no. 1393., for the fol-
lowing: ". " (= ) . ,
40 a petition for life and peace, submitted to the ruler of Tunis, with an Arabic translation,
Tunis 1860 40). I do not know Friedbergs source. It should be noted that this was not the
only case of blessings issuing from the Jewish community in Tunisia on the rulers acces-
sion to the throne, but was apparently a common practice with the Jewish community.
From Vassel, La littrature populaire, I have noted another four similar publications, most
of them belonging to R. Juda armon (18121912) who was proficient in classical Arabic.
9Concerning Richard Holt, see G. Zawadowski, Richard Holt, pionnier de la presse

tunisienne, Revue Tunisienne (1939): 127131; Andr Demeerseman, Une page nouvelle de
lhistoire de limprimerie en Tunisie, IBLA 75 (1956): 301.
10Concerning the proliferation of JA literature in Tunisia during this period, and the
openness of the Jews of northern Tunisia toward Arab and European literature during that
same period, see Tobi, Ha-sifrut ha-Arvit-ha-Yehudit be-Tunisyah.
judaeo-arabic printing in north africa 133

leaflets.11 The question which naturally arises is: for whom were these
printed copies made?
Since the JA used in all these printed editions was basically the ver-
nacular that was spoken in each place, and not the classical JA known
throughout the Middle Ages, which is a kind of middle Arabic, we may
undoubtedly conclude that the target was not the narrow social stratum
consisting of the rabbis and other scholars, but rather, the general pub-
lic. We should note here that, in principle, all Jewish males could read
Hebrew characters without any difficulty, as they were extensively edu-
cated for that end from the age of three or four. In any case, the rabbis and
the scholars could certainly understand Hebrew texts. So colloquial JA
was deliberately chosen to answer the needs of the general public.12 This
cultural exercise expressed most pointedly the trend toward democratisa-
tion in education, that is to say, providing literature that was written in
the spoken language used by all members of the community, unlike the
liturgical and rabbinical literature written in Hebrew, which would only
be understood by small circles of religious students.13
The inability of the Algerian Jewish community to make use of the
Hebrew language and their need to resort to books that were composed
in the local dialect of JA to which they were accustomed, was expressly
noted by several authors, as well as those publishers responsible for their
printing, for example, by Rabbi Abraham al-Naqwa, who initiated the
translation project of Dat Yehdt, from Ladino into JA (Algiers 1855, p. 1,
see below).
This leads us to the second most important question: what kinds of
books were being printed in JA? Let us begin with the books printed in the
oldest printing press, which was founded in Algiers. The first book, printed
in 1853, was Yed Davd, novellae on Tractate Nazr of the Babylonian Tal-
mud (29 cm, 160 pp.), written by David Muatt, a local Jewish scholar.14
This Hebrew book, designated for rabbinical scholars, was printed in a
local French printing house, Imprimerie Gueymard, by ayyim Zeev

11 Attal, Ha-sifrut ha-Arvit -ha-Yehudit be-Tunisyah.


12Tobi, Louverture de la littrature judo-arabe tunisienne la littrature arabo-
musulmane, in Entre Orient et Occident: Juifs et Musulmans en Tunisie (Paris, 2007),
255275.
13It appears that this trend is true also of JA publications in other Middle Eastern coun-
tries, including Egypt, which are outside the scope of the present enquiry.
14For a photograph of the books title page, see Attal, Haggadat Algir, iv; Attal,
Ha-defs ha-Ivr ba-Magreb, between page 122 and 123; Attal, Ha-sifrut ha-Arvit -ha-
Yehudit be-Tunisyah, 2425.
134 yosef tobi

Akenazi, an emissary of the Jewish community in Jerusalem to Morocco


in 1834, who eventually settled in Algiers.15 It is probable that he brought
with him Hebrew types from Jerusalem.16 We may assume that, as an out-
sider, he acted in accordance with his own view that such a scholarly work
would be positively and widely accepted by the local Jewish community.
Then, in the year 1853, Akenazi printed a book in JA, more precisely, a
booklet measuring 16 cm and containing 46 pp., entitled Seder Havdala
bi-l-arab, or what was to be a liturgical compilation recited on the night
of the Sabbath, replete with Hebrew and Arabic texts. There was noth-
ing new or innovative about the Hebrew texts, which were already found
in hundreds of printed prayer books. By contrast, the Arabic texts were
unique to the Algerian rite, hitherto kept only orally or in manuscripts,
but presented here for the first time for the use of the public.
Moreover, this imported innovation attracted two members of the
local Jewish community, the brothers ayyim and Jacob Cohen-olal,
and in July 1853, they began to operate the first Hebrew printing press,
using the Hebrew fonts of Akenazi, who taught them the art of printing.
Later, they even bought the Hebrew fonts from him.17 Eventually, these
two brothers took on a much more substantial role, namely, to provide
the Algerian Jewish communities with books written in their native ver-
nacular and in the characters they knew, that is to say, in JA. However,
the main focus here was not on the liturgical texts, but on the religious
stories taken from Jewish history, fables, morals, and halakhic material, all
of them conglomerated as novellae (commentary) on the book of Genesis,
the first book of the Pentateuch. The publishers arranged the compilation,
which was called ay La-Mr (17 cm, 422 pp.), from the works of two

15Yaari, el ere yisrael (Jerusalem: Mossad Harav Kook, 1951), 860; Attal, Ha-defs
ha-Ivr ba-Magreb, 122123.
16A comparison of the fonts used in printing the first books in Algiers and the fonts
used in printing the Hebrew books in Jerusalem for the same years suggests a striking simi-
larity between them. Certainly, the typefaces used by Akenazi were not like those used
in the Livorno printing presses. ayyim Zeev Akenazi is not mentioned as a publisher
of books, nor in any other context by Shoshanna Halevy, Sifre Yerushalayim ha-rishonim:
ha-sefarim, ha-hovrot eha-dapim she-nidpesu be-otiyot Ivriyot ba-amishim ha-shanim
ha-rishonim li-defus ha-Ivri bi-Yerushalayim, 601650, 18411890 [The first Hebrew books
printed in Jerusalem] (Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, 1975). Attal, Ha-defs ha-Ivr ba-
Magreb, 123124n8, makes note of the similarity between the decorative artwork on the
title pages and on the other pages of the first books printed in Algiers, Oran, and Tunis,
and books printed in Salonica during the same period, and surmises that Akenazi had
brought the types from Salonica.
17Attal, Ha-defs ha-Ivr ba-Magreb, 124; Attal and Harosh, Ha-defs ha-ivr
be-lgr, 561562.
judaeo-arabic printing in north africa 135

Algerian rabbis, Solomon Zarq and Juda armon. This comprehensive


book was aimed at the Jewish public, with an extensive JA commentary
on the book of Genesis, having novelties and halakhic rules [...] proverbs
and fables, tales and ethical homilies. This most challenging work was
not completed until 1854, and it became the first comprehensive JA book
ever to be printed, if we ignore the earlier JA books printed in India.
In the following year, 1855, Cohen-olal printed another rabbinical
book, a halakhic dissertation directed, in this case, at women, regarding
their duties at home, such as the laws governing their menstrual cycle
and dietary foods: Dat Yehdt bi-l-arab (16 cm, 217 pp.). This work was
not an original one, but translated by R. Jacob al-Naqwa from a Judo-
Spanish (Ladino) work having the same name (save, of course, bi-l-arabi),
the authors of which were Abraham Laredo and Isaac Ha-Levi. It should
be noted that the initiative to publish the JA translation was not made by
the printers themselves, but by Abraham al-Naqwa, one of the leading
North African rabbis, who summoned his brother, Jacob, to produce the
translation and who took advantage of the new Hebrew printing press in
NA for his socio-religious needs.
Cohen-olal possessed the only Hebrew printing press in Algiers until
1886, when alom Bekche, who had come from Bombay eight years
earlier, and Abraham al-Asr, opened two additional Hebrew presses in
the city.18 Their publications, all of them in JA, had essentially the same
characteristics found in Cohen-olals books, but the new printing presses
could do more than their predecessor in terms of specialized functions
used in transliterating the colloquial JA into Hebrew characters. As men-
tioned above, Cohen-olal purchased from Akenazi the Hebrew fonts he
had brought from presses in Jerusalem. These were not the regular square
typefaces, but a semi-cursive typeface, known also as Rashi fonts. In addi-
tion, they were very small and extremely eroded, to the extent that the
printed text was hardly legible. Another failure of the printers, which is
discussed in the following pages, was the highly inconsistent method of
transliteration used, remote not only from classical Arabic but also from
traditional JA, which had been used in manuscripts since the Middle Ages.
The real competition with which Cohen-olal had to contend was from
the more established and experienced Hebrew printing presses in Livorno,
the most renowned and highly acclaimed centre of Hebrew printing

18Robert Attal, Les publications judo-arabes du rabbin Chalom Bekache imprimeur


et publiciste Alger, Alei Sefer 2 (1976).
136 yosef tobi

d uring the nineteenth century, and known in particular for its clear-cut
Hebrew typefaces. No wonder, then, that the second part of ay La-Mora
was printed in Livorno (1864), rather than in Algiers, as was the first part
of the book. Actually, sundry and diverse JA texts had been published by
printing presses in Livorno since the beginning of the nineteenth century,
many of them appearing in different liturgical compilations based on the
rites of the several NA Jewish communities: Moroccan, Algerian, Tunisian,
and Libyan.
The first NA Hebrew printing press established after the one in Algiers
was in Oran, or Wahrn, as originally pronounced. It was built in 1856,
but it did not offer any improvements, as it was operated by the same
. Z. Akenazi with the same flawed fonts. The first book printed was
evae lohim, a corpus of religious poems, most of them in Hebrew, but
some also in JA, compiled by Nissim Kresenti. At the end of the said work
is appended Aseret Ha-Devarim, a widespread and highly popular JA com-
position on the Ten Commandments, and one that is recited by all NA
congregations on the Feast of Pentecost. The work has been attributed to
Saadia Gaon.
A major turning point took place in Tunis in 1860. Special fraternal ties
had developed between Livornese Jewry and the Jews of Tunis, owing to
the reputable community of the Livornese Jews who migrated to Tunis at
the end of the seventeenth century, and who were very insistent on living
as a separate and independent community there. This fact, in addition
to the geopolitical location of Tunis as the closest place in NA to France
and to Italy, made the Jewish community of Tunis the most populous one
in NA during the nineteenth century, as well as the one most exposed to
European culture, civilisation, and technology. Therefore, the trend of the
Jewish printers of Algiers, which was to provide the Jewish public at large
with digested, popularised material, was continued in Tunis. However,
its openness to the surrounding, larger Arab population and to European
culture also signified an abrupt change of course. Historically, we have
to connect this new trend with the new constitution published by the
Tunisian Bey, Muammad diq B, in 1857, which granted the Jews, as
well as other minorities, equal rights, bringing to an end the long-standing
discriminatory regulations levelled against non-Muslims. In 1861, two Jews
of the local Livornese community asked Moses (B) emma, one of the
few Jews who could read and write Arabic characters fluently, to translate
the new constitution, Qnn al-dawla al-Tnisya, into JA for the Jewish
public. Since there was no Jewish printing press in the city, they peti-
tioned the help of ayyim Zeev Akenazi of Algiers to provide them with
judaeo-arabic printing in north africa 137

the state-of-the-art Hebrew types which he had purchased in Livorno, in


order to print therewith the JA version of the Qnn in a local printing
house owned by an Englishman named Mansfield.19 The following year,
they established their own printing press, and in the years to come many
others followed.
Between the years 1860 and 1950, no fewer than 1,400 JA items of all
literary and social genres were printed in Tunis, in Livorno, and in Sousse.
These texts, by and large, were unrelated to the traditional, religious life-
style of the Jewish community. Very few religious texts were published,
such as prayer books and halakhic works. It seems that the Jews of Tunis,
as well as the adjacent Jewish communities in the north of the country,
discovered the cultural and sociopolitical power of the art of printing and
took advantage of it to express themselves, and to fulfill their aspirations.
They thereby created a new school of JA literature. Yet, after two gen-
erations, it became evident that JA publications were merely used as a
spring-board to something else: an attraction to European, or more pre-
cisely, to French culture. After the end of World War II, there was virtually
no demand for JA prints in northern Tunisia, as the Jews there adopted
French as their spoken and written language, leaving behind the JA culture
of their ancestors. This was not the case in southern Tunisia, where since
the 1910s, Hebrew printing presses had been established for the purpose of
countering the secular trends in the north. Southern rabbis created a huge
industry of JA prints, all of them intrinsically connected to Jewish religious
themes and nationality, in order to nullify the destructive impact of JA
publications from the north. Unlike those from the north, JA publications
from the south continued to be sold, and held by Jews from southern Tuni-
sia in great esteem, even after their emigration to Israel or France.

19For a photograph of the title page of this extremely rare booklet, see Attal, Hag-
gadat Algir, vi; Attal, Ha-defs ha-Ivr ba-Magreb, 122123. On the title page is written
the name of the publisher thus: =( in the print-
ing press of Mr. Mansfield, the Englishman). Attal (Haggadat Algir, 8n6; idem, Ha-defs
ha-Ivr ba-Magreb, 123n7) thinks that Richard Holt is meant, but he offers no support for
his assumption. From the Hebrew words referring to Richard Holts printing press, in the


) , it would appear that
booklet ( p. [8]), i.e., printed in the government press by Richard
Holt (same in Arabic, p. 12:

these were two separate printing presses, although both were run and operated by English
craftsmen: the one belonging to Mansfield was privately owned, whereas the one operated
by Holt was government owned.
138 yosef tobi

The Cultural Trends of the Printed JA Literature

The obvious aim of Cohen-olal and al-Naqwa, who recruited honour-


able rabbis for the purpose, was educational: to equip the Jewish public
at large with digested popularised rabbinical material. The brothers con-
tinued their project with some other books, most of which were JA trans-
lations or compilations, not original works, aimed at the general public.
Thus, for instance, they asked the same two rabbisSolomon Zarq and
Juda armonto prepare another compilation of translated texts, this
time about one of the most popular stories in Jewish history, the story of
the righteous Joseph and Zulaykha, Potiphars wife (Yosef en, 1854, 17 cm,
44 pp.). The core of the story is, of course, biblical, but it was augmented
with witty details from later Jewish and other sources. Undoubtedly, this
was a popular love story, but one should not ignore its moral lesson,
namely, how a Jewish man ought to keep himself from the temptations
and deceitfulness of a gentile woman.
However, the educational tendencies of Cohen-olal were by no means
limited to those wanting to study religion and traditional Jewish studies,
but also included what might be identified as secular scholarship, and
expressed the messianic aspirations of the Jewish people at that time. Two
booklets published by Cohen-olal in the year 1854 attest to this fact; these
books tell of the Ten Tribes living somewhere in India, beyond the mytho-
logical river of Sambayn, in an independent state (Hd al-msaif min
na masif al-musamm20 meen nesiat yisrael, 16 cm, 28 pp.; eerit
yisrael, 16 cm, 42 pp.).
This tendency is clearly shown from the preface of Mordechai iml,
who translated Sefer Ysfn into JA. It finds expression even more clearly
in the second preface, whose anonymous author elaborates on the
advantages of reading Sefer Ysfn when translated into the Arabic dia-
lect spoken by the Jews of Algiers, and not merely from the standpoint
of expanding ones knowledge and familiarity with customs, but toward
developing writing skills in small children.21 It is hard to ignore the lack
of consistency in the words of the writer, where he says the printed

20The Arabic transliteration is based on its phonetic sound and reflects the pronuncia-
tion of the Jews of Algiers. The spelling, based on classical Arabic, should rather have been:
hdh al-maif min nat maif al-musamm, etc. In the list of Algiers publications in
Attal and Harosh, Ha-defs ha-ivr be-lgr, 563, no. 6, there are errors in the title given
for the book.
21 Sefer Ysfn bi-l-arab, part II (Algiers, 1855): [6][7].
judaeo-arabic printing in north africa 139

t ranslation will serve as a model for learning the correct pronunciation


and acquiring a knowledge of plene and defective scriptum. This is despite
the fact that a transliteration of the translation reflects, presumably, the
Arabic dialect spoken by the Jews of Algiers, but is certainly far from
revealing anything about constancy or stability (see below).
A different tendency, related to the Jews of Algiers and their lack of pro-
ficiency in Hebrew, and which merely points to their being drawn toward
French secular literature, finds expression in Rabbi Mordechai rrs pref-
ace to the book, Ql sasn, a collection of stories written in the colloquial
tongue of Arabic which is spoken amongst us here in the city of Algiers,
may God protect her: vol. I, collected and extracted from different books,
such as the book, seh pele, and those like unto it:22
Unto this very day, they have not so much as voiced their opinion about
this matter [i.e., the study of the Hebrew Scriptures, the Mishna, Talmud,
etc.], for they say [even] at this time: Whatsoever I cant understand, Id
say I shall not read! Yet, to enhance their knowledge, they buy story books
belonging to the Christians (romances), and for the majority of people who
buy newspapers, it is not so that they can see the news in them, but rather,
to read the stories in them (feuilleton). Wherefore, I have deemed it fitting
to make this book in Arabic, a book that tells of the miraculous works and
wonders that the Holy One, blessed be He, has wrought for our forefathers
in every generation.
The intent of Rabbi Mordechai rr was, in effect, to distance the Jew-
ish community from reading secular French literature, whether books or
newspapers, which, in those times, published romances as serials in order
to increase their readership, since readers who had no interest in the news
would purchase the newspaper simply for its feuilleton, meaning, the same
romance section which was published in that daily or weekly edition. It
should also be noted that the newspapers printed in JA in Tunisia and in
Algeria adopted the method of publishing feuilletons. Complete romances
in JA were initially published in newspapers that had follow-ups to the
stories, and only afterwards were they published as books by themselves.
One can also conclude from the words of Mordechai rr that JA and
French were the two languages that competed with each other among
the Jewish community in Algiers during the 1880sthis is similar to
what was happening in the Jewish communities in northern Tunisia. This
eventually culminated in a French victory; whereas Hebrewwho even

22Ql sasn (Algiers, 1885), [3][4].


140 yosef tobi

remembered its name? It was rejected outright, not only because of JA,
but also because of French.23 In general, not only did French become pre-
eminent among Jews of NA (with the exception of the inhabitants of small
towns and villages), but also the Latin alphabet usurped the place of the
Hebrew alphabet.24 Furthermore, we see a phenomenon that character-
ises the Jewish communities of northern Tunisia; after World War I, texts
that were printed in JA were accompanied by a transliteration in Latin
characters for those readers in the community who still understood JA,
but who found it hard to read Hebrew characters. Another good example
of this process is the romance novel, Bayn uy Tnis [Among the walls
of Tunis] by Michel Uzan, which was first published in Tunis in 1926, in
its original JA, but whose author, in 1956, had it republished in Tunis, this
time with a French translation: Entre les murs de Tunis.
This natural process resulted in a great decrease in JA publications,
because those who understood JA and who could read the Hebrew
alphabet had, themselves, declined in number. Jewish intellectuals in
NA adopted the French language for written works, and these publica-
tions did not require Hebrew printing presses. This, then, was the state of
affairs, with the one exception of the Hebrew printing presses in Djerba,
where the industry of JA book publication, with its diverse literary genres,
had developed to its greatest extent.25

The Correlation between neo-JA Orthography of North Africa


and Mediaeval JA Orthography

As noted, the years 18501950 yielded a great harvest of publications of


varied and diverse genres in JA, which were produced in Jewish-owned
printing houses in NA communities, especially in Tunisia, and which were
intended for large social groups among the Jewish communities. The cen-
tral question that confronted the publisherslike many other questions
that are not directly related to our enquiry here, such as the literary genres
of the printed materialwas how to represent in a graphic way the Ara-
bic language, which, as noted, was colloquial Arabic rather than classical
Arabic. Naturally, the Hebrew alphabet was selected, in keeping with the

23Concerning the growing popularity of French among the Jews of northern Tunisia,
see Tobi, Louverture de la littrature judo-arabe tunisienne.
24Attal, Ha-defs ha-Ivr ba-Magreb, 129.
25Fraenkel, LImprimerie hbraique Djerba.
judaeo-arabic printing in north africa 141

ancient tradition preserved by the people of Israel of writing the foreign


languages that they adopted, whether as a mode of communication or
creativity, in Hebrew characters. Indeed it is almost certain that already
before the rise of Islam, Jewish communities in the northwestern parts of
the Arabian Peninsula rendered an Arabic translation of the Hebrew Bible
by using Hebrew characters. The orthography found in these texts is not
compatible with the rules of grammar used in classical Arabic, which were
consolidated and settled just prior to the tenth century.26
Rav Saadia Gaon (henceforth Saadia) came along at the beginning of
that century and renewed JA orthography, based on the rules of classical
Arabic.27 Saadias method quickly spread among all Jewish communities,
those living in the far reaches of Arabic-Muslim culture, but, in particular,
in the works of the scholars. Even so, the old orthography was never com-
pletely rejected, particularly in the old biblical translations before Saadia,
which apparently even after his radical innovation, continued to be copied
from the earlier forms. These preceded him, so in practice, the old method
was preserved.28 The one fundamental difference which distinguishes the
old method from the one established by Saadia is that it is based on pho-
netic sounds, meaning, it represents the pronunciation of the Arabic dia-
lect spoken by a people in a certain place and is, therefore, not bound by
the classical Arabic way of spelling, as we have noted above.
This principle of writing phonetically repeats itself and is most felt in
the orthographic base used in writing JA over the last few hundred years,
but, especially, with the establishment of Hebrew printing presses in NA
countries. Just as its creators chose the colloquial JA dialect in each place
to express their thoughts and disseminate knowledge among the masses,
so, too, did they apply to this dialect the conventional spelling system of
words based on their phonetic sounds. This is because proper reading
which would enable a person to understand texts that were written by
the conventional spelling (orthography) used in mediaeval classical JA

26See Tobi, On the Antiquity of the Judeo-Arabic Biblical Translations, Ben Ever
La-Arav 2 (2001), 1727; Tobi, The Orthography of the Pre-Saadianic Judaeo-Arabic, 271
273; cf. Haarman, An Eleventh-century Prcis of Arabic Orthography, Studia Arabica &
Islamica (Beirut: American University of Beirut, 1981). Much has been written in recent
years about Arabic orthography during the first centuries following the rise of Islam, and
its close connection with JA orthography during that period. However, this subject does
not fall within the scope of our present enquiry.
27Tobi, On the Antiquity of the Judeo-Arabic Biblical Translations, 2329.
28The orthography used in JA which preceded Saadia has been described in different
studies. See Tobi, Ha-Shirah, ha-sifrut ha-Arvit-ha-Yehudit veha-Genizah (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv
University, 2006), 22n53.
142 yosef tobi

requires a certain familiarity with classical Arabic. Certainly, this was


not a decision based on ideological considerations, such as those that
prompted the few authors in modern times who have written their works
in flowery, highbrowed Hebrew, or in classical Arabic with Arabic char-
acters. There was no real market for these works, in contrast to the large
consumer market for colloquial and phonetic JA literature.29 In the event
that Arabic texts were printed in Arabic characters, this was not done to
meet any need of the Jewish community, but rather to maintain a good
standing with the Muslim governmentblessings and songs in honour of
the beys in Tunisia, or in honour of the Ottoman sultan (above, note 5).
The increase in activity in literary work written in JA, and its submission
to the publishers for printing, especially in Tunisia (whether in Tunis or
Sousse in the north, or Djerba in the south), presented the printers with a
challenge never before confronted by earlier generations of writers of JA.
The main sources for examining JA orthography printed in NA in mod-
ern times are the thousands of publications that have been printed at the
Hebrew presses in that area, beginning in the middle of the nineteenth
century. A close examination of them clearly reveals that from the stand-
point of JA orthography in these publications, one must divide the Jewish
communities of NA in modern times into two principal groups: East
Libya, Tunisia, and eastern Algeria (Constantine); and Westwestern
Algeria (Algiers and Oran) and Morocco. These two groups are alike in
that both used a phonetic method of spelling. But in the eastern group, this
method is closer to the spelling of classical JA that was used in the Middle
Ages, than the one employed by the western group. We can assume that
this was influenced to a great extent by their different pronunciations of
Arabic, by which we can also divide, diametrically, the respective Jewish
communities in NA into these two groups.

29For extravagant Hebrew writing in Tunisia, see Tobi, The Attitude to the Hebrew
Language and its Study in Tunisia, in The Jews in Tunisia (Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University
Press, 2009), esp. 273279, 304307. In the year 1885, the Jewish newspaper Al-ams was
published in Paris, the only newspaper belonging to the Jews of Tunisia in which there
were printed Arabic characters (two pages in Arabic characters and two pages in Hebrew
characters). However, the newspaper did not last very long (only thirty-five issues), since
only a few Tunisian Jews took an interest in it. Proof of this can be seen in the renewal
of its printing in 1904 as a weekly journal, but this time, only in Hebrew characters. See
Vassel, La littrature populaire des isralites tunisiens, 28, 4041; Tobi, Louverture de la
littrature judo-arabe tunisienne, 269.
judaeo-arabic printing in north africa 143

The JA Orthography in the Early Printings of Algeria

As already stated, the first JA printing in this area was at a press owned
and operated by a non-Jew in the city of Algiers in the year 1853, in Rashis
script, using fonts brought either from Jerusalem or from Salonica. These
types were very worn-out, resulting in the print being far from aesthetic.
The first comprehensive book was the aforementioned ay La-Mora
(1854), an expanded JA commentary on the Book of Genesis, intended for
the general Jewish public. Beside the fact that the Arabic reflects the Jew-
ish dialect spoken in eastern Algeria, its orthography is identical to that of
JA manuscripts before the invention of the printing press, aside from one
important matter: the distinction between the phonetic sound of m ) (


and ayn ) ( has been made not by the insertion of a diacritical point
above the Hebrew letter gimal, but rather by a diacritical point beneath
the gimal on account of the m ) ( , while a point is made above it on


account of the ayn ) (, apparently owing to the influence of the diacriti-
cal points in the corresponding Arabic letters. An example is

(p. 65). Even so, it is difficult to say that the printers were sensitive
to orthography, while the JA texts themselves were not always faithful to
phonetics, particularly as concerned the use of the letter aleph as a plene
letter: e.g., ( > p. 169); ( > p. 192); <
(p. 193); ( > p. 227); ( > ibid.); >
(p. 328); as also in the doubling of the letter ww, even at the beginning
of a word: e.g., ( > p. 49); ( > p. 49); >
( p. 142).
The augmentation of the phonetic character is evident in the orthog-
raphy of the book, Dat Yehdt, a different JA composition (Algiers,
1855), which, too, had the Jewish public in mind, but especially women,
whose knowledge of Hebrew was mediocre at best, as Rabbi Abraham
al-Naqwa, who initiated the translation of the book into JA in the dialect
spoken by the Jews of northwest Africa, explained in his introduction (see
above). Rather, in this composition is found a phenomenon that is not
known from earlier JA texts, that is to say, the doubling of the accentuated
consonant when enunciating: ( > p. 1); ( > p. 3);
( > p. 20); ( > p. 57); ( > p. 90);
>
(p. 90);

> (p. 105). This phenomenon is not
known in classical JA scripts from the Middle Ages, neither has it been
seen in JA scripts from an earlier period. It is presumed that this phe-
nomenon was influenced by the transliteration of Arabic texts into Latin
144 yosef tobi

characters, which European scholars of Oriental studies in the nineteenth


century had predetermined.30 The confusion between the emphatic letters
and the regular letters is recognized in the phonetic shift: > ; >
(p. 1); ( > p. 20); ( > p. 21); ( > p. 15);
( > p. 93), as opposed to: ( p. 98). > : >
(p. 20), as opposed to: (p. 44). In some rare instances
there is given a graphic expression also for the phenomenon known as the
imla: ( > p. 20).
Actually, these phonetic phenomena are known also from JA texts
printed before the establishment of the Hebrew press in Algiers, e.g., Sefer
Sekhiyyt haemdah weh pesa meubbn, which Eliyahu Ben Amozeg
had had printed in Livorno in the year 1852, at the press belonging to the
brothers Moshe and Israel Palache and Solomon Belforti.31 The lack of
sensitivity to classical spelling in Arabic, stemming most likely from their
not knowing classical Arabic writing in Arabic characters, is especially
notable in the Moroccan JA ar (commentary) on the Passover Hagga-
dah (Algiers 1855): ( > p. 8); > ( p. 16); >
( p. 20);
> ( ibid.);
> ( p. 26). This
method is actually typical of Moroccan JA in MSS and in printed texts.

Or Neerav: Translation of the Pentateuch into JA at the Initiative


of Rabbi Eliyahu Ben Amozeg, and its Orthography

It seems that the strengthening of the vulgar character of JA orthogra-


phy in the first printed texts of Algiers and Oran did not sit well with
the printers in Livorno and with the scholars of Tunisia. Rabbi Eliyahu
Ben Amozeg (18231900), an enlightened man of the rabbinate, born in
Mogador in Morocco, who emigrated to Livorno with his parents while
he was only three years old, and who, at length, came to officiate there as
rabbi for fifty years, initiated the publication of a wide range of JA compo-
sitions, which are, from a linguistic standpoint, free from the spoken dia-
lects. Ben Amozegs image is that of a thinker in the academic world, an
innovative rabbinic fighting figure, but nothing is mentioned in academic

30For meetings between Orientalists of Europe and Jewish scholars of NA, see Joseph
Fenton, He-akham Mordekhai Najjr, Mahut 25 (2002), 116119.
31 The JA texts (pp. 44a52b) are instructions treating the ritual performed on the
night of Passover, interspersed between liturgical passages. Based on the language it can
be determined that the JA dialect of northwest Africa is most likely that of Morocco, the
birth place of Ben Amozeg.
judaeo-arabic printing in north africa 145

literature about his efforts to prepare a new JA translation based mainly


on the tafsr of Saadia, either with respect to its language and orthogra-
phy, or its wording. In this regard, it differed from ay La-Mr which
had been printed only a few years before in Algiers (1854), and which was
a homiletic translation, compiled in the colloquial tongue and in highly
phonetic orthography. Likewise, even the scholars of recent generations
who have dealt with JA translations in NA have not so much as hinted
at this translation, which presumably served as the basis for many of the
later ones. On this matter, Ben Amozeg turned to Rabbi Michael Malf,
the son of Abraham Alln, a wise man of NA descent whose proficiency
in the Arabic language far exceeded that of the spoken dialects.32 Even so,
since the tafsr written by Saadia was no longer understood by the mem-
bers of the Jewish community in those days, Rabbi Michael Alln made
adaptations in the book, largely so that it would be understood by its read-
ers. This translation, which was called Or Neerav, was intended to be used
in place of the translation that Jewish school teachers had used in the
different Arabic-speaking communities in eastern lands and in NA (ar).
In his viewand, presumably, this view was shared by Ben Amozegit
was corrupt, as he had determined in his introduction to the translation
of the Book of Genesis (the page following the title page).
The indecisiveness of the printers in Livorno about the orthography
of JA is evidenced by the note (mda Rabb), at the end of the Book of
Numbers in Or Neerav:
The language that we have used for this translation is based upon the pure
Arabian tongue, and upon the Arabic translation left to us by our Master,
Saadia Gaon, may peace be upon him, aside from the variations in text
which we have placed between parentheses, according to the changes that
are found among each and every people, according to the languages used
in their respective countries, in accordance with their nationalities, in order
that it may be accepted by all our brethren the sons of Israel, who dwell,
some in the lands of the East, Egypt and Aleppo, others in the countries of
the Maghreb, Tunis, Algiers and Morocco. [...]
In every place where you find in the Arabic translation a gimal with a
dot above it, read it as a guttural letter. For example: ,
meaning, aside

32I have not seen any reference to the translator or to the name of his family (Alln) in
other sources. However, the family name Alln is known from the Jewish communities in
Morocco, such as Fez and Meknes (I thank Prof. Moshe Bar-Asher for this information).
In any case, the translation is not indicative of the provincial dialect of any particular com-
munity, although I have found that the translator (having merely checked the Book of Gen-
esis) usually makes use of the provincial Arabic word tuwwa (JA: (, customarily used
by the Jews of Tunisia as a translation for the Hebrew word =( now).
146 yosef tobi

from, ,
wrath and anger, , bathe.33 In every place where you
find it with a dot below it, read it as a dental letter, like in , for camel,
, for he will run, , for he returned.34 Let this general rule be set
before you, that the nature of this dot is genuine and is based on the tongue
of the Ishmaelites and on their writing, which are a principal thing with the
Arabic language.35 In like manner, the ancient Jews in Arab lands had been
accustomed to write in this way, just as everyone can see in the old manu-
scripts that are with me.36
Also, to this very day, they still make use of this pointing in the interior of
the Maghreb, and in the countries of Algiers and its environs.
It should be pointed out that the orthography in this composition is
stable and rigidly applied, in stark contrast to that in the printed works in
Algiers. However, as for the letters yod and waw, although not the letter
aleph, there are times when they serve as matres lectionis also in places
where they would not serve that way in classical Arabic. It is interesting to
note that in the orthography of Hebrew names, the copyist allows himself
to add alephs in plene scriptum in an exaggerated manner, as if they were
matres lectionis: ( > Num. 31:1); ( > ibid.);
and even after the vowels ew na, ere and segol, something which I
cannot explain: e.g., ( > ibid.); ( > ibid.);
> ( ibid., 90a). It is also worth noting how the copyist doubles
the accentuated consonant: e.g., ( > ibid.); >
(ibid., 33a);

>
(ibid., 42a). However, there is no regularity in
this matter: e.g., ( ibid.); ( ibid., 34a); ( ibid., 35a).
Incidentally, I do not know if the doubling of the accentuated consonants
is due to the influence of European transliterations of Arabic texts. In any
case, one sees a very clear trend of scrupulous adherence to the rules of
orthography.

The Orthography of JA Printed in Tunisia

The orthography of JA in Tunisian manuscripts reflects, in principle, the


orthography of JA literature printed also in Tunisia from the beginning of


33That is to say, as in the Arabic letter : ,
, .

34That is to say, as in the Arabic letter : , , .

35The diacritical point used for the Arabic letter ayn is found above it: ;
whereas the diacritical point used for the Arabic letter m is found below it: .


36This testimony is inaccurate, seeing that in the Geniza manuscripts, the Arabic letter
is not usually marked by any diacritical point, and certainly not with a point below it.
judaeo-arabic printing in north africa 147

the 1860s, and represents a good example of the provincial dialect of the
Jews of Tunisia, not only from the standpoint of lexicon, morphology, and
syntax, but also from the standpoint of phonetics. Of course, this does not
have any past association or link with the orthography of classical JA from
the Middle Ages. The same can be said about the many compositions of
Youcef Renassia, the rabbi and mentor of the community of Constantine
in eastern Algeria, not far from the Tunisian-Algerian border.37 One may
thus determine unequivocally that the rules governing the JA orthography
in Tunisia were not introduced with the advent of JA literature printed in
the nineteenth century, but, in fact, reflect a tradition that continued from
previous centuries and was formed over a long period of time. This stands
in contrast to the JA literature from the school of Saadia, whose creative
work was deliberate and planned and adhered from the start to the rules
of orthography used in classical Arabic, after these same rules had reached
their final formulation prior to the tenth century; likewise that of Rabbi
Michael Alln in Or Neerav. In my humble opinion, it constitutes a natu-
ral continuation of the orthography that was prevalent in the Middle Ages,
albeit with certain variations, leading by a continuous process of phonetic
adaptability toward the provincial dialect of JA. It is also to be noted that
no small number of the first Jewish intellectuals in Tunisia knew classical
Arabic, some of them being rabbinic figures like the aformentioned Rabbi
Juda armon, besides distinguished Orientalists.38 This fact no doubt influ-
enced the orthography of texts printed in JA.
Without any doubt, the orthographic influence of JA literature printed
in Livorno can be felt in the JA literature printed in Tunisia, as it was there
that the Jews of Tunisia printed their books, until Vittorio Finzi, the son of
a political exile from Livorno, established the first Hebrew printing press
in Tunisia after he had received a licence from the Muslim Bey in 1880.39
It should be noted that Livorno was known as the most important city of
Hebrew book printing in the nineteenth century on account of the Jew-
ish community in NA and in eastern countries, while books printed there

37Concerning him and his publications, see Youssef Charvit, Renassia, Joseph,
Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 4:157159; concerning the
JA orthography in his printed works, see Ofra Tirosh-Becker, A Characterization of the
Judeo-Arabic Language of Constantine, Massorot 2/3 (1989): 285312.
38Such as Isaac Cattan who at the beginning of the twentieth century published many
articles in the Orientalist journal, Revue Tunisienne, but whose work did not attain any
recognition in research literature on the Jews of Tunisia; and like him, many other Jewish
intellectuals of Tunisia during the same period.
39Attal, Ha-defs ha-Ivr ba-Magreb, 23 and n. 11.
148 yosef tobi

were considered of exceptional quality and were highly valued. Indeed,


the typeface used in the presses of that city was square, sharply cut, and
well-designed: comely to the sight and illuminating. The Jewish printers
in Livorno, such as Rabbi Eliyahu Ben Amozeg and Israel Costa, men with
vast general knowledge and experts in the art of printing, demonstrated
great sensitivity to JA orthography. It was not surprising, then, that Jew-
ish printing presses in Algiers and Oran met their demise because of the
competition with those in Livorno, while the scholars of Tunisia began to
print their own JA literature for the masses.
This trend was further strengthened by the JA publications of the illus-
trious Tunisian-born rabbi, Eliezer Far (b. 1850), whose father came from
Jerusalem and spent many years in Livorno. This learned man translated an
extensive literary work from classical Arabic into the Arabic dialect spoken
by the Jews of Tunisia; it was entitled Srat al-malik sayf al-aal (Livorno,
1885). This composition already uses the orthography of classical Tunisian
JA, which was preserved, to some extent, in all the publications in that
language in Livorno, Tunis, Sousse, and Djerba. The chief characteristics
are their scrupulous application of the distinction between the emphatic
letters and the regular letters, preventing the use of aleph as a mater lectio-
nis, the marking of the Arabic letter with a diacritical point above the

Hebrew letter gimale.g., ,

and the Arabic letter with a diacritical
point below ite.g. ,40 a mark showing the soft-spoken double-sounding
consonants (raphe), in this case written above the Hebrew letter pe, and
the doubling of the accentuated consonants, although not on a regu-
lar basis. It is without any doubt that the enlightened men of the early
generations in Tunis and their direct acquaintance with classical Arabic
written in Arabic characters influenced them to treat with greater sever-
ity and respect the orthographic method employed in the writing of the
local dialect. Unlike Muslim scholars, the Jewish intellectuals of Tunisia
saw JA as a legitimate and respected language, as did the German and

40In the book, Sefer maaseh aam (Livorno: Costa Press, 1868), being the first book
published by a Tunisian Jew in Livorno, as also in ay La-Mr, in the Livorno edition of
1888, the Arabic letter is still distinguished by a diacritical point beneath the Hebrew


letter gimal , and the Arabic letter is distinguished by a diacritical point above it
,
just as decided by the editors of Or Neerav, but in Srat al-Aalya which was printed
by the Jews of Tunisia in Livorno (Costa Press, 18851887), the Arabic letter is distin-

guished by a diacritical point above the Hebrew letter gimal , and the Arabic letter

is distinguished by a diacritical point below it , just as had ordinarily been the practice
in the orthography of JA literature printed in Tunisia.
judaeo-arabic printing in north africa 149

French scholars who documented the local Arab dialects and the litera-
ture composed in them, or the enlightened Jews of Eastern Europe with
regard to Yiddish, or the Jewish intellectuals in the Balkans with regard
to Ladino. This view led them, on the one hand, to translate into it many
works taken from Arabic, Hebrew, and French, and even to create in it
original works of different literary genres, including a vibrant and bur-
geoning press; while, on the other hand, they treated it with respect and
were strict in matters of orthography. In fact, the Jewish intellectuals of
Tunisia during the second half of the nineteenth century succeeded in
creating by these very texts printed in JAbased on the old Tunisian
JAa rich literary language full of expression, one set apart also by its
rules of orthography, similar to the classical language.

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Marginal Miniatures: The Tehran Edition of
al-Damrs ayt al-ayawn (1285/1868)

Ulrich Marzolph

The early history of printing in Iran is divided into three distinct periods.1
Printing from movable type was introduced to Iran in or shortly before the
year 1233/1817. During the initial period, for about the first fifteen years,
printing from movable type was the only method of printing practised in
Iran. Next, lithography made its way to Iran. The first item known to have
been produced by this new technique is a Qurn dated 124849/183233,
printed most probably in the city of Tabriz. For almost three decades,
both techniques of printing coexisted, though the number of books
printed from movable typeprobably some 60 items altogether2was
far more modest than the steadily growing production of books printed
by lithography. The last item printed from movable type in this period,
according to present knowledge, was the 1275/1858 edition of awhars
widely read martyrological compilation ufn al-boka.3 During the third
period, books in Iran were exclusively printed by way of lithography. Not
a single item printed from movable type is known to have been published
between 1275/1858 and 1291/1874. The modern mode of printing from mov-
able type was introduced to Iran only with the publication of Nir al-Din
Shhs travelogue to Europe (Safar-nme-ye Ner al-Din Shh be-farang),
in 1291/1874; significantly, this book was published in Istanbul. The new
mode of printing distinguishes the modern history of printing in Iran
from the three phases of the early period. While printing from movable
type and lithography continued to compete for about half a century, the
former soon gained the upper hand and ousted lithographic production
around the middle of the twentieth century.

1 For general surveys concerning the history of printing in Iran, see .. ,


(Moscow, 1979); Ulrich Marzolph, Zur frhen
Druckgeschichte in Iran (1817ca. 1900) / Early printing history in Iran (1817ca. 1900). I:
Gedruckte Handschrift / I: Printed Manuscript, in Middle Eastern Languages and the Print
Revolution: A Cross-cultural Encounter, ed. Eva Hanebutt-Benz, Dagmar Glass, and Geoffrey
Roper (Westhofen: WVA-Verlag Skulima, 2002): 249268 and 271272 [Notes].
2Ulrich Marzolph, Persian Incunabula: A Definition and Assessment, Gutenberg-
Jahrbuch 82 (2007): 205220.
3See Al Budari, Chehel ufn (Tehran, 1390H.Sh.), 81n23.
152 ulrich marzolph

The Persian books published by way of lithography during the Qajar


period correspond more or less to printed manuscripts. The models they
followed were either manuscripts or previous publications printed either
from movable type or by way of lithography. Even though the majority of
books published in Iran was in Persian, a certain number of books were
also published in other languages, notably Turkish and Arabic. The Ara-
bic texts almost exclusively relate to areas of traditional Muslim learning,
predominantly Shii theology.4 Given their content, none of these books
would likely have profited from the unique option lithographic printing
offered by allowing the printing of text and illumination or illustration
in a single print-run. This option was, however, fruitfully put to use in a
large number of works of Persian literature, notably the Persian classics
and other items of a predominantly narrative nature.5
Considering the historical development sketched above, the publica-
tion discussed in the present contribution shows a number of peculiar
characteristics. First, the book under consideration here is the published
lithographed edition of an Arabic text during the third period of the early
history of printing in Iran, in which not a single book printed from mov-
able type is known to have been produced. Second, the text does not
belong to traditional Shii learning, but comprises the zoological encyclo-
paedia ayt al-ayawn by al-Damr (d. 808/1405), a fourteenth-century
Egyptian author. Third, even though the book is not primarily a narrative,
it contains a large number of illustrations. In fact, in terms of the num-
ber of illustrations included, the 1285/1868 Tehran edition of Damrs
ayt al-ayawn is the most profusely illustrated book ever published in
nineteenth-century Iran: it contains a total of more than 1,400 single
images. Fourth and foremost, the books illustrations are not integrated
into the printed text, as was the standard procedure in early Persian
lithographed books printed in Iran or India. In this highly exceptional
edition, the illustrations rather constitute a regularly added feature on the
margin. In both Muslim and Western manuscript tradition, the margin
provided the standard area for corrections as well as additions and com-
mentaries to the books main text. Likewise, the margins of manuscripts

4See, e.g., Adam Gacek, Arabic Lithographed Books in the Islamic Studies Library, McGill
University: Descriptive Catalogue (Montreal: McGill University Libraries, 1996); Katalog der
Bibliothek des schiitischen Schrifttums im Orientalischen Seminar der Universitt zu Kln.
Zusammengestellt von Kamran Amir Arjomand, herausgegeben von Abdoldjavad Falaturi.
2., erheblich erweiterte Auflage. 6 vols. (Munich, 1996).
5Ulrich Marzolph, Narrative Illustration in Persian Lithographed Books (Leiden: Brill,
2001).
the tehran edition of al-damrs ayt al-ayawn 153

from the medival Western world often bear miniature illustrations,6 a


feature that is similarly known from Muslim manuscripts.7 Yet, to date we
do not know any other book from the Muslim world, whether manuscript
or printed, in which marginal illustrations serve as a regular feature com-
menting on and illustrating the content of a book whose text is presented
as a single written block. Whether or not the illustrations in the present
case are marginal in the words second, and dominant, meaning remains
to be seen.
Damrs zoological lexicon has been described as a heroic attempt to
impose a rational grouping to a vast store-house of animal lore.8 Essen-
tially, the book offers an alphabetical treatment of the animal world, each
entry containing a hypothetical maximum of seven sections. These sec-
tions range from philological considerations of the animals name, via a
description of its physical characteristics and habits, to its reflection in
theological and juridical terms, in proverbs, medicine, and the interpreta-
tion of dreams. While some researchers have characterised the work as an
uncritical compilation, indiscriminately lumping together the important
and the trivial, the real and the imaginary, the factual and the fictional,9
others have praised the book for the vast array of sources it exploits
adding up to about 800 different authors and works.10 Besides its value
as a typical representative of the compilation literature of the Mamluk
period, the book is also an extensive document of popular belief and tra-
dition in the premodern Arabic world.11
In the modern period, Damrs zoological encyclopaedia was first pub-
lished in two editions printed from movable type in nineteenth-century
Egypt, namely in 1274/1857 and 1284/1867.12 The lithographed Tehran

6Michael Camille, Image on the Edge: The Margins of Medieval Art (London: Reaktion,

1992); Margot McIlwain Nishimura, Images in the Margins (London: British Library and Los
Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2009).
7See, e.g., the samples reproduced in Esin Atil, The Brush of the Masters: Drawings from

Iran and India (Washington, DC: Freer Gallery of Art, 1978): nos. 27, 18, 19, 6267, 70.
8G. A. Russell, Damiri, Moammad, Encyclopaedia Iranica Online: http://www

.iranicaonline.org/articles/damiri (accessed March 27, 2012).


9Ibid.

10Joseph de Somogyi, Index des sources de la ayt al-ayawn de ad-Damr, Journal


Asiatique 213 (1928): 5128.
11 Otto Spies and Kurt Ranke, Damr, in Enzyklopdie des Mrchens (Berlin, 1981),
3:219223.
12Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur (Leiden: Brill, 1949), 2:172ff.;
Supplement, vol. 2 (Leiden, 1938): 170ff.
154 ulrich marzolph

e dition dated 1285/1868 thus constitutes the books third edition.13 While
consciously referring to the two previous editions, in their concluding
remarks the editors of the Tehran edition stereotypically propose to pres-
ent a more reliable text. In this respect and, as will be shown, in several
other respects, the bookeven though presenting an Arabic textis a
typical product of Qajar Iran. The books first printed page (fol. 1a) is rep-
resentative of the nascent state of the title page in Persian books of the
period (plate 1). Headed by the basmala that the Muslim believer is obliged
to pronounce before beginning any action, the first page is crowded in a
somewhat baroque manner with information revealing the books title, the
printing establishment, and the date of publication. The books printer, a
certain Al-Qoli n, ran a printing house in Tehran during the latter
half of the Qajar period.14 The text written inside a central ornament on
the first page describes the circumstances of the books publication. It is
framed by a Qurnic verse (sura 9, verse 111) that advertises constant strife
as the sole means of attaining paradise, a notion proclaimed as common
to the three Abrahamic religions.
The Tehran edition of Damrs ayt al-ayawn consists of two vol-
umes comprising 283 unnumbered folios or 566 printed pages. The size
of the paper is roughly 22 35 cm. The text of 35 lines per page is pre-
sented within a double frame that covers an area of about 15 28 cm.
For the readers easy orientation, the frame is headed by a reference to
the respective chapter, namely, the letter of the alphabet, and the catch-
words of the specific single entries are repeated on the outer margin of the
respective pages. As stated in the colophon of vol. 1 (fol. 134b), the books
calligraphy has been executed by a certain Moammad-Rez b. Al-
Akbar al-vnsri (plate 2).15 The calligraphy of the books first volume

13The 1285 Tehran edition is rarely present in public libraries in the West. Copies have
been located in the Berlin Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz (shelfmark 2 Lk 3529),
the British Library, London (shelfmark 14533.g.1), the School of Oriental and African Stud-
ies, London (shelfmark ED86.18/18562) and in the Harvard Widener Library (shelfmark OL
22320.15 F). The copy used here originates from a private collection.
14See, e.g., , , 48, 63, 123, 179, 185,
195; idem,
(Moscow, 1975): nos.
160, 163/1, 186, 330, 1009, 1186, 1240, 1552; Gacek, Arabic Lithographed Books, nos. 231, 235.
Al-Qoli n (spelled Ali Gouli Khan) also printed the exquisitely executed 1874 litho-
graphed edition of Johann Schlimmers Terminologie mdico-pharmaceutique et anthro-
pologique franaise-persane in handwritten French with Persian terms in Arabic script.
15The only other book owing its calligraphy to this scribe that has been unambiguously
identified so far is a copy of Bidels Mtamkade published in 1274/1857; see Marzolph, Nar-
rative Illustration, 253.
the tehran edition of al-damrs ayt al-ayawn 155

was completed on the sixth day of the month Rab II, and the second
volume is signed in the following month, umd I, without mentioning
the exact day. It may thus be surmised that the books production might
have taken some three to four months altogether. All of the books pages
are framed by a somewhat less pronounced single line demarcating the
actual margin against the paper size. The margin between this single line
and the double lines framing the text measures about 3 to 3.5 cm on the
top and outer side, and about 2 cm on the lower side. Besides headings,
catchwords, and illustrations, the margin contains occasional corrections
to the text in Arabic and occasional commentaries in Persian added by
two different hands. The books text starts on the inner side of the first
folio (fol. 1b; plate 3). Following the manuscript tradition, this page is
headed by a large ornamental illumination surrounding the books cen-
trally placed title. The books title is placed in a traditional wording
hdh al-kitb al-musamm bi-ayt al-ayawnbelow an image of the
Qajar coat of arms that shows a standing lion facing the viewer with a
glaring sun behind his back; it is interesting to note that the lion is pre-
sented in a somewhat less martial manner than usual, since otherwise
he would regularly hold a drawn sword in his raised right front paw.16 In
the present case, the Qajar coat of arms is particularly suitable, since it
links the Iranian context of the books production to the books text: after
all, the text, disregarding strict alphabetical order, begins with the entry
for Lion (al-asad). The first illustrations to the entries for lion (al-asad;
fol. 1bB6a), camel (al-ibil; fol. 6aB7b), and she-ass (al-atn; fol. 7bB8a),
introduce the respective animals, together with a vague outline of scen-
ery, in a large size. In fact, the images are so large that even though the
animals are represented vertically, the images still cross the line marking
the pages outer margin (plate 4). This is a rare feature, since the great
majority of the following illustrations are contained within the margin,
reducing the depicted animals to a true miniature size. Most animals are
depicted in a manner more or less corresponding to their natural features
(plate5). In particular, horses (al-faras; fol. 207b212b) and dogs (al-kalb;
fol. 233a246b)17 are represented in a variety of positions, and sometimes

16See, e.g., the Qajar coat of arms on the front page of each and every single issue of
the roughly contemporary lithographed Qajar newspaper Ruznme-e vaqye-e ettefqiye
(facs. reproduction in 4 vols., Tehran, 1373/1994), or on the front pages of each volume of
the 127074/185357 Tehran edition of Mirvnds Rawzat al-af: see Marzolph, Narrative
Illustration, fig. 54.
17The entry encompasses a lengthy digression on the legend of the Seven Sleepers,
whose group according to Muslim tradition also included a dog.
156 ulrich marzolph

the animals are even portrayed as acting in a manner typical of their natu-
ral behavioursuch as the falcon (al-bz; fol. 41a) and the chameleon
(al-irb; fol. 84a), which are shown with their prey (plate 6). The rather
strange depiction of some animals such as the rabbit (al-arnab; fol. 9b) or
the crocodile (al-tims) might indicate that the artist was less familiar
with their actual appearance (plate 7; fol. 60a). Meanwhile, he takes great
care to depict even the smallest creatures such as fleas (al-burt; fol. 45a)
or mosquitos (al-ba; fol. 46b) by enlarging their size by way of a virtual
magnifying glass (plate 8). Most of the books pages contain a single or
only a few illustrations, but some pages in connection with the number
or nature of the respective entries are fairly crowded (plate 9)such as
the passage in the entry al-ida (kite; fol. 83b) discussing the animals
that according to the adth may be killed, or the beginning of the entry
al-dbba denoting any animal that walks or crawls or creeps (fol. 115a).
Corresponding with the books text, the illustrations also depict crea-
tures that by modern critical science are regarded as fantastic or fabulous,
but whose potential existence the author had no reason to doubt. Already
the books very first illustration (fol. 2a) depicts the fabulous variety of
lion known as al-ward that according to Aristotle has a human head and
the tail of a scorpion, sometimes even the body of a cow (plate 10). The
array of fabulous creatures depicted (plate 11) also includes various kinds
of demons, such as the insn al-m (waterman; fol. 16b), the l (fol.201b),
and the hairy hobgoblin known as al-ilfa (fol. 39a). Fabulous creatures of
a more friendly appearance (plate 12) comprise the burq, the steed that
carried the Prophet Muammad on his nocturnal journey to the heavens
(fol. 43a),18 the bird with a human head resembling a harpy mentioned in
the entry al-uqb (eagle; fol. 191a), and the creature bint al-m (fol. 57b),
a kind of mermaid or male sexual fantasy thatas the English translation
by Jayakar bashfully veils it in Latinwhen they fall into the hands of
seamen in vessels, hi cum illis ineunt, and then return them to the sea.19
In addition to the world of animals and other living creatures that
constitutes his primary focus, Damrs work also presents a number of
digressions. The longest of these digressions, inspired by an anecdote
in the entry iwazz (goose), concerns the history of the caliphate from

18For other depictions of the burq in Persian lithographed illustration see Marzolph,
Narrative Illustration, fig. 192; Al Budari, Qaz-ye bi zavl: neghi tabiqi be tavir-e p-e
sangi-ye mer-e payambar () (Tehran, 1389/2010), passim.
19Damr, ayt al-ayawn: A Zoological Lexicon, translated by A. S. G. Jayakar (Lon-
don: Luzac, 1906/1908), 1:338.
the tehran edition of al-damrs ayt al-ayawn 157

its beginnings to the authors day (fol. 18b39a).20 The artist has taken
this opportunity to supply, probably for the first time in history, portraits
of potentially each and every caliph from the time of the first Umayyad
caliph Muwiya to the Abbsid al-Mustakf bi-llh, a total of sixty-one
images altogether (plate 13). Since no historical portraits of the caliphs are
available, the artists illustrations are both purely fictional and decidedly
influenced by contemporary perception, particularly in the Qajar-style
furniture and interiors in which the characters are depicted.
Probably the most fascinating features in the Tehran edition of Damrs
ayt al-ayawn are the illustrations relating to the numerous tales and
anecdotes the author quotes at intervals. Because of the books subject
matter, many of these are animal tales or fables (plate 14). Two of the
better known fables, as a matter of fact narratives that enjoy a worldwide
distribution, are the Lions Share, in which the lion requests that the
wolf and fox, one after the other, divide their prey (fol. 64b),21 and
the Sick Lion, in which the cunning fox advises the lion to take the wolfs
brain as a remedy for his illness (fol. 65b).22 Many other entries refer to
traditional tales known in Muslim (and international) tradition (plate 15).
The entry kalb (dog) contains a lengthy digression on the legend of the
Seven Sleepers (ab al-kahf) together with a portrait of the seven men
and their dog (fol. 242b);23 and the small series of folk tales on the wiles of
women, inspired by an anecdote of Jesus meeting the devil, includes a ver-
sion of the tale known in international tradition as the Equivocal Oath,
in which a woman conceals her extramarital sexual activity by hiring her
lover as her guide when about to visit the holy mountain where she is
to swear an oath (fol. 90a).24 Here again, the artists illustration depicts
contemporary Qajar costume, as it does even more convincingly in one
of the tales from Arab tradition (plate 16) in which three men visit three
wise women who are famed for knowing the cure to each and every ail-
ment (fol. 101a). Another tale from ancient Arab tradition tells of the man

20Joseph de Somogyi, Die Chalfengeschichte in Damrs Hajt al-hajawn, Der Islam


18 (1929): 154158; idem, A History of the Caliphate in the ayt al-ayawn of ad-Damr,
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 8 (193537): 143155.
21 Kathrin Pge-Alder, Lwenanteil (AaTh 51), in Enzyklopdie des Mrchens (Berlin,
1996), 8:12241228.
22Christine Shojaei Kawan, Lwe: Der kranke L. (AaTh 50), in Enzyklopdie des
Mrchens. 8:12161224.
23Hermann Kandler, Siebenschlfer (AaTh/ATU 766), in Enzyklopdie des Mrchens
(2007), 12:662666.
24Hans-Jrg Uther, Isoldes Gottesurteil (AaTh 1418), in Enzyklopdie des Mrchens
(1993), 7:325327.
158 ulrich marzolph

who escaped from a lion by climbing a tree, only to find a bear on top of
the tree (fol. 119a). A third category of illustrated tales refers to religious
tradition, much of which is common to the Abrahamic religions (plate 17).
Examples of this category shown here include the story of Moses, whose
staff turns into a snake or a dragon when thrown to the ground before
Pharaoh (fol. 67a), and the angel Gabriel leading Pharaohs army to drown
in the sea (fol. 85b). The only one of the more complex illustrations shown
twice is that of King Solomons court (fols. 80b, 177b), underlining the rul-
ers supreme position in learned as well as popular perception of the Mus-
lim world (plate 18). Even though these illustrations are only permitted
to cover the limited space of the margin, they contain the standard set of
creatures usually surrounding Solomon in Iranian art, and particularly in
the simplified range of lithographic illustration25including the Simorgh
and the hoopoe close to the rulers head, demons and angels holding his
throne, a peaceful array of carnivorous and herbivorous animals, and even
insects such as the ant.
Considered together, the numerous images that have been added to
Damrs text are not just simple illustrations of given facts, but specific
interpretations. On the one hand, they result from the artists perception
of his contemporary context, and on the other they transmit this particu-
lar perception of the Qajar period to the works intended readers in the
Arab worldafter all, the Tehran edition of Damrs ayt al-ayawn
was the only accessible visual interpretation of the popular works text. In
other words, even though the illustrations are placed in the margin, they
are not at all marginal to the works visual perception.
The fact that the Tehran edition of Damrs work was produced not
only in an Iranian, but moreover in a decidedly Shii context, becomes
obvious from the invocations that the proofreader has added to the title
pages of both volumes (plate 19). On the title page of the first volume he
has framed the basmala by the invocation y Al madad (O Al, sup-
port me!) and a set of invocations mentioning God and the panj tan,
the five members of the Muslim holy family, consisting of the Prophet
Muammad, his son-in-law Al, his daughter Fima, and their sons
asan and usayn. To a similar invocation at the top of the second page
the proofreader has moreover added an invocation to the ib al-zamn,

25For other depictions of Solomon in Persian lithographed illustration see, e.g.,


Marzolph, Narrative Illustration, figs. 114115.
the tehran edition of al-damrs ayt al-ayawn 159

the twelfth Shii Imam who lives in concealment and will only return
on the Day of Judgement.
To conclude the short survey of this fascinating publication, I should like
to mention a last illustration that, although so small as to be almost indis-
tinguishable, expresses the essence of the works specifically Iranian pre-
sentation (plate 20). The illustration to the entry nightingale (al-andalb;
fol. 189b) is one of the rare instances in which an animal is depicted in its
natural habitat. According to the Iranian notion, as vividly expressed in
numerous poems and related illustrations, the nightingales quintessential
partner is the rose bush.26 Consequently, this entry is accompanied by a
miniature illustration depicting two birds inside a bush with blossoming
roses. Even though this image is as marginal as the hundreds of other
images in the 1285/1868 Tehran edition of al-Damrs ayt al-ayawn
illustrating, supporting, and commenting on the authors text, the rooted-
ness of this particular illustration in a decidedly Iranian context is beyond
doubt. Moreover, the charming details visible in the illustrations diligent
execution contradict the obvious decline in both the quantity and quality
of illustrations in the works second volume. In this manner, it once more
adds to the appeal of a highly exceptional visual interpretation of a classic
of Arabic Islamic learning, prepared by an Iranian artist.

Bibliography

Amir Arjomand, Kamran. Katalog der Bibliothek des schiitischen Schrifttums im Orientalis-
chen Seminar der Universitt zu Kln. Edited by Abdoldjavad Falaturi. 6 vols. Munich:
K. G. Saur, 1996.
Atil, Esin. The Brush of the Masters: Drawings from Iran and India. Washington, DC: Freer
Gallery of Art, 1978.
Brockelmann, Carl. Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur, vol. 2. Leiden: Brill, 1949; supple-
ment, vol. 2. Leiden: Brill, 1938.
Budari, Al. ehel ufn. Tehran, 1390 Sh.
Budari, Ali. Qaz-ye bi zavl: neghi tabiqi be tavir-e p-e sangi-ye mer-e payambar ().
Tehran, 1389/2010.
Camille, Michael. Image on the Edge: The Margins of Medieval Art. London: Reaktion,
1992.
Damr, Muammad b. Ms. ayt al-ayawn: A Zoological Lexicon. Translated by
A. S. G. Jayakar. London: Luzac, 19061908.

26See, e.g., Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill: Univer-
sity of North Carolina Press, 1975), index, s.v. Nightingale and Rose; Lothar Stein (ed.),
Rosen und Nachtigallen: Die 100jhrige Iran-Sammlung des Leipzigers Philipp Walter Schulz
(Leipzig, 2000); ahngir ahddi, Dariei bar zibi-ensi-ye Irn: Gol va mor (Tehran,
1384/2005).
160 ulrich marzolph

Gacek, Adam. Arabic Lithographed Books in the Islamic Studies Library, McGill University:
Descriptive Catalogue. Montreal: McGill University Libraries, 1996.
Kandler, Hermann. Siebenschlfer (AaTh/ATU 766). In Enzyklopdie des Mrchens, vol.
12, 662666. Berlin, 2007.
Marzolph, Ulrich. Persian Incunabula: A Definition and Assessment. Gutenberg-Jahrbuch
82 (2007): 205220.
. Zur frhen Druckgeschichte in Iran (1817ca. 1900) / Early printing history in Iran
(1817ca. 1900). I: Gedruckte Handschrift/I: Printed Manuscript, in Middle Eastern Lan-
guages and the Print Revolution: A Cross-cultural Encounter, ed. Eva Hanebutt-Benz, Dag-
mar Glass, and Geoffrey Roper. Westhofen: WVA-Verlag Skulima, 2002.
. Narrative Illustration in Persian Lithographed Books. Leiden: Brill, 2001.
Nishimura, Margot McIlwain. Images in the Margins. London: British Library and Los
Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2009.
Pge-Alder, Kathrin. Lwenanteil (AaTh 51). In Enzyklopdie des Mrchens, vol. 8, 1224
1228. Berlin, 1996.
Russell, G. A. Damiri, Moammad. In Encyclopaedia Iranica Online: http://www
.iranicaonline.org/articles/damiri (accessed March 27, 2012).
Schimmel, Annemarie. Mystical Dimensions of Islam. Chapel Hill: University of North Caro-
lina Press, 1975.
ahddi, ahngir. Dariei bar zibi-ensi-ye Irn: Gol va mor. Tehran, 1384/2005.
, . . . Moscow, 1979.
.
. Moscow, 1975.
Shojaei Kawan, Christine. Lwe: Der kranke L. (AaTh 50). In Enzyklopdie des Mrchens,
vol. 8 (Berlin, 1996): 12161224.
Somogyi, Joseph de. Die Chalfengeschichte in Damrs Hajt al-hajawn. Der Islam 18
(1929): 154158.
. A History of the Caliphate in the ayt al-ayawn of ad-Damr. Bulletin of the
School of Oriental and African Studies 8 (193537): 143155.
. Index des sources de la ayt al-ayawn de ad-Damr. Journal Asiatique 213
(1928): 5128.
Spies, Otto and Kurt Ranke. Damr. In Enzyklopdie des Mrchens, vol. 3, 219223. Berlin,
1981.
Stein, Lothar, ed. Rosen und Nachtigallen: Die 100jhrige Iran-Sammlung des Leipzigers
Philipp Walter Schulz. Leipzig, 2000.
Uther, Hans-Jrg. Isoldes Gottesurteil (AaTh 1418). In Enzyklopdie des Mrchens, vol. 7,
325327. Berlin, 1993.
the tehran edition of al-damrs ayt al-ayawn 161

Plate 1 (fol. 1a).Title-page of vol. 1


162 ulrich marzolph

Plate 2 (fol. 134b).Final page of vol. 1


the tehran edition of al-damrs ayt al-ayawn 163

Plate 3 (fol. 1b).First text page of vol. 1


164 ulrich marzolph

Plate 4 (fols. 2b, 6b, 7b).The lion, the camel, the (female) donkey
the tehran edition of al-damrs ayt al-ayawn 165

Plate 5 (fols. 208b, 243b).The horse, the dog


166 ulrich marzolph

Plate 6 (fols. 41a, 84a).The chameleon, the falcon


the tehran edition of al-damrs ayt al-ayawn 167

Plate 7 (fols. 9b, 60a).The crocodile, the rabbit


168 ulrich marzolph

Plate 8 (fols. 45a, 46b).Fleas, mosquitos


the tehran edition of al-damrs ayt al-ayawn 169

Plate 9 (83b, 115a).Specific larger groups of animals


170 ulrich marzolph

Plate 10 (fol. 2a).A fabulous lion (al-ward)


the tehran edition of al-damrs ayt al-ayawn 171

Plate 11 (fols. 16b, 201b, 39a).The waterman, the l, al-ilfa


172 ulrich marzolph

Plate 12 (fols. 57b, 191a, 43a).Harpy, al-Brq, Bint al-m


the tehran edition of al-damrs ayt al-ayawn 173

Plate 13 (fols. 37a, 22a).Abbsid caliphs, Muwiya


174 ulrich marzolph

Plate 14 (fols. 64b, 65b).The Lions Share, The Sick Lion


the tehran edition of al-damrs ayt al-ayawn 175

Plate 15 (fols. 242b, 90a).The Seven Sleepers, The Equivocal Oath


176 ulrich marzolph

Plate 16 (fols. 101a, 119a).Tales from the Arabic tradition


the tehran edition of al-damrs ayt al-ayawn 177

Plate 17 (fols. 67a, 85b).The staff of Moses turns into a snake; the Pharaohs army
178 ulrich marzolph

Plate 18 (fols. 80b, 177b).King Solomons court


the tehran edition of al-damrs ayt al-ayawn 179

Plate 19 (fols. 1a, 135a).Title-pages of vol. 1 and 2


180 ulrich marzolph

Plate 20 (fol. 189b).The rose and the nightingale


The Establishment of the Syrian Orthodox
Patriarchate Press

Ahmet Tan and Robert Langer1

Introduction

This paper concerns the printing activities of the Syrian Orthodox Chris-
tians. On this topic, information is available, but scattered in various
sources, and there is no work concentrating solely on this subject. This
paper aims to make good this deficiency.2
There are several works on the printing activities of the non-Muslim
communities in the Near East and Western Asia. For the most part, these
deal with people involved in missionary activities. Concerning the rest,
there exist few extensive research works, and there is little public aware-
ness of them. The printing efforts of the Syrian Orthodox Church have
thus failed to attract attention.
The Syrian Orthodox Church, being based on traditional religious val-
ues, failed to keep abreast of the latest developments in politics, culture,
law and economics. It struggled to survive the demands of the modern
world. The press was one of the efforts that the Church did make, but it
did not arouse much interest and because it was considered unimportant,
no research was undertaken on it.3 This article utilises diverse documents
and sources, including documents from the Ottoman archives, church his-
tories and related documents, biographies of prominent clergymen, travel
books, and memoirs.

1We are grateful to Prof. Dr. Shabo Talay for reading a draft of this paper and correcting
several mistakes. The original Turkish text was translated into English by rem Wedekind
(Heidelberg). All remaining faults and errors are our responsibility.
2For a general overview, see Shabo Talay, Die syrisch-orthodoxe Kirche in der Trkei,
Die Trkei und ihre christlichen Minderheiten: Ausgewhlte Vortrge einer Tagung der Evan-
gelischen Akademie Hofgeismar, 2.4. November 2007, ed. Karl Pinggra (Hofgeismar: Evan-
gelische Akademie, 2008): 1635.
3For evaluations of this subject, see Aziz S. Atiya, A History of Eastern Christianity
(London: Methuen, 1968).
182 ahmet tan and robert langer

Apart from a short-lived press in Istanbul in the 1840s,4 the printing


activities of the Syrian Orthodox Church started with the Patriarch Petrus
IV, who made it a priority to complete the tasks that previous patriarchs
had initiated or planned. He renovated a large part of the Deyruzafaran
Monastery at Mardin, added wings to the building, and moreover, con-
structed an additional building for the printing press that he had brought
with him. Apart from the activities already initiated, he faced numerous
problems inherited from the late Patriarch Jacob IIs period.5

Journey to the Land of the Printing Press

Patriarch Petrus IV was the first patriarch to make a long journey abroad,
to Britain and India, in order to find solutions to the problems within the
community. He entered into international negotiations and established
this as a tradition.
Despite the fact that the Patriarch was accompanied by Mor Ignatios
Abd Allh Saf al-adad (later Patriarch Mor Ignatios Abde d-Aloho
II), the Archbishop of Jerusalem, he felt obliged to request an exit per-
mit from the sultan. His wish was granted only after a years delay (1874).
On 14 August 1874, they left Istanbul for Britain. They arrived in Paris on
17 August and London on 24 August.6
The Patriarch and the Archbishop stayed in London for several months,
working intensively. They had meetings with numerous people, including
clergymen and ministers. Their acquaintance with Mrs Elizabeth Finn,
wife of the consul general in Jerusalem, helped them greatly in establish-
ing contact with people in London. Later, they had meetings with people
of higher rank, including the Archbishop of Canterbury (see Fig. 1), which
they had arranged before they left Istanbul. These in turn arranged their

4J. F. Coakley, The Typography of Syriac (New Castle: Oak Knoll Press and London:
British Library, 2006): 122123.
5Apart from that, the lack of agreement among the Syrian Orthodox Community in
India became an important issue. Upon the death of the Patriarch Jacob II, many letters
reporting the turmoil in India were delivered to Patriarch Petrus IV; this informed his
decision to go to India. He planned a trip from Jerusalem to Istanbul and to India, hop-
ing to solve the problems within the community. Accompanied by Abd Allh Saf, the
Archbishop of Jerusalem, he headed for Istanbul. This was followed by journeys to Britain
and India in 1873.
6For relations with the English Church, see William Henry Taylor, Antioch and Can-
terbury: The Syrian Orthodox Church and the Church of England 18741928 (Piscataway, NJ:
Gorgias Press, 2005), 1547.
the syrian orthodox patriarchate press 183

Fig. 1.(right to left:) Patriarch Petrus IV, Archibald Tait (Archbishop of Canter-
bury), and Metropolitan Abd Allh Saf in Canterbury

meeting with Queen Victoria. After writing letters to subordinate churches


to obtain support, they were offered financial assistance, and teachers
to be sent to the Deyruzafaran Monastery. The Patriarch accepted the
financial aid but declined their offer of teachers, for fear that they would
engage in missionary activities.
They had two meetings with the Queen. The first was on 21 February
1875. The Queen welcomed the Patriarch saying that she saw in his eyes
the father Abraham and asked him if he had any wishes. The Patriarch
informed the Queen about his journey to find a solution to the turmoil
within the community and asked for the assistance of the British gover-
nor in India. The Queen granted this petition. After the conversation, the
Patriarch blessed the Queen and left. The second meeting was toward the
end of their stay in Britain (28 February 1875). The Queen took the Patri-
arch, together with her daughter, to Albert Memorial Chapel, where her
husband was buried. The Patriarch prayed there for Prince Albert.
184 ahmet tan and robert langer

Fig. 2.Ottoman archive documents on the Syrian printing press


the syrian orthodox patriarchate press 185

The Queen gave the Patriarch a medal and a document to facilitate his
work in India. Then the Patriarch and the Archbishop left London and
set off for India. The Patriarch sent the printing press, which he had
acquired in London before his departure, to Anonius zr in Aleppo on
25 August 1874. This was a gift from the Archbishop of Canterbury. On
his visit to Oxford University, the Patriarch saw and admired this press,
and the university bought and gave him a similar one. Canon Liddon had
successfully raised money for the press and the monastery through the
Syrian Patriarchate Education Fund in London, which was later expanded;
it continued to support the Syrian Orthodox Church long afterwards.7
Their ship arrived on 2 April 1875 at Alexandria. While staying in the
Coptic Orthodox Church, the Patriarch had meetings with many people,
including the governor of Egypt. On 23 April 1875, he left Egypt for India,
arriving on 17 May 1875 in Bombay, later visiting the Syrian Community
in India. By 5 July 1875, he had solved all the problems within the com-
munity and returned to Diyarbakr. The Patriarchs arrival was feted in
Diyarbakr. After staying there twenty-five days, he set off for Mardin,
where his arrival was celebrated by a multitude of people.

The Purchase, Transport, Set-up, and Operation of the Press

The Patriarch placed the printing equipment, which he had sent from
England, in the Deyruzafaran Monastery in Mardin in 1881. It remained in
the wing of the monastery about a year and then in 1882 it was moved to
a separate building, especially built for it.
The Patriarch then appointed the Archbishop Mor Ivennis Ilyas
Heluli, the monastic priest Ilys kir, and the priest Mansur Rahipallo
(Rahibolu?), before defining the division of responsibilities among the
employees. After the establishment of the press, a permit for publishing
books in Syriac was requested from the governor of Diyarbakr. This peti-
tion was also sent to the ministry of the interior, whose permission was
also needed for printing activities.8

7The Ancient Syrian Church in Mesopotamia (London: Syrian Patriarchate Education


Committee, 1908), 1112.
8Diyarbekir Vilyet-i Cellesine Dahiliye Nezaret-i Cellesi Devletl Efendim Haz-
retleri, Diyarbekirde bulunan Sryan Cemaatine mahsus ktbn tab iin mstakil
matbaa olmayp u yzden ziyadesiyle dr- mkilt olmakta bulunduklar beyanyla
mahall-i mezkrde bir bb matbaa kadna ruhsat its hakknda millet-i merkme patrik
186 ahmet tan and robert langer

Fig. 3.Title page of book by Afrm Barm, published at Dayr al-Zafarn, 1917
the syrian orthodox patriarchate press 187

The printing business was, however, more difficult than expected. It


was a long time before the press could be put into operation. Abd Allh
Saf al-adad, the Archbishop of Jerusalem, was sent to England in order
to learn how to operate it. He also went there to discuss Syrian schools,9
and was accompanied by a highly paid interpreter. There he met Rev.
F.W.Tremlett, the chairman of the Syrian Patriarchate Education Soci-
ety, and asked for his help with the printing business. He stayed there for
some time, and even learned English.10
Abd Allh Saf worked energetically in England, as on his first jour-
ney with the Patriarch. While keeping in contact with the Canterbury cir-
cle, he gave lectures in various places and drew attention to the Syrians,
especially among academics in the universities. He was also invited to
address the Lambeth Conference.11 All these efforts led to an increase in
charitable donations. During his stay, Abd Allh Saf attended courses
on printing, besides learning English. As he was about to leave England,

vekili tarafndan vuku bulan istida zerine mugyir-i usl hl ve hareketten mcnebet
eylemek artyla kefl-i irae edenlere matbaa kad iin ruhsat its nizam iktizasndan
bulunduu cihetle orada tesisi istenilen matbaa iin dahi shib-i imtiyznn mahallince
ahvali bi-t-tahkk keflet-i hayriyeye rabt olmak ve Sryan lisan zere baslacak ktb
ve resil evvel-i emirde cnib-i hkmetten muayene edilmek ve matbaa dahi Patrikhane
dahilinde olmayp sair mahallerde olduu gibi memleket derununda bulunmak zere ruh-
sat itsnda bir gn mahzur olmad matbuat idre-i behyesinden b-mzekkire ifade
klnm ve keyfiyet Dire-i Celle-i Hriciyeye dahi bildirilmi olmakla urt- mezkre
dairesinde icr-y cb hususuna himem-i aliye-i dverleri derkr buyurulmak babnda
emir ve irade men-lehl-emrindir. F 22 Cumadelahire sene 294 ve f 22 Haziran 93
(5 Temmuz 1877). Ahmed Cevdet. P. Gabriyel Akyz, Osmanl Devletinde Sryani Kilisesi
(Mardin: Mardin Krklar Kilisesi, 2002), 136, document no. 127.
9On this subject see: (2 Kanunisani 1307 tarihli telgrafname (29 Austos 1889)) Maarif
Nazret-i Cellesine, Londradan Cemiyeti Hayriyeden celb edilen matbaann kurulmasna
hayli mesarifi itibarla cemiyet-i mezkreden usta celbiyle Mardine yarm saat mesafedeki
Deyruz-zafaranda kurdurulmu ehre getirilmesi de imkan haricinde olup umr- mezhe-
biye ibadetimizden baka ktb tab edilmemek zere hkmetten muayenesiyle mdrin-
den muteber kefil ahz tatil edilmemesinin iradeleri msterhamdr. Sryani Patrii Petrus
Babakanlk Osmanl Arivi, Y.PRK. MF. 2/27.
10His interpreter did not like the idea that the Archbishop was learning English and in
order to disparage him, wrote a letter to the Patriarch accusing the Archbishop of a crime
he did not commit: embezzling one hundred dinars from the money that was donated by
the Syrian Patriarchate Education Society. Thereupon the Patriarch wrote a letter to Dr.
Tremlett informing him that he had anathematised and dismissed the Archbishop. How-
ever, Dr. Tremlett wrote back that Abd Allh II. Saf was a man of honour and everything
he did was for the sake of his country. He thus impeded the Archbishops anathema.
11 Patriarch Mor Ignatios Abd Allh II Saf (18331915): He paid a second visit to
London, during which he attended sessions of the 1888 Lambeth Conference, and secured
a second printing press. The Gorgias Encyclopaedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage (Pis-
cataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2011).
188 ahmet tan and robert langer

Rev. Tremlett advised him to take with him an expert on printing equip-
ment, in case the printing press should malfunction during use. He also
advised the Archbishop to buy another printing press, in case of missing
or malfunctioning parts, and enabled him to acquire it.
The mechanical problems with the press that caused the Archbishops
visit to England were later solved. The mechanic stayed in Diyarbakr for
a while, helping to get the machine working properly. However, an addi-
tional problem arose: with only Arabic printing types, Syriac books could
not be printed; therefore new printing types for the Syriac alphabet were
acquired from London and Oxford.12

The Press and the Patriarchs

The first books to be printed in the Deyruzafaran Monastery were Trs


Mamml [Grammar] and Yullfn My [Christian teachings] in 1888.13
A copy of the first book printed was sent to Queen Victoria.14 After the
success of the printing press, other relevant apparatuses such as a paper-
cutting machine were also bought. Printing activities continued with
m and Teks d-Qurb Allhy, a liturgy for weekly worship.
These successful printing activities were interrupted by the new reg-
ulations on printing in 1889. During that time, Petrus IV passed away
and the succeeding patriarchs also gave a high priority to printing. The
Patriarch Abd al-Mas II, who was later deposed from the Patriarchate,
and the succeeding Patriarch, Abd Allh II Saf, accelerated printing
activities. The latter witnessed and assisted every step of the printing pro-
cess. According to a newspaper column written by Naum Faiq in Kawkab
Man, the printing activities had stopped before the patriarchate of
Abd Allh II and the printing presses became dusty.15 Thankfully, Abd
Allh II Saf al-adad remedied this situation and resumed printing
after a long hiatus.16

12Coakley, Typography of Syriac, 138140.


13Dolabani, H. Maktbn d-Faeryarke d-Anykya [Lives of the Patriarchs of
Antioch] (Glane: Bar-Hebraeus Verlag, 1990), 272.
14Ancient Syrian Church, 13.
15Naum Faiq examined the situation of the press in his column The Printing Machines
in the newspaper Kawkab Man: If our printing machines could speak, they would cry
out and beg for help: Please dust me off and send me to where I come from. Because if I
had stayed in England, I could have printed thousands of books. This is how the idleness
is. kk, Naum Faik ve Sryani Rnesans (Istanbul: Belge Yaynlar, 2004), 123.
16Akyz, Osmanl Devletinde Sryani Kilisesi, 137.
the syrian orthodox patriarchate press 189

In 1911, Afrm Barm (later Patriarch) was appointed as the administra-


tor of the printing house by the Patriarch Abd Allh II Saf al-adad.17

Books printed in the Deyruzafaran Monastery

Trs mamml, 1888.


Yullfn my, 1888.
m, 1888.
Teks d-qurb allhy, 1888 (Dolabani, 1990: 272).
Abd al-Nr, Ksa Sryanice Gramer, 1889.
Abd al-Nr, Al-talm al-Mas, 1889.
Afrm Barm, Al-Im, 1890.
Afrm Barm, Kanz al-aln, 1908.
Afrm Barm Al-tufa al-rya f alt al-farya, 1909.
Afrm Barm, Al-zahra al-qudsya f l-talm al-Masya, 1912.
idmat al-qudds al madr al-sana, 1913.
Al-Im, second printing, 1913.
Ez-Zehretul-kudsiyye (translation into Turkish: Mhal kk Efendi), 1913.
Hikmet (periodical), 19131914 (see Fig. 4).
Al-Bya; Ibn al-Ibr = Bar Hebraeus, Muqtaar kanz al-aln (edited by
Yuhanna Dolabani).
Ibn al-Ibr: al-Hamma (edited by Yuhanna Dolabani).
Yuhanna Dolabani, Al-Nala f l-qira wal-ass f l-arf al-Suryn
(Barm, 1917: 148149).
Afrm Barm, Nuzhat al-ahn f tr Dayr al-Zafarn, 1917 (Barm,
1917: 147148) (see Fig. 3).

The Turkish Republic and the Syrian Press

At the time of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the foundation
of the new Republic of Turkey, printing activities at the monastery were
stopped and carried on only in Jerusalem, where the other printing
machine was located.18

17Al-Ab Afrm Barawm [Afrm Barm], Nuzhat al-ahn f tr Dayr al-Zafarn


(Mardin: al-Mabaa al-Surynya bi-Dayr al-Zafarn, 1917), 148.
18Y. Bilge, Gemiten gnmze Deyrulzafaran Manastr (Istanbul: Geree Doru
Kitaplar Yaynlar, 2006), 109110.
190 ahmet tan and robert langer

Fig. 4.The journal al-ikma (191314)


the syrian orthodox patriarchate press 191

The printing house resumed its activities in the early years of the new
republic. It was even used to print state documents, since it was the only
printing house in the region.19 However, the printing activities again
stopped after a couple of years; it seems that no one had the will and
courage to run the press after the Patriarchate moved to Jerusalem. The
printing press fell into disrepair.20
Only after Hanna Dolabani was appointed Archbishop of Mardin on
4 May 1947 did the printing house resume work. Dolabani moved the
press to the Mor Behnam Church and continued printing there. The peri-
odical Hikmet started publication for the third time under the name z
Hikmet.21

Conclusions

This paper has examined the printing activities of the Syrian Orthodox
Church, drawing on articles, archive documents, diaries, memoirs, church
histories, and the biographies of the patriarchs. Missionary sources, being
relatively easy to access, were the main sources of information; however
given that Syrian Orthodox Christians were not prime targets of the mis-
sions, nor were they much influenced by them, there are not many such
sources. Missionary activities were only a part of the reason they estab-
lished the press and printed their own books.
The Syrian Orthodox Church established the press in Deyruzafaran
Monastery in Mardin, the centre of the Patriarchate, in Petrus IVs time.
In order to establish the press, the Patriarch went to England and bought
a printing machine, apparatus for casting types, and a paper-cutting
machine. An engineer also came from Britain.
The printing house published books in Arabic, Turkish and, most
importantly, Syriac. Later, they produced the newspaper Hikmet (ekm),
issued by the Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate. The publication of this news-
paper was suspended three times. However, at the time of writing, it is
still appearing.

19Ahmet Tan (ed.), Sryaniler ve Sryanilik 4 (Ankara 2005): 2728.


20U. Eti, Diyarbakrda gazete ve Diyarbakr neriyat tarihi (Diyarbakr: Diyarbakr
Halkevi Neriyat, 1940), 4.
21Tan (ed.), Sryaniler, 5169.
192 ahmet tan and robert langer

Bibliography

Sources
Babakanlk Osmanl Arivi, Y.PRK. MF. 2/27. See Fig. 2 above.

Secondary Literature
Akyz, Gabriyel. Osmanl Devletinde Sryani Kilisesi. Mardin: Mardin Krklar Kilisesi,
2002.
The Ancient Syrian Church in Mesopotamia. London: Syrian Patriarchate Education Com-
mittee, 1908.
Atiya, Aziz S. A History of Eastern Christianity. London: Methuen, 1968.
Barawm, al-Ab Afrm [Barm, Afrm]. Nuzhat al-ahn f tr Dayr al-Zafarn. Mardin:
al-Mabaa al-Surynya bi-Dayr al-Zafarn, 1917. See Fig. 3 above.
Bilge, Y. Gemiten gnmze Deyrulzafaran Manastr. Istanbul: Geree Doru Kitaplar
Yaynlar, 2006.
Coakley, J.F. The Typography of Syriac. New Castle: Oak Knoll Press and London: British
Library, 2006.
kk, Murat F. Naum Faik ve Sryani Rnesans. Edited by Mehmet imek. Istanbul: Belge
Yaynlar, 2004.
Dolabani, H. Maktbn d-Faeryarke d-Anykya [Lives of the Patriarchs of Antioch].
Glane: Bar-Hebraeus Verlag, 1990.
Eti, U. Diyarbakrda gazete ve Diyarbakr neriyat tarihi. Diyarbakr: Diyarbakr Halkevi
Neriyat, 1940.
The Gorgias Encyclopaedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage. Edited by Sebastian P. Brock,
et al. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2011.
Gnel, A. Trk Sryanileri tarihi. Istanbul: Oya Matbaas, 1970.
Syriac Orthodox Resources. Patriarch Mor Ignatios Abded-Aloho II Sattuf (18331915).
Syriac Orthodox Resources, http://sor.cua.edu/Personage/PcAbdedAloho2/index.html
(accessed 25.8.2012).
Talay, Shabo. Die syrisch-orthodoxe Kirche in der Trkei. Die Trkei und ihre christlichen
Minderheiten: Ausgewhlte Vortrge einer Tagung der Evangelischen Akademie Hofgeis-
mar, 2.4. November 2007, edited by Karl Pinggra. Hofgeismar: Evangelische Akademie,
2008.
Tan, Ahmet. Sezginin ve bilgeliin sembol: z Hikmet dergisi. In Sryaniler ve
Sryanilik, vol. 4, edited by Ahmet Tan, Eyyp Tanrverdi, and Canan Seyfeli, 5169.
Ankara: Orient Yaynlar, 2005.
. Sryanilerin basn-yayn faaliyetine ilikin resmi yazmalar. In Sryaniler ve
Sryanilik, vol. 4, edited by Ahmet Tan, Eyyp Tanrverdi, and Canan Seyfeli, 2738.
Ankara: Orient Yaynlar, 2005.
Taylor, William H. Antioch and Canterbury: The Syrian Orthodox Church and the Church of
England 18741928. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2005.
LImprimerie Ebzziya et lart dimprimer
dans lEmpire ottoman la fin du XIXe sicle

zgr Tresay*

Je dfie les imprimeurs sans aucun scrupule


Cest moi qui ai appris ce peuple le nouvel art
dimprimer
Il faut comprendre le mot apprendre utilis dans
ces vers comme montrer, parce que les imprimeurs
ont certainement vu [lexemple], mais comme ils
taient btes, aucun na appris1.
Ainsi se vante Ebzziya Tevfik dans une lettre date du 27 mai 1902
et envoye son fils Velid depuis son endroit dexil, Konya. Lorsquon
connat les spcimens sortis de lImprimerie Ebzziya fonde en 1881,
force est de confirmer quEbzziya Tevfik rvolutionna lart dimprimer
dans lempire2. Cest dans cette imprimerie qui allait devenir une vritable
institution dans les annes 1880 et 1890 quil imprime ses collections de
livres de poche, 15 de ses almanachs, 139 numros de sa revue littraire,
et plus tard politique, Mecmua-i Ebzziya, sa collection de cartes postales
qui comprend au total 28 cartes3, son dictionnaire, son journal quotidien
Yeni Tasvr-i Efkr aprs la Rvolution jeune turque ainsi que quelques
centaines dautres ouvrages. Avant de passer ltude de cette imprimerie
et de ses productions, il convient ici de tracer le contexte historique et de
prsenter son fondateur.

*Universit Galatasaray (Istanbul), Dpartement de Science politique.


1 Midhat Cemal Kuntay, Ebzziya Tevfik Bey ve Neredilmemi Mektuplar, Tarih
Dnyas 4 (1 mars 1964): 489.
2Pour une vue densemble sur lImprimerie Ebzziya, voir mon Bir Osmanl
Matbaacsnn Sergzeti: Ebzziya Tevfikin Matbaa-i Ebzziyas, Toplumsal Tarih 128
(aot 2004): 36-43 et II. Abdlhamid Dnemi Yaymcl, Matbaa-i Ebzziya ve Bast
Kitaplar, Mteferrika 34 (2008): 3-48.
3Pour la reproduction de 25 de ces cartes, voir mer Faruk erifolu, Ebzziya
Kartpostallar, Sanat Dnyamz 73 (1999): 277-295. Ces cartes postales parurent en 1889-
1890.
194 zgr tresay

Llargissement du champ ditorial lpoque


hamidienne et Ebzziya Tevfik

Lpoque hamidienne (1876-1908), priode qualifie jusqu rcemment


par lhistoriographie gnrale sur lEmpire ottoman par son seul aspect
dabsolutisme politique tmoigne en fait dune modernisation cultu-
relle pour la socit ottomane. La rforme administrative et militaire
entreprise depuis plus dun demi-sicle est poursuivie par Abdlhamid II.
Les progrs les plus spectaculaires de son rgne sont ainsi atteints dans
le domaine de linstruction publique4. Plusieurs gnrations de diplms
staient accumules depuis des dcennies pour constituer dans les annes
1880 un public assez large pour former un march incitant llargissement
du champ ditorial. De profonds changements surviennent alors dans le
champ ditorial. Dabord, des dveloppements technologiques: entre 1880
et 1900, limprimerie ottoman passe de la lithographie la typographie5.
Ensuite, un essor quantitatif: le nombre annuel de production dimprims
ne cesse daugmenter sous les 25 premires annes du rgne hamidien6.
En outre, la composition thmatique de cette production culturelle change
radicalement. La part des traductions qui tait de 6,4% de la production
totale dimprims en turc ottoman jusqu 1875, passe 23% sous le rgne
hamidien7. Le type douvrages traduits change aussi: des chefs-duvre
occidentaux, on passe aux romans populaires, la littrature europenne
de second rang8. Les romans damour et surtout les romans de dtec
tives deviennent alors les grands favoris du public. partir de 1900, avec
laggravation de la censure hamidienne et le bannissement de plusieurs
crivains et diteurs, le champ ditorial est asphyxi. Le nombre de livres
publis chaque anne baisse ainsi presque au niveau des annes 18609.

4Bayram Kodaman, Abdlhamid Devri Eitim Sistemi (Ankara, 1991); Seluk Akin
Somel, The Modernization of Public Education in the Ottoman Empire, 1839-1908: Islamiza-
tion, Autocracy and Discipline (Leiden, 2001).
5Sinan etin, Booksellers and Their Catalogs in Hamidian Istanbul, 1884-1901, mmoire
de DEA non publi, Boazii University, 2010: 77-83.
6Pour un aperu gnral sur lvolution de ldition ottomane, voir Nuri Akbayar,
Osmanl Yayncl, Tanzimattan Cumhuriyete Trkiye Ansiklopedisi, vol. 6 (Istanbul,
1985): 1680-1696. Sur lessor quantitatif de la production dimprim et les activits de tra-
duction lpoque hamidienne, voir mon Censure et production culturelle: le champ
ditorial ottoman lpoque hamidienne (1876-1908), tudes Balkaniques. Cahiers Pierre
Belon 16 (2009): 241-254.
7Franois Georgeon, Le dernier sursaut (1878-1908), Histoire de lEmpire ottoman, d.
Robert Mantran (Paris, 1989): 556-557.
8Franois Georgeon, Abdlhamid II: le sultan calife (1876-1909) (Paris, 2003): 328-329.
9Server R. skit, Trkiyede Neriyat Hareketleri Tarihine Bir Bak (Istanbul, 1939, rp.
Ankara 2000): 84.
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 195

Cest dans ce contexte dlargissement du champ ditorial quEbzziya


Tevfik fonde son imprimerie avec laquelle il devient un des acteurs les
plus importants du dit processus. Mehmed Tevfik, connu ds 1876 sous
le nom dEbzziya Tevfik Bey, nat en 1849 Istanbul et meurt dans cette
mme ville en 1913. Il reoit dabord la formation typique dun lettr otto-
man de son temps: aprs quelques annes dducation primaire dans son
quartier, il entre au service tatique ds ses huit ans. Autrement dit, il a sa
premire vritable formation dans et par les bureaux de ladministration
centrale de la capitale. Dautre part, il suit les cours publics de la Socit
ottomane des sciences (Cemiyet-i ilmiye-i osmniye), une entreprise pri-
ve voue la diffusion des connaissances occidentales au sein des jeu-
nes habitants de la capitale ottomane au dbut des annes 1860. Cest
l quil est initi un autre univers culturel, celui du monde occidental.
Il approfondit la connaissance livresque de la civilisation europenne en
apprenant le franais la fin de la mme dcennie. Cette langue consti-
tue durant toute sa vie le vecteur principal qui lui permet daccder la
culture occidentale.
Dans la seconde moiti des annes 1860, il entre dans le milieu de la
presse stambouliote. Cest ce milieu qui fait office dcole pour sa forma-
tion intellectuelle. Il se forme ainsi avec le journalisme ottoman naissant,
ce qui affecte sa carrire bureaucratique au dbut des annes 1870. Cette
carrire professionnelle est vite bouleverse par ses activits journalis
tiques: fonctionnaire public de 1857 jusqu 1872, il commence crire la
fin des annes 1860, et ensuite, travailler dans les journaux de la capitale
ottomane. Au dbut de la dcennie suivante, cette double activit lui vaut
dtre licenci du service public. Il se consacre alors dune part au jour-
nalisme politique, et dautre part, aux activits ditoriales. Ces activits
lui valent plus de trois ans dexil, trente-huit mois passs Rhodes entre
1873-1876, en compagnie dAhmed Midhat (1844-1912). crivain prolifique,
vou la vulgarisation de toutes sortes de connaissances occidentales et,
dans une moindre mesure, orientales, Ahmed Midhat a un grand impact
sur Ebzziya Tevfik.
Aprs son retour dexil, Ebzziya Tevfik prend progressivement ses dis-
tances avec son ancien milieu qui prnait lactivisme politique comme
moteur de la rforme. Convaincu dsormais de la primordialit dun chan-
gement social, il se consacre durant le rgne hamidien une impression-
nante activit dditeur et dimprimeur au service de la rforme. Avec ses
collections de livres de poche, ses almanachs et sa revue littraire, il joue
un rle majeur dans llargissement du champ ditorial ottoman et dans
le dveloppement dune culture de limprim parmi les turcophones de
lEmpire. Ce faisant, il rvolutionne aussi lart dimprimer par la perfection
196 zgr tresay

des spcimens sortis des presses de sa clbre entreprise, lImprimerie


Ebzziya, fonde en 1881.
Cest aussi cette poque quil rintgre le service public. Il cumule
alors les sincures. En tant que figure intellectuelle dopposition avant son
exil, sa conversion et sa soumission symbolique la personne du sultan
absolutiste nest pas sans importance pour le nouveau rgime politique.
La nature de ses relations avec le sultan Abdlhamid II est complexe:
aprs plusieurs arrestations, Ebzziya Tevfik est de nouveau exil, en
compagnie de son fils an Talha, Konya en 1900. Cette fois-ci, son exil
dure plus de huit ans: il ne peut rentrer dans la capitale quaprs la res-
tauration de la constitution en juillet 1908. Sadaptant la toute nouvelle
conjoncture politique et jouissant du grand prestige acquis par ses huit
ans dexil sous lancien rgime, il entre au parlement ottoman en tant
que dput de Teke, comme candidat du Comit Union et Progrs, le
principal acteur de la rvolution. Il est un dput plutt discret durant
les sessions parlementaires. Cette poque reste nanmoins lune des plus
significatives de sa carrire professionnelle et de son parcours intellectuel
en raison de son retour au journalisme politique. De 1909 sa mort en
1913, Ebzziya Tevfik publie ainsi quelques centaines darticles sur toutes
sortes de sujets, en faisant de la politique en tant que journaliste vtran,
victime de lancien rgime.

Imprimerie Ebzziya et le sultan Abdlhamid II

On ne connat pas la date exacte de la fondation de limprimerie. Ebzziya


Tevfik crit en juin 1882 dans le 21e numro de sa revue Mecmua-i Ebz-
ziya, cest--dire le premier numro paru aprs un an de rupture, quil a
t oblig de suspendre la publication de sa revue car il devait soccuper
de lachat des machines de presse provenant dAllemagne10. Nous savons
par ailleurs que le premier ouvrage sorti des presses de sa nouvelle impri-
merie est le Reb-i marifet (Le Printemps de la culture), le deuxime
numro de sa collection dalmanachs Takvm-i Ebzziya11. Notons aussi
quil crit quil avait fond son imprimerie en 188112 et ctait aussi cette

10[Ebzziya], ln- huss, Mecmua-i Ebzziya 21 (2 juin 1882): 641.


11 Ziyad Ebzziya, Matbaa-i Ebzziya, Trk Dili ve Edebiyat Ansiklopedisi, vol. 6
(Istanbul, 1986): 159; et Midhat Cemal Kuntay, Ebzziya Tevfik Bey ve Neredilmemi
Mektuplar, 488.
12lim Gr, Ebzziya Tevfikin Hayat, Dil, Edebiyat, Basn ve Matbaacla Katklar
(Ankara, 1998): 306-307, n. 869.
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 197

date qui figure sur les diffrents emblmes de son imprimerie. la lumire
de ces informations, on peut dire quil a fond son imprimerie en 1881 mais
na pu la faire fonctionner qu partir de 1882. Il ouvre son imprimerie
Galata, dans la rue Eski Mahkeme ct de la mosque dite Arap camii; il
la dmnage quelques annes plus tard (mais pas avant printemps 1887)
dans un btiment du XVIIe sicle situ au numro 17 la rue Kart nar,
toujours Galata13.
Il est clair que la fondation dune imprimerie moderne dote de machi-
nes importes depuis lAllemagne ncessite un investissement consid-
rable. Nous ne possdons que trs peu dinformations sur les ressources
conomiques dEbzziya Tevfik cette date. Notons cependant quil achte
en 1884, deux maisons contigus Bakrky quil unit ensuite pour les
transformer en une seule grande maison14. Rappelons aussi que sa femme
Adviye Rabia Hanm a des revenus provenants de fondations pieuses de
sa famille15. Apparemment, au dbut des annes 1880, la famille Ebz-
ziya est capable dinvestir des sommes considrables pour lachat de deux
maisons et des machines de presse modernes importes de lAllemagne.
Ebzziya Tevfik crit en 1891 quil avait contract un crdit de 400 livres
ottomanes, cest--dire 40.000 piastres, pour fonder son imprimerie. Si la
somme mentionne est correcte, il sagit dune somme certes considra-
ble, quivalent un an de salaire dun bureaucrate expriment, mais pas
gigantesque non plus.
Soulignons aussi quil y a des indices permettant dtre sr du fait
quune aide matrielle plus ou moins consquente de la part du sultan
Abdlhamid II a probablement facilit les choses. La somme exacte accor-
de par le sultan reste nanmoins inconnue16. Du reste, laide officielle
pouvait se prsenter aprs la fondation de diverses manires, comme la
publication des ouvrages officiels, par exemple. Notons que lImprimerie
Ebzziya publie durant son existence trs peu de manuels scolaires. Les

13Reat Ekrem Kou, Ebzziya Matbaas, stanbul Ansiklopedisi, vol. 9 (Istanbul,


1968): 4873; Ziyad Ebzziya, Matbaa-i Ebzziya, 159. Ces deux sources prcisent
quEbzziya Tevfik avait dmnag son imprimerie deux ans aprs. Cette estimation
nest pas juste. Ebzziya Tevfik crit dans un article publi en 1912 quil travaillait en 1887
encore dans son imprimerie ct de la mosque Arap Camii: voir Ebzziya, Zamnmz
trhine hdim htrt, Mecmua-i Ebzziya 139 (28 mars 1912): 321-329.
14Reat Ekrem Kou, Ebzziya Kk, stanbul Ansiklopedisi, vol. 9 (Istanbul, 1968):
4870-4872.
15Ebzziya Tevfik, Yeni Osmanllar Tarihi II (Istanbul, 1973): 261, note 3 mise par Ziyad
Ebzziya.
16Voir les commentaires dlim Gr dans son Ebzziya Tevfik, 307-308 n. 870.
198 zgr tresay

imprimeries Karabet, Kasbar ou Mihran par exemple, publient chacune


des dizaines de manuels. Rien de semblable pour lImprimerie Ebzziya.
Cela dit, il existe quelques donnes conduisant penser que lImpri-
merie Ebzziya avait joui aussi, tout au moins juste aprs sa fondation,
de la bienveillance impriale. Par exemple, en 1299 de lHgire (novem-
bre 1881-novembre 1882), lanne de sa fondation, le 1300 sene-i hicriyesine
mahss slnme-i devlet-i liye-i osmniye, la 38e livraison de lAnnuaire
officiel de ltat ottoman, sort des presses de lImprimerie Ebzziya
peine fonde. Deux ans aprs, en 1302 de lHgire (octobre 1884-octobre
1885), cest le tour de la premire livraison du Slnme-i nezret-i hriciye,
lAnnuaire du Ministre des affaires trangres, dtre publie par lImpri-
merie Ebzziya. Il est difficile de penser que ce type de publications offi-
cielles puisse tre publi chez telle ou telle imprimerie sans la permission
du sultan Abdlhamid II qui est justement en train de btir son systme
de contrle personnel de lespace politique bas dune part sur le patro-
nage et le clientlisme, dautre part sur lespionnage et la censure.
Le plus important est que lImprimerie Ebzziya imprime les 25 mil-
lions de cartes didentit ottomanes issues du recensement dmographi-
que (tahrr-i nfs tezkereleri) lanc en 1882 et termin en 1888-188917. Ce
fait qui ntait connu que grce une phrase tire des mmoires dAhmed
hsn18, un des publicistes et imprimeurs les plus remarquables de la der-
nire dcennie du sicle, est confirm par deux documents tirs des archi-
ves de la Prsidence du conseil, documents rcemment classs parmi les
ordres impriaux du Ministre de lintrieur. Les deux documents darchi-
ves concernant loctroi de la concession dimprimer ces cartes lImpri-
merie Ebzziya montrent quil y a dautres candidats mais la proposition
dEbzziya Tevfik est value comme la meilleure du point de vue de la
qualit dimpression (rchniyet-i tab) et du prix. En fait, Ebzziya Tevfik
demande au dbut 12.500 livres ottomanes pour imprimer les 25 millions
de cartes didentit. Il a son propre fournisseur de papier. Autrement dit,
le cot du papier est inclus dans ce prix. On comprend que la concurrence
dautres imprimeurs le pousse diminuer la somme quil exige. Il fait donc
une deuxime proposition en baissant le prix 11.500 livres ottomanes, ce
qui est accept par les autorits19. La somme en question est une somme
trs considrable. titre de comparaison, on peut rappeler quEbzziya

17Kemal H. Karpat, Ottoman Population 1830-1914 (Madison, 1985): 32-34.


18Ahmed hsan, Matbuat Hatralarm, 1888-1923, I (Istanbul, 1930): 133.
19.DH. (radeler, Dahiliye), 881/70310, 7 cemaziyelahir 1300 = 15 avril 1883; .DH.
(radeler, Dahiliye), 881/70310, 30 cemaziyelevvel = 8 avril 1883.
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 199

Tevfik crit quil avait pris un crdit de 400 livres ottomanes pour fonder
son imprimerie et quil valu la valeur totale de son imprimerie en 1900
3.000 livres ottomanes20. Ou encore, ce chiffre daffaire de 11.500 livres
ottomanes correspond au prix de plus de 760.000 exemplaires des bio-
graphies quEbzziya Tevfik allait publier partir de 1883 dans sa Biblio-
thque des hommes illustres 1 piastre et demi. Mme si on ne connat
pas les marges de profit de lImprimerie Ebzziya, cette affaire reprsente
sans doute une norme source de revenus21.

Une entreprise commerciale, une imprimerie dauteur

LImprimerie Ebzziya fonctionne aussi comme une librairie. De nom-


breuses annonces publies dans la revue Mecmua-i Ebzziya ou dans les
almanachs Ebzziya, on comprend que toutes les publications sorties des
presses de lImprimerie Ebzziya sont disponibles dans les locaux abritant
limprimerie. Deux annonces parues dans lalmanach Ebzziya Nevsl-i
marifet pour lanne 1306 de lHgire (1888-1889) sont extrmement ins-
tructives concernant lusage commercial des locaux abritant limprimerie.
En fait, la premire annonce prsente un jouet import de lAutriche. Il
sagit de botes contenant des petites briques en ciment destines faire
des constructions, btiments, tours, forteresses etc. Aprs avoir prsent
le jouet en question laide dun dessin, lannonce prcise que lon peut
examiner les spcimens et acheter le produit dans lImprimerie Ebzziya.
Une note en bas de lannonce conduit penser que des contrefaons du
jouet sont dj apparues sur le march: Cherchez licone de lancre sur
les botes. Derrire la page de cette annonce, une autre annonce publi-
citaire explique, en ottoman et en franais, que lon peut se procurer les
Vitraux Glacier et voir les catalogues colors et certains sujets appliqus
des vitres de fentre lImprimerie Ebzziya qui en a fourni aussi le Palais
Imprial de Yildiz, Rsidence de S. M. I. le Sultan. Librairie, magasin de
jouets et fournisseur de vitraux, lImprimerie Ebzziya tait apparemment
multifonctionnelle.

20Ebzziya, Rznme-i haytmdan baz sahif, Mecmua-i Ebzziya 113 (15 septem-
bre 1911): 1105-1112.
21 Si on se rappelle que seulement environ 40% des archives ottomanes, contenant
plus de 200 millions de documents, sont classes lheure actuelle, il est probable que lon
trouve dans lavenir dautres documents officiels pouvant clairer davantage les activits
de lImprimerie Ebzziya.
200 zgr tresay

Les machines de lImprimerie Ebzziya taient probablement parmi les


meilleures de leur poque. Les productions de lImprimerie constituent
dans la dcennie 1880 les spcimens les plus soigns des imprims otto-
mans. Concernant la qualit dimpression, mis part quelques productions
ultrieures de lImprimerie Osmniye fonde en 1866 par Osman Zeki Bey
(m. 1888)22, le premier chambellan du sultan Abdlhamid II, lImprimerie
Ebzziya reste sans rivale jusqu louverture des imprimeries dAhmed
hsn (1868-1942)23 et de Mehmed Tahir (1864-1912)24 dans les annes 1890.
Ebzziya Tevfik crit que Mehmed Tahir avait dbauch son chef typogra-
phe Haik, qui travaillait avec lui depuis limprimerie Tasvr-i Efkr, en
estimant que la belle finition des imprims sortis de lImprimerie Ebz-
ziya tait son uvre25. Nous connaissons deux autres personnes qui ont
travaill dans lImprimerie Ebzziya. La premire, Halil Halid (1869-1931),
crit dans ses mmoires quil tait correcteur-typographe (musahhih) de
limprimerie au tournant de 189026. Halil Halid avait fait des tudes reli-
gieuses mais, dcid de suivre une carrire bureaucratique, stait inscrit
lcole de droit. Il sexile en 1894 en Grande Bretagne o il devient le
premier Ottoman qui enseigna lUniversit de Cambridge. Aprs avoir
enseign le turc dans cet tablissement prestigieux, il rentre dans lEmpire
ottoman en 1911 et entre au parlement en 1912 en tant que dput unio-
niste. La deuxime personne est un des ouvriers de presse de limprimerie,
un Grec stambouliote appel Kosti Usta. Il allait devenir plus tard, la fin
des annes 1890, le matre imprimeur de limprimerie27.
Abordons maintenant laspect quantitatif de la production de lImpri-
merie Ebzziya. Il existe deux bibliographies contemporaines voues

22Voir Nedret Kuran-Burolu, Osman Zeki Bey and His Printing Office the Matbaa-i
Osmaniye, History of Printing and Publishing in the Languages and Countries of the Middle
East, ed. Philip Sadgrove (Oxford, 2005): 35-57; idem., Saraydan lk Defa Kuran- Kerim
Basma zni Alan Hattat: Matbaac Osman Bey, Tarih ve Toplum 209 (2001): 33-41; idem.,
Matbaac Osman Bey, Journal of Turkish Studies 26 ii (2002): 97-112.
23Ce personnage trs important de lhistoire ditoriale ottomane na pas encore fait
lobjet dune tude comprhensive. Pour linstant, on peut se reporter Bilge Ercilasun,
Ahmet hsan Tokgz (Ankara, 1996). Sur son imprimerie, voir Enver Esenkova, Ahmed
hsan Matbaas, stanbul Ansiklopedisi vol. 1 (Istanbul, 1958): 573-576.
24Sur ce personnage et son imprimerie, voir Hatice Aynur, II. Abdlhamd Dnemi
Basn Yayn Dnyasnn Kt Adam Malmt Baba Thir, Toplumsal Tarih 128 (aot
2004): 62-65.
25Kuntay, Ebzziya Tevfik Bey ve Neredilmemi Mektuplar, 489.
26Voir Halil Halid, Bir Trkn Ruznamesi, trad. Refik Brngz (Istanbul, 2008):
82-84.
27Kou, Ebzziya Matbaas, 4873.
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 201

recenser les publications de lpoque hamidienne28. Elles sont des outils


de travail prcieux plusieurs gards mais malheureusement ne contien-
nent aucune information sur les lieux dimpression ou sur le nom de
ltablissement qui a imprim louvrage. Autrement dit, ces deux biblio-
graphies qui donnent une liste exhaustive, pour la premire, des ouvrages
parus, et pour la seconde, des ouvrages ayant pris lautorisation ncessaire
pour la publication dans lempire durant respectivement les premiers 15
et 17 ans du rgne du sultan Abdlhamid II notent le titre de louvrage,
le nom de son auteur ou de son traducteur, la date de publication et la
langue dans laquelle est faite louvrage ainsi que le sujet (souvent en un
mot: histoire, gographie, religion etc.). Mais elles nindiquent pas le nom
de limprimerie.
Il existe galement deux catalogues modernes prpars par la Biblio-
thque nationale turque qui ne sont pas vraiment opratoires pour diff-
rentes raisons. Le catalogue publi volume par volume sous la direction
de Mjgn Cunbur (Catalogue national des imprims turcs en caractres
arabes) ne permet, par sa conception, quune recherche qualitative parce
quil est organis en ordre alphabtique selon les auteurs29. De plus, entre
1990 et 2004, seulement 7 volumes ont t publis. Depuis, rien. La tota-
lit du catalogue ntant pas disponible, il nest gure possible de lutiliser
pour des recherches quantitatives.
Un autre catalogue digital prpar par la mme institution nest mal-
heureusement pas plus opratoire. La Bibliothque nationale turque a
publi en 2001 un CD comprenant un catalogue cens runir les entres de
tous les catalogues des publications en turc en caractres arabes, grecques
et armniennes30. Ce catalogue qui comprend les publications entre 1584
et 1986, recensant ainsi plus de 37.000 ouvrages, est mal conu: cause
des trs nombreuses entres doubles ou triples, il est inutilisable pour des
recherches quantitatives. Les raisons de cette situation sont multiples: dif-
frences de translittration, fautes de frappe, manque dattention etc. En
revanche, une fois une liste est compose, on peut recourir ce CD pour
vrifier telle ou telle entre. Par exemple, lorsquon effectue une recherche

28Mehmed Murad, Devr-i hamd sr (Istanbul, 1891); et Cls- meymn...(Istanbul,


1893). Sur ces deux sources, voir Johann Strauss, Ktp ve Resail-i Mevkute: Printing and
publishing in a multi-ethnic society, Late Ottoman Society: the Intellectual Legacy, ed.
Elisabeth zdalga (London, 2005): 225-226.
29Mjgn Cunbur, Trkiye Basmalar Toplu Katalou: Arap Harfli Trke Eserler,
6 volumes en 7 (Ankara, 1990-2004).
30Kudret Emirolu & lker Mustafa olu (ds.), Eski Harfle Trke Basma Eserler
Bibliyografyas (Ankara, 2001).
202 zgr tresay

dans ce CD pour les livres publis par lImprimerie Ebzziya, on recense


628 publications. Or, les recherches que nous avons menes dans tous
les catalogues disponibles ne donnent au total que 483 ouvrages. Autre-
ment dit, le CD prpare par la Bibliothque nationale turque contient
145 entres doubles ou triples concernant les livres sortis des presses de
lImprimerie Ebzziya.
En consquence, pour trouver des informations quantitatives sur la pro-
duction des imprimeries, il faut examiner de prs le catalogue des ouvra-
ges en turc en caractre arabe, le fameux catalogue zege, du nom de son
compilateur, qui contient quant lui plus de 25.000 ouvrages en turc otto-
man publis entre 1729 et 192831. Les recherches que nous avons menes
dans ce catalogue, incomplet mais qui couvre probablement environ 80%
du corpus total, permet dvaluer approximativement le nombre de publi-
cations faites par les plus grandes imprimeries entre 1881 et 1900, ce qui
correspond la priode dactivit intense de lImprimerie Ebzziya.
Selon nos calculs, lImprimerie Mihran, fonde en 1297/1881, aurait
publi jusqu 1900 environ 340 volumes. Quant celle de Kasbar, ta-
blissement plus rcent (fond en 188932), celle-ci aurait imprim selon les
estimations de son fondateur environ 500 ouvrages33. Cette estimation du
propritaire de limprimerie en question est presque la mme que nos
calculs selon lesquels ce nombre serait autour de 470. Toujours daprs
nos calculs, le nombre des titres publis par lImprimerie Artin Asadu-
ryan devrait tre autour de 440. Si on leur ajoute les imprimeries Karabet,
Nian Berberyan, A. K. Tozlyan, stepan et K. Badadlyan, dautres impri-
meries contemporaines trs actives appartenant des Armniens, on peut
aisment dire que dans les deux dernires dcennies du XIXe sicle, dans
la capitale ottomane lart dimprimer reste un secteur dactivit largement
domin par les Armniens. Les imprimeurs grecs aussi publient des livres
en turc ottoman, mais lImprimerie Yuvanaki Panoyotidis, fonde en 1897,
est le seul reprsentant grec considrable du secteur34.

31 Seyfettin zege, Eski Harflerle Baslm Trke Eserler Katalou, 5 volumes (Istanbul,
1971-1982).
32LImprimerie Kasbar sappelait au dbut des annes 1880 lImprimerie Kasbar et
Karabet. En 1889, ces deux imprimeurs se sont spars et continurent leur carrire tout
seul. Nous avons ajout les publications parues dans leur imprimerie commune avant 1889
celles de lImprimerie Kasbar aprs 1889.
33Ali Birinci, Kitaplk Tarihimizden Bir sim: Kaspar Efendi, dans son Tarihin Gl-
gesinde (Istanbul, 2001): 271.
34On peut trouver quelques informations sur ces imprimeurs dans Baak Ocak, Tc-
carzde brahim Hilmi raan (Istanbul, 2003): 9-20.
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 203

Cependant, surtout partir des annes 1890, des imprimeurs turcs


sajoutent lImprimerie Ebzziya, lImprimerie Osmniye, lImprimerie
Mahmud Bey et celle dAhmed Midhat, lImprimerie Tercmn- Haki-
kat du nom du journal que ce dernier anime. Avec louverture des impri-
meries lem, Tahir Bey, Malmt et kdm, lhgmonie des imprimeurs
armniens commence tre conteste. Cela dit, mme en 1899, sur les 91
imprimeries de la capitale, 63 appartient des non-musulmans35.
LImprimerie Mahmud Bey, fonde en 1882, semble tre limprimerie
la plus productive de lpoque avec un nombre de publications dpas-
sant les 600, toujours pour la priode 1881-1900. Un autre tablissement
appartenant quelquun trs proche du sultan Abdlhamid II, lImpri-
merie Osmniye dOsman Zeki Bey qui fonctionnait comme une succur-
sale de lImprimerie impriale (Matbaa-i mire) est une autre imprimerie
qui publie beaucoup douvrages avec les quelques 900 volumes sortis de
ses presses entre 1866 et 1928, dont environ la moiti est des ouvrages
officiels. LImprimerie Osmniye aurait imprim pendant la priode qui
nous concerne ici, approximativement 460 ouvrages36. Les sources secon-
daires ne donnent aucun chiffre concernant le nombre de livres publis
par lImprimerie lem dAhmed hsn, fonde au dbut des annes 1890,
mais selon notre estimation ce nombre devrait tre autour de 200. Les
deux imprimeries de Mehmed Tahir, lImprimerie Tahir Bey et lImpri-
merie Malmt, auraient pour leur part imprim entre 1894 et 1903, 115
ouvrages37.
Quant au nombre des ouvrages sortis des presses de lImprimerie Ebz-
ziya, selon les estimations de son petit-fils Ziyad Ebzziya, pour la priode
entre 1881 et 1900, ce nombre serait approximativement 450, et pour la
priode aprs 1908, 18538. Donc, 635 livres au total. La source de ces va-
luations nous est inconnue. Peut-tre, le petit-fils dEbzziya Tevfik pos-
sdait-il une sorte de registre tenu par son grand-pre et plus tard par son
pre et par son oncle. Un des cahiers qui se trouvent dans les archives de
Ziyad Ebzziya conserves dans la bibliothque SAM (slm Aratrmalar
Merkezi) Istanbul est justement consacr aux publications sorties des
presses de lImprimerie Ebzziya. Il sagit dun catalogue chronologique
prpar par Ziyad Ebzziya. On voit que Ziyad Ebzziya y note galement

35Salnme-i nezret-i marif, [Istanbul:] Matbaa-i mire, 1316/1899 756-765.


36Nedret Kuran-Burolu, Osman Zeki Bey..., 52.
37Hatice Aynur, II. Abdlhamd Dnemi..., 64-65.
38Ziyad Ebzziya, Matbaa-i Ebzziya, 160.
204 zgr tresay

les exemplaires des priodiques publis par lImprimerie Ebzziya39. Cela


peut partiellement expliquer lcart entre ses estimations et nos calculs.
En tout cas, les chiffres avancs par Ziyad Ebzziya ne sont pas enti-
rement confirms par lexamen du catalogue zege. En tudiant ce cata-
logue, nous avons compt un par un les ouvrages sortis des presses de
lImprimerie Ebzziya. Selon le catalogue zege, entre 1881 et 1900, 315
ouvrages furent publis par lentreprise Ebzziya. En consultant dautres
catalogues, nous avons trouv 24 ouvrages qui ne figurent pas dans le
catalogue zege. Donc, durant les 20 premires annes dactivit, lImpri-
merie Ebzziya publie au total 339 titres. La priodisation de la produc-
tion de lImprimerie Ebzziya mrite dtre examine de plus prs car elle
donne une ide prcise de lactivit de ses presses.
Durant les deux premires annes de son existence, cest--dire entre
le dbut de 1882 et octobre 1883, lImprimerie Ebzziya publia au total
38 ouvrages dont 16 sont crits par Ebzziya Tevfik lui-mme, principale-
ment les biographies de la Bibliothque des hommes illustres (Kitphne-
i mehir). La troisime anne, 1301 de lHgire (novembre 1883-octobre
1884), seulement 16 ouvrages y sont imprims. La priode couvrant les
annes 1302-1305 de lHgire (octobre 1884-septembre 1888) fut lge dor
de lImprimerie Ebzziya du point de vue quantitatif. Durant cette priode
o une bonne partie de la Bibliothque Ebzziya (Kitphne-i Ebzziya)
voit le jour, 146 titres sortent des presses de limprimerie. Cette priode
correspond en effet une intense activit ditoriale dans la carrire
dEbzziya Tevfik. Le ralentissement de ses propres activits ditoriales
allait directement influencer la production de lImprimerie Ebzziya.
Ainsi, partir de la fin de 1888, la production de lImprimerie Ebzziya
baisse sensiblement en se limitant la publication dune dizaine de titres
par an. En 1311 de lHgire (juillet 1893-juillet 1894), avec les nombreu-
ses rditions de la Bibliothque Ebzziya, 22 ouvrages paraissent. Les
six dernires annes prcdant lexil dEbzziya Tevfik Konya en avril
1900, lImprimerie ne publie que 50 ouvrages au total. Quant la seconde
priode dactivit (1908-1915), lImprimerie Ebzziya publie au total 92
titres (dont 4 rditions) et entre 1923 et 1928, 52 ouvrages. Tout compte
fait, entre 1881 et 1928, lImprimerie Ebzziya publie au total 483 titres. Les
estimations faites par Ziyad Ebzziya paraissent donc un peu exagres.
Mme si le catalogue zege nest pas exhaustif, lcart entre nos calculs et
les chiffres avancs par Ziyad Ebzziya est trop grand.

39Ziyad Ebziya Arivi (SAM), Klasr 29, Gmlek 357.


lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 205

Il est aussi possible que les estimations de Ziyad Ebzziya comprennent


aussi les ouvrages publis dans un autre alphabet que lalphabet arabe,
le seul alphabet couvert par le catalogue zege. Mais il est quasiment
impossible dvaluer le nombre exact de ce genre douvrages sortis des
presses de lImprimerie Ebzziya. En tout cas, il est clair que lImprimerie
Ebzziya publie moins douvrages par rapport aux imprimeries contem-
poraines les plus productives telles que Kasbar, Mihran, Artin Asaduryan,
Mahmud Bey et Osmniye. Notons aussi que lImprimerie Ebzziya publie
aussi des priodiques comme Mecmua-i Ebzziya, Envr- Zek, Hazne-i
Fnn, Gayret, Doru Sz ainsi que le journal quotidien dEbzziya Tevfik,
le Yeni Tasvr-i Efkr40. De toute faon, son importance historique ne pro-
vient pas seulement de la grande quantit douvrages quelle a produite,
mais de la qualit dimpression vraiment trs exceptionnelle de ses impri-
ms. Mais avant de passer sur ce point, il convient dexaminer de plus
prs la composition thmatique des imprims sortis des presses de lIm-
primerie Ebzziya afin de pouvoir situer lactivit de limprimerie dans le
contexte des tendances culturelles de lpoque.
Lorsquon examine la liste des ouvrages imprims par lImprimerie
Ebzziya, on voit quune bonne partie tait directement ou indirecte-
ment, luvre dEbzziya Tevfik. 58, cest--dire 17%, des 339 livres impri-
ms entre 1881 et 1900 sont signs par Ebzziya Tevfik en tant qucrivain
ou diteur. Ce fait est encore plus visible entre 1881 et 1891: 46 des 246
livres, cest--dire 18,6% de la production de limprimerie, sont luvre
dEbzziya Tevfik. En plus, toujours pendant cette priode de dix ans, en
dehors de ces 46 livres signs par Ebzziya Tevfik, 60 autres paraissent
dans le cadre de sa fameuse collection de livres de poche, la Bibliothque
Ebzziya. Donc, 106 des 246 livres publis pendant 1881-1891 sont, dune
manire ou dune autre, luvre dEbzziya Tevfik. On pourrait alors
caractriser lImprimerie Ebzziya, pour ses premiers dix ans dexistence,
comme une imprimerie dauteur.
Quant la proportion des traductions dans la production totale de
limprimerie, on note que seulement 60 des 339 livres, cest--dire 17,6%,
sont des traductions. Ce taux est nettement plus bas que la part des tra-
ductions (23%) dans la production gnrale de lpoque hamidienne.
Cela est probablement d la productivit personnelle dEbzziya Tev-
fik comme auteur. Autrement dit, lImprimerie Ebzziya se caractrise
comme un imprimerie publiant plus douvrages originaux que le reste des

40lim Gr, Ebzziya Tevfik..., 311.


206 zgr tresay

i mprimeries ottomanes de lpoque. Quant la composition des traduc-


tions publies par lImprimerie Ebzziya, on remarque que 13 ouvrages
sont traduits du persan ou de larabe et le reste, 47, sont traduits des lan-
gues occidentales, principalement du franais. Aux auteurs plutt clas-
siques comme Shakespeare, Victor Hugo, Lamartine, Schiller, Cornlius
Nepos, Molire, Louis Angeli, Fnelon, Pierre Loti, Hrodote, Jean-Jacques
Rousseau, Bernardin de Saint-Pierre et les frres Edmond et Jules Gon-
court sajoutent des auteurs populaires de lpoque comme Eugne Sue,
Hector Malot, mile Gaboriau, Edmond Tarb et Lo Taxil. En dernier
ressort, on peut dire que lImprimerie Ebzziya publie des ouvrages plutt
srieux que de la littrature de second rang, provenance franaise, trs
la mode lpoque.

Une nouvelle esthtique de livre

Les trs hauts standards de qualit dimpression atteints par lImprime-


rie Ebzziya lui rapportrent lpoque mme une renomme et une
reconnaissance internationales. Il ne serait gure exagr de dire que
certains spcimens sortis des presses de lImprimerie Ebzziya, surtout
quelques uns de ses almanachs, symbolisent la perfection de lart dim-
primer de la fin du XIXe sicle. En 1898, le prsident de la Rpublique
franaise Flix Faure honore Ebzziya Tevfik dune mdaille pour les ser-
vices quil a rendus lart dimprimer. Plus important encore, dans les
annes 1890 certaines productions de lImprimerie Ebzziya russissent
entrer rgulirement dans les catalogues annuels de lUnion mondiale des
imprimeurs, cest--dire dans le Graphischer Musteraustausch41. lpo-
que, cela signifie la plus haute conscration professionnelle internationale
dans ce domaine. titre de comparaison, on peut prciser quentre les
annes 1891 et 1895, Ebzziya Tevfik russit faire entrer dans le catalo-
gue 9 productions au total, tandis que ce nombre est de 5 pour toutes les
imprimeries de la France42. Il est noter que lImprimerie Ebzziya reste
la seule imprimerie ottomane ayant russi y faire figurer ses productions
et aprs lexil dEbzziya Tevfik Konya en 1900 et la fermeture de son

41 Ziyad Ebzziya, Matbaa-i Ebzziya, 160.


42Fahriye Gndodu, Ebzziya Tevfikin Trk Basmcl ve Trk Ktphaneciliine
Katklar (Mmoire de fin dtudes, Ankara, Hacettepe niversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Ensti-
ts, 1982): 40-41, 85-86 (annexes 1 et 2).
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 207

imprimerie, aucune imprimerie ottomane na jamais parvenu obtenir


cette reconnaissance professionnelle.
En dehors de cet aspect concernant le dveloppement dune esthtique
moderne du livre combinant lart nouveau et rinventant la tradition isla-
mique en usant le style calligraphique kf43, style trs gomtrique dans
lequel Ebzziya Tevfik est connu son poque comme un grand ma-
tre, Ebzziya Tevfik et son imprimerie sont pionniers dans lintroduction
de limpression multicolore dans lEmpire ottoman et contriburent par
ailleurs au dveloppement de lutilisation des images dans les imprims
ottomans44. Un piphnomne du processus doccidentalisation de certai-
nes couches de la socit ottomane, lesthtique art nouveau tait trs
prsente dans larchitecture stambouliote du tournant du sicle notam-
ment dans le quartier de Galata o se trouvait lImprimerie Ebzziya45,
et les publications dEbzziya Tevfik, surtout les couvertures de sa revue
Mecmua-i Ebzziya, constituent la plus belle expression de cette influence
artistique sur la conception graphique du livre. Rappelons nanmoins que
lesthtique visible dans ces publications est loin dtre une simple imita-
tion de linfluence du style art nouveau. En dehors de leffet de ses talents
personnels artistiques dans le style calligraphique kuf, en recourant des
arts islamiques traditionnels dornement graphique comme le tezhib, en
insrant des dessins figuratifs danimaux et de fleurs et en utilisant du
papier color46, Ebzziya Tevfik russit bel et bien crer une esthtique
ottomane du livre, en dautres termes, un art nouveau lottomane dans
la production dimprims.
Cette russite dEbzziya Tevfik sinsre dans le climat intellectuel de
lpoque. Ce nouveau style clectique que lon peut appeler lart nou-
veau lottomane commence tre de plus en plus visible dans dautres

43Voir Christoph K. Neumann, Buch- und Zeitungsdruck auf Trkisch, 18. bis 20. Jah-
rhundert. Book and newspaper printing in Turkish, 18th20th centuries, Middle Eastern
Languages and the Print Revolution: a cross-cultural encounter (Westhofen, 2002): 240;
Johann Strauss, Ktp ve Resail-i Mevkute, 235. Ebzziya Tevfik fut le premier utiliser
la calligraphie kf dans les titres des priodiques (Mecmua-i Ebzziya 21, 2 juin 1882) et
des livres (Cmel-i mntahbe-i Kemal, 1882): voir Alpay Kabacal, Cumhuriyet ncesi ve
Sonras Matbaa ve Basn Sanayii (Istanbul, 1998): 125.
44Sur ce sujet peu explor de lhistoriographie, voir Johann Strauss, Limage moderne
dans lEmpire ottoman: quelques points de repre, La multiplication des images en pays
dIslam (Wrzburg, 2003): 139-176.
45Yldz Salman (d.), Avrupadan stanbula Yeni Sanat. Art Nouveau from Europe to
Istanbul, 1890-1930 (Istanbul, 2005); Ezio Godoli et Diana Barillari, Istanbul 1900. Art Nou-
veau Architecture and Interiors, stanbul, Yap Endstri Merkezi Yaynlar, 1997.
46Voir les commentaires de Fahriye Gndodu, Ebzziya Tevfikin Trk Basmcl...,
49-51.
208 zgr tresay

d omaines dexpression artistique, surtout dans larchitecture. Dans les


deux premires dcennies du XXe sicle, ce style clectique trouve sa
meilleure expression architecturale dans les uvres des deux plus grands
architectes modernes ottomans, Vedat Bey et Mimar Kemaleddin Bey.
Sa collection dalmanachs intitule Takvm-i Ebzziya joue dans ces
domaines esthtiques un rle remarquable. Les 6e et 8e numros de cette
collection contiennent beaucoup dillustrations caractrises par une qua-
lit dimpression tonnante. Le 6e numro publi en 1886, intitul Reb-i
marifet, est le premier imprim ottoman o la technique de zincogra-
phie a t utilise. Cet almanach constitue un des vritables bijoux de
lart dimprimer dans les pays ottomans. Cest encore dans cet almanach
que la technique de typophotographie a t utilise pour la premire fois
parmi les Ottomans dans limpression des images. Le 8e numro paru en
1888 est le premier ouvrage ottoman o le tirage en trichromie dans une
mme page a t ralis, et le numro suivant paru en 1889, le premier
tirage ottoman en quadrichromie47. Ces ouvrages ne constituent pas seu-
lement les premiers spcimens ottomans dans leur genre, mais montrent
par leur perfection que lart dimprimer dans lempire avait atteint dans
les annes 1880, en la production dEbzziya Tevfik, le plus haut niveau de
son poque. Il ne serait pas exagr de dire que lexemple de lImprimerie
Ebzziya a d tre motivant pour les russites des imprimeurs comme
Ahmed hsn et Mehmed Tahir.
Du reste, lImprimerie Ebzziya ne fut pas seulement pionnire dans
le domaine de la qualit dimpression et dans la cration dune nouvelle
esthtique de la conception graphique du livre mais semble avoir aussi
jou un rle considrable dans la conception du texte, autrement dit dans
le processus de la standardisation de la prsentation du texte. cet gard,
les ouvrages sortis des presses de lImprimerie Ebzziya et notamment
sa collection de livres de poche contribuent largement au passage de la
culture de manuscrit la culture livresque48. Le mme rle semble avoir

47Orhan Kololu, Basnmzda Resim ve Fotorafn Balamas (Istanbul, 1992): 25-27.


48Ces termes rductionnistes sont videmment problmatiques mais faute de mieux,
nous avons prfr les utiliser. On peut trouver une bonne discussion sur cette termino-
logie dans ltude classique dElizabeth L. Eisenstein: The printing press as an agent of
change: communications and cultural transformations in early-modern Europe (Cambridge,
1979): 9-10, n.18 & 19, o elle analyse aussi dautres termes comme scribal culture, print
culture, typographic culture, chirographic culture.
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 209

t jou en langue arabe par le clbre rudit et diteur Fris al-idyq49.


Plus concrtement, il sagit de la standardisation de la prsentation du
livre par luniformisation des caractres typographiques, des titres et des
sous-titres; par lintroduction dune ponctuation standardise50; par lin-
sertion des numros de page et de tables de matires; et par la prsen-
tation des donnes bibliographiques dans la page de couverture et dans
le frontispice51. Les ditions faites par Ebzziya Tevfik jouent un rle
prpondrant dans cette standardisation ditoriale en turc ottoman. En
revanche, lhistoire de lvolution de la prsentation du livre dans lEm-
pire ottoman, telle quelle tait faite par exemple pour lhistoire du livre
en Europe par ltude classique de Febvre et Martin52, restant encore un
champ dtude quasiment inexplor, il est difficile de dire sil sagissait l
dun rle prpondrant ou pionnier. Il nen reste pas moins quEbzziya
Tevfik a rvolutionn lart dimprimer dans les pays ottomans au crpus-
cule du XIXe sicle.

49Geoffrey Roper, Fris al-Shidyq and the Transition from Scribal to Print Culture
in the Middle East, The Book in the Islamic World: the Written Word and Communication
in the Middle East (Albany, USA, 1995): 219-220.
50La ponctuation fut tardivement et progressivement introduite dans le turc ottoman
partir des annes 1860. Au dbut des annes 1880, le turc ottoman utilisait plusieurs signes
de ponctuation mais cet usage tait encore loin dtre standardis.
51 Notons aussi que par un livre (mer Hulusi [Muallim Naci], erre, 1301/1884) quil a
publi dans son imprimerie en 1884, Ebzziya fut le premier diteur ottoman encadrer le
texte par un cadre en couleur, voir Alpay Kabacal, Cumhuriyet ncesi ve Sonras..., 124.
52Lucien Febvre & Henri-Jean Martin, Lapparition du livre [1958] (Paris, 1999): 111-164.
Pour la priode entre 1729 et 1848, il existe une tude qui porte sur cet aspect de lhistoire
du livre en turc ottoman: Ekmeleddin hsanolu & Hatice Aynur, Yazmadan Basmaya
Gei: Osmanl Basma Kitap Geleneinin Oluumu (1729-1848), Osmanl Aratrmalar
22 (2003): 219-255.
Annexe: La liste des ouvrages publis
par lImprimerie Ebzziya (1881-1928)

Abrviations

H. calendrier de lHgire (Hicr)


R calendrier financier ottoman (Rm)
KM Kitphne-i mehr = La Bibliothque des hommes illustres
KE Kitphne-i Ebzziya = La Bibliothque Ebzziya
AEKMK stanbul Millet Ktphanesi Ali Emiri Ksm
BDK Beyazt Devlet Ktphanesi
ML Mill Ktphane Muvakkat Katalou
MLK Les ouvrages qui se trouvent exclusivement dans la Bibliothque natio-
nale turque
NA Nuri Akbayar, Eski Harfle Baslm Trke Eserler Katalouna Zeylz-
zeyl, Mteferrika 1-3, 15, 19 (1993-2001).
ZEGE Le catalogue zege
TBTK Trkiye Basmalar Toplu Katalou

Notes

Les numros et les abrviations donns entre les crochets [ ] renvoient aux
catalogues.
Pour faciliter la lecture, nous navons pas indiqu les dimensions et le nombre
de pages du livre. Le lecteur intress pourrait les consulter depuis le catalogue
ZEGE en utilisant le numro de catalogue.
Nous avons aussi choisi de ne pas indiquer le lieu dimpression, qui est not
par le catalogue zege comme Istanbul. En fait, dans toutes les publications
sorties des presses de lImprimerie Ebzziya, le lieu dimpression tait indiqu
comme Kostantiniye.
Les dates de publication taient gnralement donnes jusqu 1908, donc
jusqu 1324 (H.), selon le calendrier lunaire de lHgire. Aprs 1908, elles
taient gnralement donnes selon le calendrier financier ottoman dit rm
(= romain, car le calendrier en question est une variante du calendrier julien)
ou ml. Comme le catalogue ZEGE, nous avons accept donc pour les dates
de publication antrieures 1325, quil sagissait du calendrier lunaire de lH-
gire et pour celles qui taient postrieures, quil sagissait du calendrier finan-
cier ottoman.
La liste est chronologique. Les publications de chaque anne sont prsentes
sous trois catgories: les ouvrages dEbzziya; les ouvrages faisant partie des
bibliothques lances par Ebzziya; les autres ouvrages publis par lImprime-
rie Ebzziya.
Signalons aussi quelques publications non dates qui nont pas t incluses
de ce fait dans la liste: Ebzziya Tevfik, Manzme-i tebrikiye-i bende-i kemte-
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 211

rn Ebzziya bery- yevm-i mesd- vildet-i hmyn [25156]; Namk Kemal,


Tenzrl-hnzr [20471] et Topkap mahfeli. Nizmnme-i ess [21136]. En outre,
le catalogue ZEGE est lacunaire concernant certaines ditions. Quand ctait
possible, nous lavons complt avec les diverses ditions se trouvant dans notre
propre bibliothque. En fin de compte, la liste ne comprend pas les 2e ditions
du Kemal Beyin rfn Paaya bir mektbu, du Mukaddime-i Cell et du Takib
de Namk Kemal (il existe une 3e dition); la 2e dition du Benjamen Fran-
klin (il existe une 3e dition), les 1e et 2e ditions Mntahabt- Tasvr-i Efkr.
Edebiyt. inasi (il existe une 3e dition), la 5e dition du Numne-i edebiyt-
osmniye dEbzziya Tevfik (il existe une 6e dition), la premire anne du
Takvm-i ncm dAhmed akir Paa (il existe les 2e, 3e et 4e annes).

H. 1299 / novembre 1881-novembre 1882: 18 livres

Ebzziya Tevfik (d.), Cmel-i mntahabe-i Kemal [ZEGE 3205]


Ebzziya Tevfik, Benjamen Franklin, KM-5 [ZEGE 1840]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Bfon, KM-7 [ZEGE 2705]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Diyojen, KM-4 [ZEGE 4296]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Galile, KM-2 [ZEGE 6024]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Gutenberg ve ihtir-i fenn-i tab, KM-1 [ZEGE 6476]
Ebzziya Tevfik, bn-i Sina, KM-24 [ZEGE 8363]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Napolyon, KM-3 [ZEGE 15135]
Reb-i marfet. 2. defa. 1299 sene-i kameriyesi [ZEGE 16537]

Dersadet sevhilinin bahren mdfaas. Huzur- hazret-i pdhye takdim olu-


nan rapor [ZEGE 3832]
Ahmed Hamdi Ali Necippaazade (trad.), Kann- ak [ZEGE 10069]
J. Lavalle (trad. Ziya Paa), Engizisyon trhi [ZEGE 4965]
Muallim Naci, Ms bin eb il-gazn yhd hamiyet [ZEGE 14403]
Slnme-i devlet-i liye-i osmniye. 1300 sene-i hicriyesine mahss. Defa 38
[ZEGE 17422]
Eugne Sue (trad. Mihalaki), ikemperver. Oburluk [ZEGE 18962]
Sbit, Zafernme-i Sbit [ZEGE 23601]
Recaizade Mahmud Ekrem, Zemzeme. 1. ksm [ZEGE 23693]
Mehmed emseddin, ocuklarn gece elencesi [ZEGE 24289]

H. 1300 / novembre 1882-octobre 1883: 20 livres

Ebzziya Tevfik, Hrun er-Reid, KM-10 [ZEGE 6968]


Ebzziya Tevfik, Hasan bin Sabbah, KM-6 [ZEGE 6971]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Ezop, KM-8 [ZEGE 5350]
Ebzziya Tevfik, bn-i Sina, 2e d., KM-24 [ZEGE 8363]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Yahya bin Halid bin Bermek, KM-9 [ZEGE 22826]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Gutenberg ve ihtir-i fenn-i tab, 2e d., KM-1 [ZEGE 6476]
Reb-i marfet. 3. defa. 1300 sene-i kameriyesine msdif 1261 sene-i emsiyesiin
Takvm-i Ebzziya [ZEGE 16538]
212 zgr tresay

Ankara vilyeti slnmesi, defa 11 [ZEGE 848]


Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12905]
Hasan Hfz, Mnet- hukuk [ZEGE 14831]
Aksarayl Mehmet [Paa], Rehnm-y sefin [ZEGE 16704]
Sicill-i nfs idre-i ummiyesi nizmnmesi tahrr-i nfs lyihas [ZEGE
18037]
Ltfi, am trhi [ZEGE 18570]
kif Paa, Tabsra- kif Paa, 4e d. [ZEGE 19181]
Mehmed Tevfik (d.), Tahrc-i Harbt [ZEGE 19257]
Ahmed Cevdet Paa, Takvml-edvr, 2e d. [ZEGE 19588]
Mahrukizade Cafer (trad.), Tatbkat- hesb [ZEGE 20086]
Recaizade Mahmud Ekrem, Zemzeme. 2. ksm [ZEGE 23693]
Cafer, Hanmlar [TBTK 7064]
Harrzde Hsn, Silsile-i tarka-i liye [AEKMK]

H. 1301 / novembre 1883-octobre 1884: 16 livres

Reb-i marfet. 4. sene. 1301 sene-i kameriyesine msdif 1262 sene-i emsiyesiin
Takvm-i Ebzziya [ZEGE 16539]

Fahreddin-i Rz (trad. Muallim Naci), cz- Kurn [ZEGE 8407]


Arakel kitphnesi esm-i ktb [ZEGE 891]
Demiryol ve bi-t-tasarruf kanal ve limn ve sir inat- nfiya dir mukavele-
nme [ZEGE 3749]
Srr [Paa Girid], Galatt, 2e d. [ZEGE 6018]
Hafz Hasan Tahsin, Krat- nfia [ZEGE 10679]
Ali Ferruh bnlread, Lklkiyt- edebiye [ZEGE 11553]
Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12906]
Von der Goltz Paa (trad. Mehmed Tahir), Millet-i msellha. Asrmzn usl ve
ahvl-i askeriyesi [ZEGE 13581]
kif Paa, Muharrert- hussiye-i kif Paa [ZEGE 14113]
Muallim Naci, erre [ZEGE 18791]
Muallim Herrik, Talm hakknda tasavvurt- mtenevviat [ZEGE 19621]
Arakel (d. Muallim Naci), Talm-i krat. 1. Ksm. Malmt- ibtidiye-Nasyh-
i nfia, 2. bask [ZEGE 19647]
Arakel (d. Muallim Naci), Talm-i krat. 2. Ksm. Tehzb-i ahlk ve slh- nefs,
[ZEGE 19648]
William Shakespeare (trad. [rikaaszade] H[asan] S[rr]), Venedik tciri
[ZEGE 22638]
Mehmed Rfat (trad.), Yeni ark mecmuas [ZEGE 23237]

H. 1302 / octobre 1884-octobre 1885: 22 livres

inasi-Ebzziya, Durb- emsl-i osmniye, 3e d. [ZEGE 4425]


Ebzziya Tevfik, Numne-i edebiyt- osmniye, 2e d. [ZEGE 15593]
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 213

Reb-i marfet. 5. sene. 1302 sene-i kameriyesine msdif 1263 sene-i emsiyesiin
Takvm-i Ebzziya [ZEGE 16540]
Zamme-i Reb-i marfet. 1302 sene-i kameriyesine msdif 1263 sene-i emsiyesin
Takvm-i Ebzziya [ZEGE 23629]

Namk Kemal, Terceme-i hl-i Nevrz Bey, 2e d. [ZEGE 20608]


smail Gaspirinski, Avrupa medeniyetine bir nazar- muvzene [ZEGE 1316]
Ahmed Rd, Hakayk- kurniyeden bir nebze [ZEGE 6625]
Slnme-i nezret-i hriciye, 1. defa [ZEGE 6931]
[Mehmed] Tevfik, Hazne-i letif [ZEGE 7203]
Kemalpaazade Said-Cebrail Grigor, Hukuk- dvel [ZEGE 7812]
Abdullah Ensar (trad. Nevres), Mebligl-hikem [ZEGE 12411]
Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12907]
Fahreddin-i Rz (trad. Muallim Naci), Muamm-y ilh yhd baz sver-i
kurniyenin evilindeki hurf- tehecc [ZEGE 13945]
Srr Paa [Girid], Nakdl-kelm fi akaidl-islm [ZEGE 15090]
[Adanal Hoca] Hayret, ehryn ve sihr-i beyn [ZEGE 18702]
smail Hakk (trad.), imlden malmt yhd muhtasar rus trhi [ZEGE
18968]
Arakel (d. Muallim Naci), Talm-i krat. 1. Ksm. Malmt- ibtidiye-Nasyh-
i nfia, 3. bask [ZEGE 19647]
Arakel (d. Muallim Naci), Talm-i krat. 2. Ksm. Tehzb-i ahlk ve slh- nefs,
2. bask, [ZEGE 19648]
Arakel (d. Muallim Naci), Talm-i krat. 3. Ksm. Tenvr-i efkr ve tefhm-i
insniyet, [ZEGE 19649]
Arakel (d. Muallim Naci), Talm-i krat. 4. Ksm. Ulviyet-i efkr ve kemlt-
insniye, [ZEGE 19650]
Hamd, Trh-i tabi. Hayvnt- zts-sedy [ZEGE 19916]
Mustafa zzet, Tashhl-galatt vel-muharreft fil-esm vel-lgt [ZEGE
20029]

H. 1303 / octobre 1885-septembre 1886: 42 livres

Ebzziya Tevfik (d.), Cmel-i mntahabe-i Kemal, 2e d. [ZEGE 3205]


Ebzziya Tevfik (d.), Mntahabt- Tasvr-i Efkr. Siysiyt. inasi ve Keml,
KE-3/4/5/6/7/8/9 [ZEGE 14901]
Ebzziya Tevfik (d.), Mntahabt- Tasvr-i Efkr. Edebiyt. inasi, Mesele-i
mebhset-n anh, KE-23/24 [ZEGE 14901]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Jan Jak Ruso, KM-11 [ZEGE 9720]
Reb-i marfet. 6. sene. 1303 sene-i kameriyesine msdif 1264 sene-i emsiyesiin
Takvm-i Ebzziya [ZEGE 16541]

Namk Kemal (Ahmed Nafiz mstearyla), Kanije, 2e d., KE-19/20 [ZEGE


10032]
Namk Kemal, Tahrb-i Harbt, KE-11/12/13 [ZEGE 19256]
Namk Kemal, Takib, KE-28/29 [ZEGE 19314]
214 zgr tresay

eyh nyetullah (trad. Namk Kemal), Bahar- dni, 2e d., KE-98 [ZEGE
1519]
Divn- inasi, 3e d., KE-15/16 [ZEGE 4236]
eyh Sdi-i irz (trad. skdarl Safi), Cidl-i Sdi b mddei, KE-17 [ZEGE
3024]
Mehmed Tahir (trad.), Cizvit cemiyetinin tlmt- hafiyesi, KE-2 [ZEGE
3085]
Ahmed Rd, Hall-i mesele-i tfn, KE-10 [ZEGE 6736]
li bin Ebu Talip (trad. Muallim Naci), Emsl-i li, KE-1 [ZEGE 4896]
Victor Hugo (trad. Selanikli Tevfik), Klod g yani obur Klod, KE-21 [ZEGE 11062]
Koi Bey, Koi Bey rislesi, 2e d., KE-30/31 [ZEGE 11071]
Necib Fazl (trad.), Mebhis-i muhtasara- fenniye, KE-32 [ZEGE 12408]
Mehmed Tahir (trad.), Prusya kral Byk Frederikin emsl-i hikemiyesi,
KE-25/27 [ZEGE 16434]
Ahmed Azmi, Sefretnme-i Ahmed Azmi, KE-22 [ZEGE 17658]
Ahmed Resmi Efendi, Sefretnme-i Ahmed Resmi, KE-14 [ZEGE 17659]
Ahmed Resmi, Viyana sefretnmesi, KE-43 [ZEGE 22756]

Hlid Ziya [Uaklgil], Garbdan arka seyyle-i edebiye, vol. 1 [ZEGE 6042]
Mustafa Reid (d.), sr- mehr [ZEGE 1014]
Muallim Naci, Atepre, 2e d. [ZEGE 1242]
Muallim Naci, Mektblarm [ZEGE 12972]
Muallim Naci (trad.), Snihatl-arab [ZEGE 17539]
Mustafa Reid, Bir iek demeti [ZEGE 2257]
Menemenlizade Mehmed Tahir, Elhn [ZEGE 4746]
Emlk vergisi hakknda...nizmnmedir [ZEGE 4828]
Hkmet-i seniye ile Rumeli demiryollarn iledici kumpanya beyninde...muka-
velenin sretidir [ZEGE 8080]
Lamartine (trad. Halil Edib), Jeniviyev. Bir hizmeti kzn sergzeti [ZEGE 9769]
Edmond Tarb (trad. Selanikli Tevfik), Katil Bernar [ZEGE 10372]
Tepedelenlizade H[seyin] Kmil, Maka yhd muhfaza-i ak [ZEGE 12301]
Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12908]
Henry Liard (trad. Sleyman Nuki), Mhendisin refki [ZEGE 14684]
Hasan efik, Nahv-i trk [ZEGE 15084]
Nezret-i celle-i nfiadan...telgrafnmeler, 3 volumes [ZEGE 15463]
Selnikli Fazl Necib, Seyhat-i muhtasara-i fenniye [ZEGE 17903]
ocuun beden terbiyesi [ML]
Mahmud b. Emir Ahmed, Mevln Nizmkr, Dvn- elbise [ML]
Papatyalar [TBTK 7601]
Usl-i tenkid [ML]

H. 1304 / septembre 1886-septembre 1887: 47 livres

Ebzziya Tevfik (d.), Mntahabt- Tasvr-i Efkr. Edebiyt. Kemal, KE-36/40


[ZEGE 14901]
Reb-i marfet. 7. sene. 1304 sene-i kameriyesine msdif 1265 sene-i emsiyesiin
Takvm-i Ebzziya [ZEGE 16542]
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 215

Namk Kemal, Devr-i istil, 7e d., KE-33 [ZEGE 4010]


Namk Kemal, Kemal Beyin rfan Paaya bir mektbu, KE-57 [ZEGE 10522]
Namk Kemal, Tahrb-i Harbt, 2e d., KE-11/12/13 [ZEGE 19256]
Schiller (trad. Veli Bolandzade), Day ile yeen, KE-61 [ZEGE 3650]
Ahmed Rasim (trad.), Eski Romallar, vol. 1, KE-56/79 [ZEGE 5117]
Pierre Larousse (trad. Ahmed Rasim), Ezhr- trhiye, KE-62 [ZEGE 5348]
Mehmed Vahid Seyyid, Fransa sefretnmesi, 2e d., KE-53/54 [ZEGE 5881]
eyh Galib [trad. Mehmed Esad], Hsn ak, KE-41/44/46/49 [ZEGE 8121]
Edhem Pertev Paa, Itlkl-efkr fi akdil-ebkr, 2e d., KE-50 [ZEGE 8341]
Lo Taxil (trad. Ahmed Rasim), Jezvit trhi, KE-34 [ZEGE 9775]
Halil erif Paa, Kudem-y mlk- msrye trhi, KE-58/59 [ZEGE 11271]
Mehmed Tahir (trad.), Mektebe mteallik letif, KE-35 [ZEGE 12945]
Cornlius Nepos (trad. Mehmed Tahir), Mehr kumandanlarn terceme-i
ahvli, KE-42/45 [ZEGE 13296]
Muallim Naci (trad.), Snihatl-acem. Hfz-i irz. Kelim-i Hamdn, KE-38/55
[ZEGE 17538]
W. Shakespeare (trad. rikaaszade Hasan Srr), Sehv-i mudhik, KE-51/52
[ZEGE 17696]
kif Paa, Tabsra- kif Paa, 5e d., KE-88/89 [ZEGE 19181]
Ahmed Rasim, Trh-i muhtasar- beer, KE-39 [ZEGE 19870]
Ahmed Rasim, Terkkiyt- ilmiye ve medeniye, KE-47 [ZEGE 20494]
Ahmed Rasim, Teekkl-i cihn hakknda fikr-i icml, KE-48 [ZEGE 20386]
Rh, Smi, Ziya Paa, Terc-i bend-i Rh ile Sminin ve Ziya Paann nazreleri,
KE-60 [ZEGE 20558]
Necib Asm [Yazksz], Ziy ve harret, KE-39 [ZEGE 23748]
Molire (trad. Ziya Paa), Tartf yhd riynn encm, 2e d., KE-109/110
[ZEGE 25426]

S. Vehbi, Ah enin [ZEGE 165]


Nazm, Ahd-i ehriyr [ZEGE 170]
Cazim, Belgat [ZEGE 1803]
Bilin. Hamzl maden suyu [ZEGE 2013]
Mustafa Reid, Bir iek demeti, 2e d. [ZEGE 2257]
Namk Kemal, Cezmi, 3e d. [ZEGE 3020]
Ali Saib, Corfy-y mufassal- memlik-i devlet-i osmniye [ZEGE 3119]
Muallim Naci, Hlsatl-ihls [ZEGE 7976]
Muallim Naci (trad.), Mtercem [ZEGE 15016]
Mustafa Hilmi, Husf ve ksf [ZEGE 8019]
[smail] Hakk [Bereketzade], sbt- vcib [ZEGE 9336]
Saaklzade Mehmed (trad. Mahrukizade Cafer), Kpekler [ZEGE 11212]
Abdurrahman Fehmi, Medresetl-arab, Cilt 1 [ZEGE 12692]
Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12909]
Meriyet-i ahkmna...tahsl-i emvl nizmnmesidir [ZEGE 13183]
Jean Lapier (trad. Mehmed Zeki, Musa Kzm), Muhtasar corfy-y osmn
[ZEGE 14180]
zzet, Mlahhas corfy [ZEGE 14763]
Tahsl-i emvl nizmnmesi [ZEGE 19271]
216 zgr tresay

Yorgaki & evket, Usl-i muhkeme-i hukukiye kann- muvakkat erhi, vol. 1
[ZEGE 22252]
Ahmed Fevz Manisav, Fransa matbt nizmnnesi [ZEGE 5876]
S. Vehbi, Ahmed Midhat efendi hazretlerine rzdr [ML]
Muallim Naci (trad.), Kvlcm yhd kadn byle olmal [BDK, ML]
Pikar (trad. Bolandzde Veli), Muhabbet meliki hazret-i snn hayt [ML]

H. 1305 / septembre 1887-septembre 1888: 35 livres

Ebzziya Tevfik, Diyojen, 2e d., KE-82 [ZEGE 4296]


Ebzziya Tevfik, mparator Vilhelm, KE-67 [ZEGE 9103]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Millet-i isriliye, KE-66 [ZEGE 13579]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Nef, KE-103/104/105/106 [ZEGE 15325]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Nikola amfor, KE-64 [ZEGE 15490]
Reb-i marfet. 8. sene. 1305 sene-i kameriyesine msdif 1266 sene-i emsiyesiin
Takvm-i Ebzziya [ZEGE 6543]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Srr-i mverrih, KE-70 [ZEGE 18466]
Ebzziya Tevfik (d.), Reid Paa merhmun baz sr- siysiyesi, 3e d., KE-101
[1 ZEGE 6829]

Namk Kemal, Barka-i zafer, 2e d., KE-68 [1 ZEGE 683]


Namk Kemal, Mukaddime-i Cell, KE-69 [ZEGE 14356]
J. Lavalle (trad. Ziya Paa), Engizisyon trhi, 2e d., KE-86/87 [ZEGE 4965]
Pierre Larousse (trad. Ahmed Rasim), Ezhr- trhiye, KE-62 [ZEGE 5348]
Recaizade Mahmud Ekrem, Kudemdan birka ir, KE-65 [ZEGE 11272]
Sinan Paa, Tazarrt- Sinan Paa, KE-63 [2 ZEGE 0157]

Namk Kemal, Terceme-i hl-i Nevrz Bey, 2e d. [ZEGE 20608]


Namk Kemal, Osmnl trhi, vol. 1 [ZEGE 15994]
Habb [sfhn], Hat ve hatttn [ZEGE 7011]
Jan Dimitriyadis, Durb- emsli osmniye ve fransaviye [ZEGE 4427]
Mehmed Tevfik, tiyk [ZEGE 9556]
Mehmed Tevfik, Kk telhs-i trh-i osmn [ZEGE 11463]
A. Yusuf [Mazhar], Medr- nutuk. Nouveau guide de conversation franais-turc
[ZEGE 12635]
Mehmed Tevfik [Paa], Mektib-i askeriye-i hneye mahss trh-i osmn
[ZEGE 12728]
Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12910]
Hafz shak, Mektbt [ZEGE 12961]
Hasan Hfz, Mnet- hukuk, 3e d. [ZEGE 14831]
Mirduhizade Abdurrahman Sreyya, Sefne-i belgat [ZEGE 17682]
Hakk [Bakolu], Siyer-i Neb aleyhissalt- ves-selm [ZEGE 18177]
Kadirzade Hseyin Haim, ihb [ZEGE 18954]
Ahmed Rd, Tercme-i hikmetl-beyn f sretr-rahmn [ZEGE 20618]
Abidinpaazade Rasih, mektb [ZEGE 22345]
mile Gaboriau (trad. Hseyin Rahmi [Grpnar]), 113 numaral czdn [ZEGE
23552]
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 217

R. Yusuf, Dictionnaire turc-franais, 2 volumes [ZEGE 24370]


Goltz Paa (trad. Mehmed Tahir), Millet-i msellha. Asrmzn usl ve ahvl-i
askeriyesi, 2e d. [ZEGE 13581]
Sinan Paa, Seri ateli 7,5 santimetrelik cebel toplarnn istiml mumeltna
dir talmnmedir [ML]
Tarh-i osmn. Rdiye 2. snf [AEKMK, BDK, ML]

H. 1306 / septembre 1888-aot 1889: 16 livres

Ebzziya Tevfik, Lgt-i Ebzziya, vol. 1 [ZEGE 11786]


Nevsl-i marifet. 1306 sene-i kameriyesine msdif 1267 sene-i emsiyesin
Takvm-i Ebzziya [ZEGE 15420]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Numne-i edebiyt- osmniye, 3e d. [ZEGE 15593]

Louis Angeli (trad. Mehmed Tahir), Bir kk sehiv, KE-77 [ZEGE 2354]
Nzhet, Elsine-i garbiye edebiyt ve debs, KE-76/78 [ZEGE 4801]
Ahmed Rasim (trad.), Eski Romallar, vol. 2, KE-79 [ZEGE 5117]
Mustafa Hilmi, Kamere matf istidllt- haviye, KE-75 [ZEGE 9971]
Ktib elebi, Mznl-hakk fi ihtiyrl-ahakk, 3e d., KE-71/72 [ZEGE 13826]
Yirmisekiz Mehmed elebi, Sefretnme-i Mehmed Efendi, 3e d., KE-73/74
[ZEGE 17760]

Ahmed Muhtar, ntibh- kalb [ZEGE 9257]


Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12911]
smail Saf, Snht [ZEGE 18454]
Bafral Dr. Yanko, Yozgad seyhatnmesi [ZEGE 23498]
Mark- kavid-i fris. Mehmed Behet Hafz brahimden deiikliklerle [ZEGE
12299]
smail Saf, Mlhazat- edebiye. Terc-i bend [ML]
Ahmed kir Paa, Takvm-i ncm [AEKMK, TBTK 2417]

H. 1307 / aot 1889-aot 1890: 14 livres

Ebzziya Tevfik, Benjamen Franklin, 3e d., KE-84 [ZEGE 1840]


Ebzziya Tevfik, Ezop, 2e d., KE-90 [ZEGE 5350]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Diyojen, 3e d., KE-82 [ZEGE 4296]

Fenelon (trad. Yusuf Kamil Paa), Cmel-i hikemiye-i Telemak, KE-18 [ZEGE
3202]
li bin Ebu Talip (trad. Muallim Naci), Emsl-i li, 2e d., KE-1 [ZEGE 4896]
Ahmed Resmi Girid, Hlsatl-itibr, KE-80/81 [ZEGE 7977]
Ahmed Cevdet Paa, Krm ve Kafkas trhesi, 2e d., KE-93 [ZEGE 10693]
Kemalpaazade Said, Sefr ve ehbenderler, KE-83 [ZEGE 17686]
Nb, Hayriye-i Nb, KE-91/92 [ZEGE 7148]

Dr. Libovi, Kolera illetinin vesit-i tahaffuziye ve ifiyesi [1 ZEGE 1088]


Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12912]
218 zgr tresay

Hector Malot (trad. Ali Salahaddin), Doktor Saniyel [ZEGE 24399]


Kemalpaazade Said, Etnografya. Hukuk vezif [ML]
Kemalpaazade Said, Evde mektb. Fkrt letif [ML]

H. 1308 / aot 1890-aot 1891: 16 livres

Ebzziya Tevfik, Bfon, 2e d., KE-85 [ZEGE 705]


Ebzziya Tevfik, Lgt-i Ebzziya, vol. 2 [ZEGE 11786]
Ebzziya Tevfik, Numne-i edebiyt- osmniye, 4e d. [ZEGE 15593]
Nevsl-i marifet. 1307 ve 1308 sene-i kameriyesine msdif 1268 ve 1269 sene-i
emsiyesin Takvm-i Ebzziya [ZEGE 15421]

Hseyin Agh, Diplomasi usl-i kitbeti. Style diplomatique [ZEGE 4094]


Pierre Ninus (trad. Andon Alik), Dvnenin takrri, 2 volumes [ZEGE 4269]
Mehmed Emin Yurdakul, Fazlet ve aslet [ZEGE 5426]
Hasan Sdk, Bey ir rislesi, 2e d. [ZEGE 1978 ve 16881]
M. Safvet, Krat [ZEGE 10649]
Samipaazade Sezai, Kk eyler [ZEGE 11453]
Alexandre Dumas (trad. Mehmed hsan), Mehl bir gemi [ZEGE 12479]
[aylak Mehmed] Tevfik, Levmin-nr [ZEGE 11638]
Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [1 ZEGE 2913]
Ahmed Rasim, Meyl-i dil [ZEGE 13414]
Ahmed akir Paa, Sene-i mliye hakknda mtlat [ZEGE 17764]
Cemal Zeki [nal], Kadn hastalklar [BDK, ML]

H. 1309 / aot 1891-aot 1892: 14 livres

Namk Kemal, Kemal Beyin rfan Paaya bir mektbu, 3e d., KE-57 [ZEGE
10522]
Namk Kemal, Mukaddime-i Cell, 3e d., KE-69 [ZEGE 14356]
Sinan Paa, Tazarrt- Sinan Paa, 2e d., KE-63 [ZEGE 20157]

Mehmed Mnci Fikripaazade, Diyana [ZEGE 4272]


Dr. Hseyin Remzi, Hfz- shhat-i mteehhiln [ZEGE 7430]
Pierre Loti (trad. M. Safvet), Japonya seyhatnmesi [ZEGE 9762]
Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12914]
Fatma liye, Muhaddert [ZEGE 14149]
[Hocaeminefendizade] Ali Haydar, Risle-i mefkud [ZEGE 16950]
Ahmed akir Paa, Takvm-i ncm. 1322 sene-i mevld-i ems. 1309 kamer-i
hicr. [2. sene] [ZEGE 14920]
Mme. La Baronne Staffe (trad. Sezaizade Ahmed Hikmet [Mftolu]), Tuvalet
ve letfet-i z [ZEGE 21360]
M. Safvet, Ziratte teceddd [ZEGE 23831]
Charles Paul de Kock (trad. Mehmed hsn), ieki kz [BDK]
Sinan Paa, Seri ateli cebel topu talmnmesi [ML]
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 219

H. 1310 / juillet 1892-juillet 1893: 9 livres

Nevsl-i marifet. 1309/10 sene-i kameriyelerine msdif 1270/71 sene-i emsiyelerin


Takvm-i Ebzziya [ZEGE 15422]
1271/1272 ve 1310/1311 seneleri iin Takvm-i Ebzziya [ZEGE 19382]

Herodotos (trad. Necib sm [Yazksz], Sitler, KE-94/95 [ZEGE 18124]


Divn- inasi, 4e d., KE-15/16 [ZEGE 4236]

Dr. Kanber, Kavid-i selse. Dstrt-tahrr, 2 volumes [ZEGE 10420]


Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12915]
[Siphzde] Ali Galib, Musavver trh-i tabi [ZEGE 14486]
Ahmed akir Paa, Takvm-i ncm. 1323 sene-i mevld-i emsiyesi. 1310/1311 sene-i
hicriye-i kameriyesi. 3. sene [ZEGE 14921]
[smail] Kzm [Uz], Talm-i msik yhd msik stlht [ZEGE 19666]

H. 1311 / juillet 1893-juillet 1894: 22 livres

Ebzziya Tevfik (d.), Cmel-i mntahabe-i Kemal, 3e d. [ZEGE 3205]


Ebzziya Tevfik, Nef, KE-103/104/105/106 [ZEGE 15325]
Ebzziya Tevfik (d.), Mntahabt- Tasvr-i Efkr. Siysiyt, inasi ve Keml, 2e
d., KE-3/4/5/6/7/8/9 [ZEGE 14901]
Ebzziya Tevfik (d.), Mntahabt- Tasvr-i Efkr. Edebiyt. inasi, KE-102
[ZEGE 14901]
Ebzziya Tevfik (d.), Mntahabt- Tasvr-i Efkr. Edebiyt. Kemal, 2e d.,
KE-36/40 [ZEGE 14901]
Ebzziya Tevfik (d.), Mntahabt- Tasvr-i Efkr. Makalt- mtenevvia.
Kemal, 3e d., KE-98 [ZEGE 14901]

Namk Kemal, Kanije, 3e d., KE-96/97 [ZEGE 10032]


eyh nyetullah (trad. Namk Kemal), Bahar- dni, 3e d., KE-98 [ZEGE
1519]
Mehmed Tahir (trad.), Cizvit cemiyetinin tlmt- hafiyesi, 2e d., KE-2 [ZEGE
3085]
Jean-Jacques Rousseau (trad. Kemalpaazade Said), Fezil-i ahlkiye ve kemlt-
ilmiye, 2e d., KE-99/100 [ZEGE 5696]
Sbit, Zafernme-i Sbit, 2e d., KE-107 [ZEGE 23601]
Ziya Paa, Mukaddime-i Harbt, 2e d., KE-108 [ZEGE 14357]

Ali Haydar, Harta tersmi atlas [ZEGE 6948]


Abdurrahman dil [Eren], Lahey konferans yhd taknn-i hukuk- dvel
[ZEGE 11548]
Halid Ziya Uakzade [Uaklgil] (trad.), Nkil, vol. 3 [ZEGE 15094]
Bernardin de Saint-Pierre (trad. Osman Senai [Erdemgil]), Pol ve Virjini [ZEGE
16354]
220 zgr tresay

Ahmed akir Paa, Takvm-i ncm. 1324 sene-i mevld-i emssi. 1311/1312 sene-i
hicr-i kamerisi. 4. sene [ZEGE 14922]
[Kemalpaazade Said], Trh-i hukukdan bir sahfe [ZEGE 19831]
Mnif Paa, Terkib-i bend [ZEGE 20718]
Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir. 1311 hicr senesi [ZEGE 25201]
Abdurrahman dil [Eren], lmt- temyiziyeden hall-i temyz. Muhkeme-i
temyzin hall eyledii mesili mtemildir [BDK, TBTK 10079]

H. 1312 / juillet 1894-juin 1895: 14 livres

Ebzziya Tevfik, Makame-i tevkifiye [ZEGE 25137]

Namk Kemal, Takib, 3e d., KE-28/29 [ZEGE 19314]

Haydar Hoca Eminefendizade, Drerl-hukkm erh-i mecelletl-ahkm, vol.1


[ZEGE 4451]
Mehmed Celal, Elvah- irne [ZEGE 4809]
Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12916]
Abdurrahman dil [Eren], Mevdd- hukukiyede kabiliyet-i temyz [ZEGE
13347]
Abdurrahman dil [Eren], Mudyent [ZEGE 14622]
Halid Ziya Uakzade [Uaklgil] (trad.), Nkil, vol. 4 [ZEGE 15094]
dmond & Jules de Goncourt (trad. Fikripaazade Mehmed Mnci), Rene
Mopren [ZEGE 16727]
Djardin & Beaumetz (trad. Eczac Halid Mehmed), Tahll-i bevl yhd idrr
muyenesi [ZEGE 19229]
Mustafa Ahsen, Dersadet ve ona karb iklimlere mahss Takvm-i hadyk
[ZEGE 19388]
Octave Feuillet (trad. Alianzade smail Hakk [Eldem]), Talisiz [ZEGE
19616]
Kemalpaazade Said, Galatt- tercme. 13. defter [ZEGE 6019]
Meriyet-i ahkmna bil-istizn irde-i hazret-i cihnbn eref-mteallik buyuru-
lan skdr ve Kadky su irketinin su tevztna dir nizmnmedir [MLK]

H. 1313 / juin 1895-juin 1896: 9 livres

Marie Robert-Halle (trad. Ali Nusret), Bir ocuun sergzeti [ZEGE 2261]
mile Richebourg (trad. Ali Nusret), Ky muakalar [ZEGE 11237]
Abdurrahman dil [Eren], Mahkeme-i temyz [ZEGE 11940]
Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12917]
Yusuf Paa, Muhtasar kavid-i ilm-i hesb, 6e d. [ZEGE 14234]
Elif, Usl-i muhbere-i ziyiye [ZEGE 22218]
Kemalpaazade Said, Galatt- tercme. 14. defter [ZEGE 6019]
Yusuf, Kavnn-i ticriye. Mukayeseli [BDK]
Mehmed Halis, Telhsl-nahiv [BDK, ML]
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 221

H. 1314 / juin 1896-mai 1897: 6 livres

Ahmed Ziyaeddin [Akbulut], Amel menzr, 2e d. [ZEGE 637]


A[ndreas] Kopassi, Kristof Kolombun rfeksndan Peter Devosun Amerika
kefine dir olan htrt [ZEGE 11265]
Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12918]
smail Hakk Bereketzade, Metlib-i liye [ZEGE 13328]
Selnik liman inatna dir mukavelenme lyihas. Construction du port de
Salonique [ZEGE 17715]
Kemalpaazade Said, Galatt- tercme. 15. defter [ZEGE 6019]
Nashtl-hkem. Mntehabt- hikemiye. Dr--afakann nc senesinde
tedrs olunmak zere heyet-i islmiye tarafndan intihb ve kabl olunmutur
[ML]

H. 1315 / mai 1897-mai 1898: 3 livres

Takvm-i Ebzziya. 1315/1316 sene-i kameriyesine msdif 1276/1277 sene-i


emsiyelerine mahssdur [ZEGE 19383]

Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12919]


Kemalpaazade Said, Galatt- tercme. 16. defter [ZEGE 6019]

H. 1316 / mai 1898-mai 1899: 12 livres

Takvm-i Ebzziya. 1316/1317 sene-i kameriyesine msdif 1277/1278 sene-i


emsiyelerine mahssdur [1 ZEGE 9384]

Manastrl Mehmed Rfat, Hikyt- mntahabe [ZEGE 7504]


Hamdibeyzade Osman Adil, Zeliha [ZEGE 23682]
Hamdibeyzade Osman dil, des [ZEGE 8493]
Mustafa Zihni Paa [Babanzade], lim ve slm [ZEGE 8757]
Mehmed Emin, Kavid-i ibtidiye-i kitbet, 2e d. [ZEGE 10406]
Mekteb-i sultn tevz-i mkfat cedvelidir [ZEGE 12920]
Pizani (trad. Ali Haydar), Telhs-i ilm-i madin [20372]
Mehmed Emin [Yurdakul], Trke iirler [ZEGE 21602]
Selanikli Tevfik, Ydigr- seyhat [ZEGE 22810]
Yusuf b. smail Nebhn, Hccet-ullah ale-l-lemin f muczt- seyydil-mrseln
[BDK]
Hamdibeyzade Osman dil, Nme-i dil [ML]

H. 1317 / mai 1899-avril 1900: 6 livres

Takvmn-nis. 1317 sene-i hicriyesine mahss [ZEGE 19590]


Mahmud Muhtar Paa, Afrika-y cenb muharebesi [ZEGE 133]
smail Hakk Bereketzade, Esrr- belgat. Mukaddime [ZEGE 5163]
222 zgr tresay

Sleyman Paa, lm-i hl-i sagr [ZEGE 8883]


Mehmed akir, Yazl ve yazsz harta zerinde sualli ve cevbl muhtasar
numne-i corfy-y umm, 5e d. [ZEGE 22908]
smail Hakk, Kz ve erkek ocuklara krt kitb [ML]

R. 1324 / mars 1908-mars 1909: 1 livre

Reji irketinin...izhnmesi [ZEGE 16722]

R. 1325 / mars 1909-mars 1910: 6 livres

Ebzziya Tevfik, Ne edt- nefyi hakknda tetebbt [ZEGE 15268]


Ebzziya Tevfik, Kemal Beyin tercme-i hli [ZEGE 10522]53

Mehmed Galib, Sadullah Paa yhd mezrdan nid [ZEGE 17257]


Paul Doumer (trad. Mehmed Galib), Evld- vatana [ZEGE 5293]
Pavl Mihail (trad. Mehmed Macid), imdiye kadar yaplan mnkasa uslleri-
nin rs eyledii mazarrt ve slh zmnnda amel usller ile beyn- mtlat
[ZEGE 18974]
Aynl-marif cemiyeti nizmnmesi [ZEGE 24057]

R. 1326 / mart 1910-mart 1911: 11 livres

Cemiyet-i tedrisiye-i islmiye (Umm heyet toplantlar, Heyet-i idre raporlar,


hesb hulslar, bdceler). 1326 (1910) senesi [ZEGE 2899]
Karadenizde vki Samsun liman imtiyzna dir...[ZEGE 10193]
Ahmed Vefik, Kimy-y ispeyr. Uzv ksm, vol. 2 [ZEGE 10880]
Sleyman Numan Paa, Kolera. Tb fakltesi serriyt- tbbye derslerinden
[ZEGE 11082]
Mihr-i dn eyh [ehbenderzade Ahmed Hilmi], Mslmanlar dinleyiniz!
[ZEGE 14974]
M. Bedri, Mtegallibe ve tahrb-i insniyet [ZEGE 15010]
Trh-i krk vezr, 3e d. [ZEGE 19858]
Mehmed zzet, Yeni krat. 2. sene [ZEGE 23114]
Kalender Geda (ehbenderzde Ahmed Hilmi), Vay kz bekiyi seviyor. Bir perde
mudhike [ZEGE 22570]
Buldan terakki-i mensct irketi nizmnme-i dhilsi [TBTK 6859]
stanbul ehri ile civrnda bir tramvay ebekesi tessi imtiyzna dir mukave-
lenme [ML]

53Le lieu dimpression nest pas indiqu mais il est peu probable quEbzziya Tevfik ait
publi ce livre ailleurs que dans son imprimerie.
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 223

R. 1327 / mart 1911-mart 1912: 28 livres

Ebzziya Tevfik, Merhm Namk Kemal Bey [ZEGE 25228]54

Mehmed Enis [Yalk], Avrupa htrtm [ZEGE 1309]


Y. N. (trad.), Binbir gece [ZEGE 2035]
Mehmed kr, lm ve amel ilm-i hl [ZEGE 9056]
Yusuf Rasih, Ceneral Jomini. Hayt- askeriyesi ve sr [ZEGE 2935]
mam Maverd (trad. Cevdet Bergamal), Edebd-dn ved-dny tercmesi,
vol. 2 [ZEGE 4565]
[Babanzde] Mustafa Zihni Paa, slmda hilfet [ZEGE 9388]
Azmzde Refik (trad. brahim Halil), ttihd- slm ve Avrupa [ZEGE 9629]
bnlhatib Cemaleddin, Kalem damlalar [ZEGE 9961]
bnlhatib Cemaleddin, Yemene isticlb- nazar- dikkat [ZEGE 22967]
Kmil Paa, Kmil Paann yn reisi Said Paaya cevblar [ZEGE 9972]
Said-i Nurs Bedizzaman, Marz bir asrn, hasta bir unsurun, alil bir uzvun ree-
tesi...Bedizzamann muhkemt [ZEGE 12253]
Abdlcebbarzde Edib, Mecmua-i ear [ZEGE 12534]
Memlik-i osmniyede in olunacak turuk ve mebirin mnkasa eritini
mbeyyin talmt [ZEGE 13025]
Memlik-i osmniyede turuk ve mebir...lyihas [ZEGE 13030]
Selim, Muhtalit mfreze dhilinde svarinin vazfesi [ZEGE 14165]
Soma...demiryoluna id kann ve mukavele-i mzeyyele lyihasdr [ZEGE
18200]
Selim Srr [Tarcan], Terbiyev isve jimnastikleri ve mekteb oyunlar [ZEGE
20547]
Mehmed akir, Yazl ve yazsz harta zerinde sualli ve cevbl muhtasar
numne-i corfy-y umm, 7e d. [ZEGE 22908]
Adana ovas irv ve teybsi ve sedler tessi ameliyt imtiyznn mnkaasna
id artnmedir [TBTK 790]
Badat demiryolu imtiyzna id 20 ubt sene 1318 tarhli mukaveleye zeylen
tanzm olunan ikinci mukavelenme lyihasdr [TBTK 5483]
Dr--afaka [TBTK 8143]
Hali Dersadet vapurlar mukavelenmesi [TBTK 12156]
Kei beslemek usl [ML]
Memlik-i osmniyede arz irv ve teybsi ve sedler tessine dir kann ve
esbb- mcibe lyihalar [ML]
Memlik-i osmniyede in olunacak turuk ve mebirin ameliyt- turbiyesine
ve ose ve kgirintna dir artnme-i umm lyihasdr [ML]
Mersin Adana demiryolu imtiyzna id 28 safer sene 1300 tarhli mukaveleye zey-
len tanzm olunan mukavelenme [ML]
Scak hava cereynyla tathr frn [ML]

54Voir la note prcdente.


224 zgr tresay

R. 1328 / mars 1912-mars 1913: 24 livres

A[bdurrahman] V[elid] [Ebzziya], Kuyruklu yldzlar ve Haley kevkeb-i gsdr


[ZEGE 11378]
Dr. Nedim, Betr ve tesmm-i mafsal [ZEGE 1916]
Hseyin Kzm [Kadri], iftilik nasihatleri [ZEGE 3341]
M. Sat [el-Husr], Drs- ey, 2e d. [ZEGE 4471]
Bir heyet, Girid. Mzsi, hli, istikbli [ZEGE 6221]
lyas Macid, Hl ve ferd [ZEGE 6660]
ttihd- ansr- osmniye heyeti nizmnmesi [ZEGE 9625]
Kmil Paa, Kmil Paann yn reisi Said Paaya cevblar, 2e d. [ZEGE
9972]
Ali Haydar, Kosova meydn muhrebesi [ZEGE 11184]
Arakel (d. Muallim Naci), Mekteb-i edeb, 6e d. [ZEGE 12819]
Mehmed Halid, Mirtl-insn [ZEGE 13763]
Zeynelabidin, Mslmanlk [ZEGE 14983]
Hseyin Hsn, Necd ktasnn ahvl-i ummiyesi [ZEGE 15303]
Polisin terbiye-i meslekiyesine mteallik talmt- mahssa [ZEGE 16385]
Dr. Hekimbazade Muhiddin, Rehber-i shhat, 2e d. [ZEGE 16656]
Ahmed Rasim, Resimli ve hartal osmnl trhi, vol. 4 [ZEGE 16786]
Sanyi ve ticret ve ziratin lzm- tevki [ZEGE 17514]
Gazi Ahmed Muhtar Paa, Sene-i mliyenin hicr sene-i emsiye ile istibdline
dir [ZEGE 17765]
Sleymanpaazade Sami (d.), Sleyman Paa muhkemesi. 1293 osmnl-rus
muhrebesinden, 6 volumes [ZEGE 18432]
Conan Doyle, erlok Holmes sergzetleri [ZEGE 18650]
Mansurizade Mehmed Said, Tatbkat- Mecelle. Cz-i evvel. Kitbl-by
[ZEGE 20094]
Mehmed Enis [Yalk], mide doru. Harbe-i hnmn zerinde [ZEGE
22401]
Osman evki, Yeni usl- talm-i krat. 5. ksm [ZEGE 23350]
A. Nazmi Ebnniyazi, Sul ve cevbl tefelnme yhd kolay remiller [ZEGE
18391]

R. 1329 / mart 1913-mart 1914: 22 livres

Ebzziya Tevfik, Numne-i edebiyt- osmniye, 6e d. [ZEGE 15593]

A[bdurrahman] Velid [Ebzziya], Tayyarecilik. Mzsi, ehemmiyeti, terkkiyt-


hzrs, istikbli [ZEGE 20150]
Mehmed Kmil Paa, Htrt- sadr- esbk Kmil Paa [ZEGE 7036]
Ahmed Vefik, ilecek ve hnelerimizde kullanlacak sularn havss, muyenesi
ve tahlli [ZEGE 8452]
Hasan Fehmi, Hikmet-i ter. Tahrete mteallik hkm ve meslihden bhistir
[ZEGE 7605]
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 225

Said-i Krd Nurs Bedizzaman, Azametli...bahtsz bir ktann...anl...tahil-


siz...bir devletin...deerli...sahipsiz...bir kavmin...reetesidir...ve yahd
Bedizzamann mnzart [ZEGE 1416]
H. L. lhami, Beiktata leyl ve nehr mekteb-i uhuvvet [ZEGE 1906]
Tevfik Receb, lm-i ensc- tabiiye ekli [ZEGE 8867]
Halil Rd (trad.), 1877-1878 Osmnl Rus seferinde Osmnl kumandanlar
[ZEGE 2130]
brahim Alaaddin [Gvsa], ocuk iirleri [ZEGE 3414]
Paul de Kock (trad. Midhat Rebi), Eriklik [ZEGE 4996]
Sleyman Numan, Ernest von Laydn ve 1899 trhinde dijital hakknda verdii
ders [ZEGE 5040]
Azize Haydar-M. Bedri, Kk dikiler [ZEGE 11399]
A. Danon, Mebhis-i lisniye ve itikakiye [ZEGE 12407]
Rd Paa, Mebslarmza ynmza hediye. Hlimizi musavvir istid [ZEGE
12445]
Sleyman Srr elli, Medhl-i fkh [ZEGE 12662]
Medrese-i uhuvvet [ZEGE 12690]
M. D. Berlitz (trad. Orhan Salahaddin), Metod Berliten tedrs-i lisn- trk
[ZEGE 13335]
Nesim Masliyah, Osmnl parlamentosu beynelmilel sulh heyeti [ZEGE
15966]
Kilisli Muallim Ahmed Rfat [Bilge], Otuz ders yhd yeni sarf- arab, 2e d.
[ZEGE 16051]
M. Fzl Reid, Son zh mnsebetiyle Sabahattin Bey Efendiye ak mektb
[ZEGE 18211]
Bekir Sdk, Zamnmza ve mertiyetimize...manzme-i mersiyedir [ZEGE
23614]

R. 1330 / mars 1914-mars 1915: 11 livres

brahim Alaaddin [Gvsa], ocuk iirleri, 2e d. [ZEGE 3414]


Dr. erafeddin Mamumi, Hakikat-i hl, 2e d. [ZEGE 6638]
Said-i Krd Nurs, Devl-yeis zeylinin zeyli [ZEGE 3905]
rikaaszade Hasan Srr, Hukuk- dvel nazarndan Osmnl-talya muhre-
besi [ZEGE 7826]
Sabri, Hseyin Chid ve Sabri beylerin muhkemeleri [ZEGE 8111]
Nuri-i Dimik, Kann- harb [ZEGE 10091]
Vahid, Mze-i hmyn [ZEGE 15047]
Mehmed Selim, Svrnin kef hidemt [ZEGE 18522]
H. Tahsin, Ulm- tabiyeye balang [ZEGE 21989]
Nuri-i Dimik, Kitbd-drsl-corfiye [BDK]
S.T.H. (Yanllar dzelten), Krolu [NA]

R. 1331 / mars 1915-mart 1916: 1 livre

Cemiyet-i hayriye-i islmiye nizmnmesi [ZEGE 2890]


226 zgr tresay

1923: 2 livres

Muallime Kamer, Namaz hocas [ZEGE 15112]


Sadullah zzet, Amel fotorafya rehberi [ZEGE 609]

1924: 5 livres

Beynelmilel olimpiyad oyunlar [ZEGE 1959]


Sadiye Vefik, lk ak [ZEGE 8763]
Orman memrni vezifine dir talmtnmeler [ZEGE 15798]
Trk ticret slnmesi. 1340-1341 senesine id. Birinci sene [ZEGE 21535]
Trke
Trk ticret slnmesi. 1340-1341 senesine id. Birinci sene [ZEGE 21535]
Franszca

1925: 4 livres

stanbul mahfeli nizmnmesi [ZEGE 8224]


Ali rfan Arboz, lm-i ahvl-i rh, 2e d. [ZEGE 8823]
Sinoblu Cevdet Kerim [nceday], Trk istikll harbi. Garb cebhesi [ZEGE
21443]
M. Cevdet [nanalp], Zamnmzda usl-i in ve muhbere [ZEGE 23623]

1926: 8 livres

Afrika [ZEGE 1891]


stanbul ticret ve sanyi odas 1926 kongresi [ZEGE 8265]
Cafer Fahri [Dikmen], Mufassal yeni tavukuluk [ZEGE 14017]
Ticret kannu Ticret kannunun tatbkat kannu [ZEGE 21001]
Trkiye cumhriyeti ile Bulgaristan krall arasnda mnakid muhdenet,
muhede ve ikamet mukavelenmesi [ZEGE 21750]
Trkiye cumhriyeti muallimler birlii yasas [ZEGE 21762]
Trkiye cumhriyeti muallimler birlii tasarruf ve yardm sandklar nizmn-
mesi [ZEGE 21764]
Faik Sabri [Duran], ocuklara corfy dersleri. Trkiye corfys, 7e d.
[ZEGE 3435]

1927: 14 livres

Cafer Fahri [Dikmen], Av ve salon kpekleri [ZEGE 1261]


Ahmed Esad [Arsebk], Garb hukuku nazariyeleri [ZEGE 6037]
stanbul ticret ve sanyi odas eyll 1923-mays 1926 faliyet ve muameltna
dir umm rapor [ZEGE 8268]
ubukuzde Mehmed Sdk, Kervn [ZEGE 10597]
lart dimprimer dans lempire ottoman 227

Alfred Hattner (trad. Hamid Sadi [Selen]), Mevzi corfy. Avrupa [ZEGE
13406]
Samsun sahil demiryollar...hesbiyesini hv bilano [ZEGE 17497]
Trkiye cumhriyeti ile svire arasnda mnakid ikamet mukavelenmesi
[ZEGE 21751]
Trkiye-Suriye gmrk itilfnmesi [ZEGE 21858]
Maksim tfenklerine mahss endirekt ltlar tarfnmesi [ZEGE 12038]
Johanna Spyri, Kei oban [ML]
Samsun sahil demiryollar...murakib raporu [MLK]
Trkiye cumhriyeti ile Almanya devleti arasnda ikamet ve ticret mukavelen-
mesi [ML]
Trkiye cumhriyeti ile ekoslovakya arasnda mnakid ticret mukavelenmesi
[ML]
Trkiye ile ekoslovakya cumhriyetleri arasnda mnakid ikamet mukavelen-
mesi [ML]

1928: 19 livres

Agh Srr [Levend], Aclar [ZEGE 45]


Hseyin Siret [zsever], Ba bozumu [ZEGE 1465]
Hasan Tahsin Aynzade [Ayn] (d.), Borsa rehberi [ZEGE 2527]
Hasan Tahsin Aynzade [Ayn], Ondokuzuncu asr bidyetinden zamnmza
kadar Trk bdcesi ve mliye sistemi [ZEGE 15681]
Safveti Ziya, Dhil terft rehberi [ZEGE 3542]
Fotoraf ve sinema lt ve edevt katalou [ZEGE 5857]
Ebssabahaddin Hac Halid Kaptan, Islayt rul hesb aletinin usl-i istimli
[ZEGE 8168]
ngilterede altn mikysna avdete mteallik kann ile esbb- mcibe lhiyas ve
borsa komiserliinin bu hussa id raporu [ZEGE 9188]
Cafer Fahri [Dikmen], Tavuklara ok yumurtlatmak iin ne yedirmelidir?
[ZEGE 20129]
Selim Nzhet [Gerek], Trk matbaacl. ki yznc sene-i devriyesi mnse-
betiyle [ZEGE 21471]
M. Hamid, Trke, Franszca, ngilizce ve Almanca metinlerle muhtasar
daktilorafi [ZEGE 21556]
Trkiye cumhriyeti ile Arnavudluk cumhriyeti arasnda mnakid ehbenderlik
mukavelenmesi [ZEGE 21749]
Trkiye cumhriyeti muallimler birlii 1926 senesi umm kongre zabtlar
[ZEGE 21763]
Van trhi ve Krdler hakknda tetebbt [ZEGE 22505]
Mehmed Halil (d.), Samsun albm ve rehberi [ZEGE 25439]
Tammt- ehbender. No. 3 1927-1928 [ZEGE 25484]
Bugnk Lehistan. Lehistann tarh ve iktisd ve sn vaziyeti [ZEGE 2602]
Keflet yhd vefkr dostlar [ML]
Samsun sahil demiryollar...heyet-i ummiyesi [MLK]
228 zgr tresay

Bibliographie

Akbayar, Nuri. Osmanl Yayncl. Tanzimattan Cumhuriyete Trkiye Ansiklopedisi,


vol. 6. stanbul: letiim Yaynlar, 1985, 1680-1696.
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573-576.
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. Abdlhamid II: le sultan calife (1876-1909). Paris: Fayard, 2003.
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1982.
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Kltr Bakanl, 1998.
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MEB, 2000.
Kabacal, Alpay. Cumhuriyet ncesi ve Sonras Matbaa ve Basn Sanayii. Istanbul: Cem
Ofset, 1998.
Karpat, Kemal H. Ottoman Population 1830-1914: Demographic and Social Characteristics.
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4872.
. Ebzziya Matbaas, stanbul Ansiklopedisi, vol. 9. Istanbul, 1968, 4872-4875.
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Kololu, Orhan. Basnmzda Resim ve Fotorafn Balamas. Istanbul: Engin Yaynlar,


1992.
Kuntay, Midhat Cemal. Ebzziya Tevfik Bey ve Neredilmemi Mektuplar, Tarih
Dnyas 4 (1 mars 1964): 485-490.
Kuran-Burolu, Nedret. Saraydan lk Defa Kuran- Kerim Basma zni Alan Hattat:
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. Matbaac Osman Bey, Journal of Turkish Studies 26 ii (2002): 97-112.
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Tresay, zgr. Bir Osmanl Matbaacsnn Sergzeti: Ebzziya Tevfikin Matbaa-i
Ebzziyas, Toplumsal Tarih 128 (aot 2004): 36-43.
. II. Abdlhamid Dnemi Yaymcl, Matbaa-i Ebzziya ve Bast Kitaplar, Mte-
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A Champion of Printing Quality in the Ottoman
Turkish Press of the Second Constitutional Period:
ehbal Journal

Bora Ataman and Cem Pekman

Introduction

Kololu describes the rumbustious post-revolution press scene of 1908,


characterised by the emergence of hundreds of newspapers and periodi-
cals, with the metaphor of an explosion.1 The freedom discourse of the
Young Turks, during their long opposition to Abdlhamid II, sparked this
explosion. For the first time, though not for long, all the ideologies jos-
tling together in Ottoman society had access to media in which to express
themselves freely. Political and ideological debates formerly held in closed
and private circles became public in these newspapers and periodicals,
most of which did not last. This was also a period when the seeds of the
modern Turkish press were planted, in terms of capitalisation, profession-
alisation, ideological differentiation, and technical advance.
In order to understand the diversity and profundity of Ottoman
thought at the time, one needs first to explore the countless periodicals.
Some remarkable periodicals were published between the years 1908 and
1918. Most of them became prominent through their content and ideol-
ogy, and brought fame to their editorial staff. Examples include the great
journal of Turkish nationalism Trk Yurdu [The Turkish land], the voice
of the Islamic movement Srat- Mstakim [The straight way], the flag-
ship of liberalism and positivism Ulum-i ktisadiye ve timaiye Mecmuas
[ Journal of economic and social sciences], the leading womens journal
Kadnlar Dnyas [World of women], and even the legendary Servet-i
Fnun [Wealth of sciences], from the era of Abdlhamid but continuing
for many years after.
ehbal, however, differed primarily in its printing quality, visuals, paper,
layout, binding, and aesthetic presentation. Although it had a talented
editorial staff and valuable content, its form shone out at once; therefore
in the history of Turkish journalism ehbal deserves close examination.

1Orhan Kololu, 1908 Basn Patlamas (Istanbul: Bas-Ha, 2005).


232 bora ataman and cem pekman

First, in terms of printing quality, ehbal remained almost unrivalled for


decades, if we except the short-lived Musavver Hale [Illustrated nimbus]
and the elegant Resimli Kitap [The illustrated book]. Its true rivals appeared
a few decades later, in the Republican era. Thus we aim in this article to
analyse a periodical which pushed the limits of its time, and was awarded
a gold medal in Turin for the quality of its printing in 1911, two years after
its first publication.

The 1908 Revolution, the Press, and an Intellectual of the


Second Constitutional Period

The Abolition of Censorship and the Press Boom


The autocratic regime of Sultan Abdlhamid II, which started in 1878
and gradually hardened over the years, can be summed up in two words:
spying and censorship. The wish of Abdlhamid II to control all ele-
ments which threatened to affect public opinion made censorship an
essential institution of the regime, and an effective administrative instru-
ment for him.2
Because of this censorship, the people in oppressed Istanbul were not
aware of events taking place on 23 July 1908 in Rumeli (centres such as
Bitola and Thessaloniki) and the declaration of freedom by ttihat ve
Terakki Cemiyeti (the Committee of Union and Progress). The small and
discreet official announcement published on the front pages of Istanbuls
newspapers the next day, that elections would be held and a new National
Assembly formed, surprised everyone.
The journalists in Istanbul, of whom some were members of the Com-
mittee of Union and Progress, held a meeting the same day and decided
not to send sample copies of their newspapers to be checked by the cen-
sor, but to spend the night at the printing houses in order to prevent the
censors officers from entering. On Saturday, 25 July 1908, for the first time
in thirty years, newspapers in Istanbul were published uncensored.
Babali (the centre of the press in Istanbul) played the leading role in
turning the confusion and hesitancy of 24 July into the enthusiasm of
25 July. Newspapers awakened the sleeping city to march through the
streets. The printing houses of kdam and Servet-i Fnun (leading papers

2Bora Ataman, Trkiyede ilk Basn Yasaklar ve Abdlhamid Sansr, Marmara


letiim 14 (2009): 2149.
a champion of printing quality: ehbal journal 233

of the day), decorated with flags, were the first places to which the masses
marched. The press, in targeting the old regime, was marked out as a
motivator of the revolution.3
At the same time, some negative consequences resulted from this
limitlesseven anarchicfreedom of the press which continued for
nearly nine months. Perhaps the most damaging one was the 31 March
Event, largely organised by the counter-revolutionary press.4
The 1908 Revolution of the Young Turks paved the way for a boom in
the press similar to or even more impressive than that of the French Revo-
lution of 1789;5 it enormously increased the variety, quantity, and quality
of periodicals. In the twenty years between 1898 and 1908 only one new
publication on average appeared every year. In the first few months of
1908, fifty-two periodicals were published in Istanbul, of which only six-
teen were in Turkish. The total number of periodicals published in the
entire Ottoman Empire was only 120. However, following the declaration
of freedom, in the first six weeks, over 200 appeared and within seven
months 730 newspapers had applied for licences. In the following six
years, 1,600 periodicals were licensed, not to mention the unlicensed jour-
nals and newspapers.6
This brought about a predictable shortage of printing houses and type-
setters; the customs houses were full of printing presses, many of which
were transported to Anatolia. By the end of 1908, private printing houses
had been set up in almost every Anatolian city.
The boom was observed not only in the number of newspapers, but
also in circulation and readership. Although kdam was printing 60,000
and Sabah 40,000 copies in the first days of the revolution, this did not
suffice. Newspapers were even sold on the black market and the price of
kdam (officially 0.25 kuru) rose to half a lira. The sales of Servet-i Fnun,

3For witnesses of the first days, see Hseyin Cahit Yaln, Siyasal Anlar (Istanbul:
Trkiye Bankas Kltr Yaynlar, 2000), 25, 2941; Ahmet hsan Tokgz, Matbuat
Hatralarm, ed. Alpay Kabacal (Istanbul: letiim Yaynlar, 1993), 120121, 126130; Ahmet
Emin Yalman, Yakn Tarihte Grdklerim Geirdiklerim 1, ed. Erol adi Erdin (Istanbul:
Pera Turizm ve Ticaret, 1997), 6871; Ahmet Emin (Yalman), The Development of Modern
Turkey as Measured by Its Press (New York: Columbia Universtity Press, 1914), 8687.
4Sina Akin, eriat Bir Ayaklanma 31 Mart Olay (Ankara: mge Kitabevi, 1994).
5Palmira Brummett, Image and Imperialism in the Ottoman Revolutionary Press, 1908
1911 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000), 3.
6For numbers see Orhan Kololu, Osmanldan 21. Yzyla Basn Tarihi (Istanbul: Pozitif
Yaynlar, 2006), 8788.
234 bora ataman and cem pekman

which was read by intellectuals and used to stand at only 1,000 before the
Constitution, rose steeply to 6,0007,000.7
Periodicals also flourished during the years of the Second Constitution.
Within the general boom, comics, of which Sultan Abdlhamid II had
been especially intolerant, saw a remarkable growth. Between 1908 and
1918, ninety-two comic papers were published.8 Other than comics, peri-
odicals for women, children, current affairs, sports, films, the professions,
academics/universities, literature, the arts, history, economics, science/
philosophy, military/war, advertising, and Turkic, Islamic, socialist, and
Western ideology were published.9 But, in order to understand thoroughly
the capitalisation and professionalisation of the Turkish press, one needs
to consider at the same time the improvements in printing technology
and quality. The relations between the owner, journalist, and the reader
are not only ideological but also, and maybe more crucially, economic
in nature when a state is being modernised and adapting quickly to new
market conditions. However, the patrons of the time were not like the
media moguls of our own era, and did not act solely as capitalists. For
example, ehbals owner, the author Hseyin Saadeddin, was a prominent
figure on the Ottoman cultural scene.

Hseyin Saadeddin (Arel): An Intellectual of the Second Constitution


Before discussing ehbal, one should consider its founder, the publisher
and writer, Hseyin Saadeddin, in order to be aware of the intellect behind
this unique epoch in the history of the Turkish press, and the basis of the
aesthetic achievement in this enterprise of 100 issues. Hseyin Saadeddins
motto was If something is worth doing, it should be done as well as pos-
sible. In addition to the variety and depth of his education, his distinctive
personality made him one of the wisest and most respected personalities
of his time.
He was born in Istanbul in 1880. His father was a leading member of the
ulema (Muslim legal scholars). Hseyin Saadeddin was sent to religious
primary school at the age of five, in conformity with the tradition among

7Yalman, Development of Modern Turkey, 87; Yalman, Yakn Tarihte Grdklerim


Geirdiklerim, 71; Tokgz, 104; Yaln, 41, 44.
8Turgut eviker, Geliim Srecinde Trk KarikatrII. Merutiyet Dnemi (19081918)
(Istanbul: Adam Yaynlar, 1988), 132.
9For more information about the periodicals of the Second Constitutional era, see
lk Grsoy, II. Merutiyet Dnemi Dergileri zerine Bir Deerlendirme, Dou Bat 46
(2008): 207221.
a champion of printing quality: ehbal journal 235

ulema families. When his father was appointed to the post of kad ( judge) in
Izmir, the family moved there. He went to the French college in Izmir and
took his high school diploma. According to ztuna, Hseyin Saadeddins
education in a Catholic school indicates that even though his father was
a member of the ulema, his attitude was liberal.10
In cosmopolitan Izmir, Hseyin started to learn German and English, as
well as French. He also followed the Islamic curriculum of the madrasah
(medrese) while at the French college and finished the middle school
madrasah course. But in 1896, to acquire the highest madrasah qualifica-
tion, his father sent him back to Istanbul.
Though Hseyin Saadeddin was later to become a great scholar of
Turkish classical music, in his youth he became acquainted with Western
music. Over time, his interest in Turkish classical music deepened and
he learned to play the oud, despite his fathers objections. Later he had a
proper musical education in Istanbul.11 In the meantime, he worked with
German, French, and Persian teachers at home and became literate in
these languages.
After graduating from the higher madrasah in Istanbul, he was enrolled
in the law faculty and graduated in 1906 with the top degree. As the best
English-speaking lawyer, he was sent by the government to the 1908 inter-
national congress of law in Washington, and in 1929 was elected to perma-
nent membership of the International Court of Justice at The Hague.
During the occupation of Istanbul, French forces seized his family home
and dispossessed him and his family. After independence, the departing
occupation forces set fire to the house. His famous library, comprising
around ten thousand books and hundreds of manuscripts, was lost in the
blaze. The ehbal collection was also destroyed in this fire. After 1922,
Hseyin Saadeddin started to collect a new library, which was to be the
much richer Arel Library, recognised as a major private library of music
and law.
He retired from state service when he was only thirty-eight, and devoted
the rest of his life mostly to Turkish music. He was the founder and first
president of the Turkish Philharmonic Association and the Turkish Law-
yers Association.12 He wrote many books and articles on Turkish music.
He was not only a theorist, but also a music teacher and composer. With

10Ylmaz ztuna, Saadettin Arel (Ankara: Kltr ve Turizm Bakanl Yaynlar, 1986), 12.
11Ibid., 14.
12Ibid., 64.
236 bora ataman and cem pekman

regard to publishing, after ehbal, he published Trklk between 1939 and


1940 and Musiki Mecmuas [Journal of music] from 1948 to his death.

ehbal: Main Features


ehbal13 forms one of the precious pages in the history of the Turkish
press, being a markedly aesthetic publication in both name and content,
an illustrated journal, about everything.14 In the course of one hundred
issues, it published nearly 4,000 photographs and 1,500 articles.15 With its
writers and photographic staff, it was a leading periodical of its time.
Ottoman intellectuals described ehbal as a journal du salon,16 com-
paring it with the famous French magazines LIllustration and Le Figaro-
Salon and the British London Graphic.17
In its first editorial, headed To our respected readers, ehbal states
that the increase in the number of journals and newspapers has had a
positive impact on the publics intellectual and scientific understanding,
and this fact is one of the innumerable benefits of liberation to which the
revolution has led. It then states that ehbal has decided to join this intel-
lectual convoy in 1909 and begin publishing.
The concept of the periodical was progress and innovation18 and the
motto was to rise and never to stop or decline.19 Thus it continued for
five years, embodying modernisation and Westernisation in the public
consciousness. Its content ranged from music to poetry, from philosophy
to scientific and technical innovations, from literary translation to wom-
ens affairs, from practical issues to daily politics, sports, fashion, etc. It
is possible to argue that ehbal was also an attempt at mass publication,
aiming to reach a wide range of readers of different professions and inter-
ests. In short, ehbal targeted each and every component of the Ottoman
bourgeoisie.

13eh-bal or ah-bal is a word which came into Ottoman from Persian, meaning the
longest feather of a birds wing. It is also a girls name. Ferit Develiolu, Osmanlca-Trke
Ansiklopedik Lugat (Ankara: Aydn Kitabevi, 2006), 984.
14ehbal, 1 (14 March 1909), 1.
15rfan Dadelen, Fotoraflar ile eh-Bal Dergisi Katalog ve Dizinler (Istanbul: BB Kt-
phane ve Mzeler Mdrl, 2006).
16ehbal, 1 (14 March 1909), 20.
17Referring to an article on ehbal in Sabah. ehbal, 5 (28 May 1909), 82; and ehbal, 20
(28 March 1910), 389. See also Yalman, Development of Modern Turkey, 114.
18ehbal, 3 (14 April 1909), 42.
19ehbal, 9 (14 August 1909), 166.
a champion of printing quality: ehbal journal 237

ehbal tried to build up a special relationship with its readers, a rather


interactive one. It even warned its distributors in Ankara, Bursa, Trabzon,
and Lefkoa (Nicosia) when they had failed to pay for six months. This
call was probably aimed at the readers as well, in order to make them
sensitive to this problem for the periodical. There was indeed a lively link
between the readers and the journal; an examination of the respected
readers columns demonstrates this close connection.
Editorials encouraged, sometimes even compelled the readers to share
the journals view of the content, articles, and visuals.20 In the 35th issue,
the journal even gives a message to readers who may not have found
what they were looking for: The reason for our inaction could be their
silence.21 At all events, the journal got a considerable response from its
readers: hundreds of letters, in ehbals words. In line with this response,
some parts of the periodical were actually removed, and it tried to comply
with requests about the quantity and quality of the visuals.22
Reader relations were not limited to letters from the general public.
ehbal also published reviews of the journal by famous writers and other
celebrities.23 Among other promotional activities, competitions were
important. For instance, in the 6th issue, ehbal announced a photogra-
phy, cartoon, and music competition for readers, with a prize of a years
subscription. This first competition attracted 126 entrants, including some
female readers.24
Later, ehbal continued to organise competitions. An interesting one,
reflecting also the cultural policy of the journal, was a competition to
find Turkish expressions for foreign words; 518 readers competed, again
including a few women. The foreign words chosen by readers to have
Turkish equivalents include bibliography, boycottage, caprice, caricature,
club, conference, decor, monologue, paradox, surprise, and taximeter. It
is interesting to note that these words still exist in Turkish in a form very
close to their original, showing that no Turkish substitutes have been
found snce then.
By the 86th issue ehbal had started to organise a lottery, to distribute
the sum of 50 lira to readers who collected coupons and won a draw-
ing competition. This is how we can infer that the journal had readers in

20ehbal, 14 (28 October 1909), 266; 15 (14 November 1909): 306.


21ehbal, 35 (28 February 1911), 202.
22ehbal, 25 (28 August 1910), 2; 11 (14 September 1909), 206.
23Seen especially in numbers 1621.
24ehbal, 10 (28 August 1909), 186187.
238 bora ataman and cem pekman

distant centres such as Diyarbakr, Suez, India, and Java. The readers there
asked for extra time to send their coupons to ehbals office.25
The licence holder of ehbal was Hseyin Saadeddin, who also wrote
articles on music under the pen name of Bedi Mensi (Forgotten Beauty).
The manager was first Ali Rza Bey, than Jacques Sayabalian, Nedimi Bey,
and Ali Rza Bey again. Occasionally, ehbal was published without a des-
ignated manager.
ehbal was bi-weekly, and its 100 issues were published between 14
March 1909 and 23 July 1914. Although there is no apparent reason for
ehbals closing down, World War I likely had an important impact.26
Just before the outbreak of the Trablusgarp War (Libyan War) between
the Ottomans and the Italians, ehbal was awarded first prize in an
international fair in Italy. This, entitled Esposizione Internazionale delle
Industrie e del Lavoro, Torino 1911 (the International Industry and Labour
Fair) had been organised to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Italian
kingdom in Turin;27 and the Ottoman Ministry of Commerce requested
that ehbal send a few of its issues to the organisers. At the end of the
fair, which included thirty-seven participant countries and lasted seven
months, ehbal received a gold medal for excellence and competence.
ehbals managers had forgotten, owing to the pressures of war, that they
had sent copies to the fair, until the consulate in Rome and representative
of the fair in Turin informed them about the medal. The journal published
the medal certificate in its 77th issue.28
Although ehbal was not involved in daily political controversy, through-
out its life it remained loyal to the ideals of the 1908 Revolution and had
friendly relations with ttihat ve Terakki (the Committee of Union and
Progress). The last issue of ehbal was prepared as a special issue, to coin-
cide with the 6th anniversary of the Revolution, and was published on
23 July 1914.

25ehbal, 90 (14 February 1914), 343.


26See Ahmet lmez, ehbal Mecmuas (Sivas: Cumhuriyet niversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler
Enstits, 1988), 19, 692; Dadelen, Fotoraflar ile eh-Bl; Sabine Prtr, ehbalein her-
ausragendes Beispiel frher trkischer Magazinpresse, Turcica 29 (1997), 441.
27Bureau International des Expositions, Exposition Information (18511931), Turin
1911, http://www.bie-paris.org.
28Alpay Kabacal, Cumhuriyet ncesi ve Sonras Matbaa ve Basn Sanayii (Istanbul: Cem
Ofset, 1998), 138; ehbal, 77 (14 June 1913), 95.
a champion of printing quality: ehbal journal 239

Technical Features
In its first issue, informing its readers about the features of the periodical,
the editors stated that the journals material virtues lay in its volume,
paper, visuals, layout, and print.29 The ones which the journal defined as
moral were those of its content, which are not examined in this article.
ehbal was then the most voluminous journal (i.e., largest in size) ever
published in Istanbul. The size was DIN A3 (280 mm 400 mm after cut-
ting). It was printed on imported papier couch and the covers were
of the same paper (up to the third volume), making 20 pages in total.
In the third volume ehbal began to use cardboard covers which carried
advertisements.
The reason for choosing the very expensive papier couch was cer-
tainly aesthetic. The combination of carefully edited articles and visuals
with paper of such quality resulted in a periodical unlike any that had
been seen in Ottoman printing up to that time. ehbal aimed to reserve
one page for each topic, so it preferred to include all the related articles
and visuals on one topic in a single page, in order not to bore readers with
many pages on the same subject, but to keep their interest alive by mov-
ing to something new on every page. This explains the unusual size of the
journal. However, occasional changes in this policy can be observed, for
instance, extensions to a second page or to the next issue, depending on
the importance of the subject.
ehbal not only contracted the most famous photographers in Istan-
bul, but also the major ones from other cities and other countries. Some
of these were Sabah & Joaillier, Phebus, Cargopoulo (Aydn), Dldlian
(Samsun), Apollon, G. Berger, Simon, Hilal, Sakb-Uskub, Mahruki Mahzar,
Resne, Hsn, Mayr Burton.30 In addition, leading painters were con-
tracted to draw headlines, illustrations to poetry and stories, cartoons, and
diagrams. The photographs and other visuals were engraved in important
European centres. We learn from the announcements made to readers
that the plates were prepared in Italy and Vienna.
The number of lines in a page was 52 with a headline and 62 without.
Normally there were three columns of 70 mm to a page, but this varied
according the arrangement of the photographs.
The journal planned to increase its volume from the outset; however
only its 8th issue, on the first anniversary of Merutiyet, reached 24 pages.

29ehbal, 1 (14 March 1909), 20.


30Dadelen, x.
240 bora ataman and cem pekman

All the remaining issues were 20 pages. But by the first issue of the second
volume (number 25), they could announce that the cover pages would be
used for printing articles, illustrations or advertising and this decision was
put into effect.31
Each volume of the journal was formed of 24 issues. Page numbers were
consecutive in each volume, thus making each volume 484 pages long.
Delays in publishing did not affect this system, which was a useful one
for subscribers, who were guaranteed to receive the promised number of
issues within a year or half year.
The administration of the journal was unusually expensive and the
price of each issue was set at 5 kuru. The newspaper Sabah thought
that this price was very high and suggested a reduction, if a wider read-
ership for such a quality publication was sought. ehbal did not agree
and responded that similar European journals were priced even higher,
although they might have a circulation of 100,000.32 Indeed, ehbal never
changed its price throughout its publishing life.
The price abroad was stated in British and French currencies, as 1 shil-
ling or 1.25 francs. The yearly subscription cost was 1 Ottoman lira.33 Thus
a yearly subscription for 24 issues cost the same as 20 separate issues. The
same rate was valid for foreign subscriptions, but subscribers had to pay
an extra 12 kuru for the cardboard packaging.
Besides sales and subscription revenues, advertising must have contrib-
uted to the journals income. From the 8th issue onward, ehbals covers
were open to advertising. Readers were warned not to take off the covers
when binding the volumes, for two reasons: first, the covers were also
numbered as pages and if they had been torn off these numbers would
have been missing, and second, ehbal wanted the carefully printed
advertisements to be preserved. Unfortunately no information remains
about the financial return to the journal for these carefully protected
advertisements.
ehbal moved to several printing houses during its lifetime, but
was always printed in Istanbul. The first 28 issues were printed in Agop
Matosyan, 29 to 44 in ant, 45 to 75 in Matbaa-i Hayriye and the last

31ehbal, 25 (28 August 1920), 2.


32ehbal, 5 (28 May 1909), 82. The normal price for a newspaper at this time was 10 para
(1 kuru=40 para), meaning that ehbals price was equivalent to that of twenty newspa-
pers. But another major journal of the day Resimli Kitab, was priced at 5 kuru as well. Its
quality was lower and its size smaller, but it ran to 96 pages.
33Exchange rates at the time were: 1 Ottoman lira=0.91 Pound Sterling=22.72 francs.
a champion of printing quality: ehbal journal 241

25 issues in Karabet printing houses. Technically, apart from printing,


everything was acquired from Europe. Although bookbinding was a well
developed craft in the Ottoman Empire, binders were also imported from
Germany.34 This degree of dependence on foreign imports was a main
reason for delays to some issues. But the managers declared that excel-
lence was the priority. The reason for one delay was stated to be the late
arrival of the paper.35
Finally, we may comment on the layout. ehbal had different identities,
in terms of the different sized photographs extensively used in its pages
and in terms of the articles published. A very interesting point is the unre-
lated use of photographs and articles on the same pages. Although the
reverse is also seen, generally speaking, the visuals and the content do not
complement each other, which seems astonishing, since modern readers
are conditioned to relate image and text. However, this was actually not
peculiar to ehbal but rather a general tendency of the periods journals,
stemming from structural reasons not discussed here.
The bulk of the photographs used in ehbal were of a military and
political type (the fleet, the army, political leaders), in line with devel-
opments in a world tumbling into war. Following these were royal por-
traits, landscapes from the provinces, and architectural photographs. The
advertisements and portraits exhibiting European/modern women and
their fashions, and photographs of actresses were also used extensively.
Another photographic theme was technological innovation. The improve-
ments in aviation were especially closely followed, and photos of zeppe-
lins and aeroplanes were published together with related articles.
Yet, as far as its written material was concerned, ehbal was obviously
a journal of opinion, literature, and music while still reserving plenty of
room for such subjects as technology, sports, the arts, and womens issues.
Its wide range of interest areas makes ehbal not only a periodical of the
utmost beauty, but also one with the richest content. In this respect,
ehbal shared the political and cultural ideals of the 1908 Revolution, and
was complimented for being an elegant ornament of the press in the Sec-
ond Constitutional era.

34ehbal, 25 (28 August 1910), 2.


35ehbal, 34 (14 February 1911), 182.
242 bora ataman and cem pekman

Conclusion

The second Merutiyet era is one of the brightest and most exciting peri-
ods in the history of Turkish journalism. It can be argued that the perma-
nent foundations of the Turkish press were laid in these years. Under the
influence of Westernisation, the field was modernised and transformed
in line with market forces, although the newspapers were more at the
stage of opinion journalism. More specifically, the second Merutiyet con-
stitutes the renaissance of Turkish periodicals.
In terms of aesthetics, ehbal is the unquestioned leader of the rich
periodical market, where form was bound to stay in the background
because of the mentality and financial conditions in those years. ehbal
was far ahead of its timeimporting stocks of paper, plates or binders
from Europe. With such quality challenging the technological, economic,
and sociocultural conditions of the period, its relatively long life of five
and a half years is also remarkable.
ehbal represents in certain ways perhaps the first example of the mass
journalism which would reappear almost half a century later. Thus fur-
ther research on ehbal needs to concentrate not only on its precocious
success, but also on its less well-known features, such as reader profiles,
financial sources, and relations with the political powers.

Bibliography

Primary Source
ehbal journal (published between 14 March 1909 and 23 July 1914), bi-weekly magazine,
publisher, and editor: Hseyin Saadeddin (Arel). Istanbul.

Secondary Sources
Akin, Sina. eriat Bir Ayaklanma 31 Mart Olay. Ankara: mge Kitabevi, 1994.
Ataman, Bora. Trkiyede ilk Basn Yasaklar ve Abdlhamid Sansr. Marmara letiim
14 (2009): 2149.
Brummett, Palmira. Image and Imperialism in the Ottoman Revolutionary Press, 19081911.
Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000.
Bureau International des Expositions. Exposition Information (18511931), Turin 1911.
http://www.bie-paris.org (accessed June 10, 2008).
eviker, Turgut. Geliim Srecinde Trk KarikatrII. Merutiyet Dnemi (19081918).
Istanbul: Adam Yaynlar, 1988.
Dadelen, rfan. Fotoraflar ile eh-Bal Dergisi Katalog ve Dizinler. Istanbul: BB Ktphane
ve Mzeler Mdrl, 2006.
Develiolu, Ferit. Osmanlca-Trke Ansiklopedik Lugat. Ankara: Aydn Kitabevi, 2006.
Grsoy, lk. II. Merutiyet Dnemi Dergileri zerine Bir Deerlendirme. Dou Bat 46
(2008): 207221.
a champion of printing quality: ehbal journal 243

Kabacal, Alpay. Cumhuriyet ncesi ve Sonras Matbaa ve Basn Sanayii. Istanbul: Cem
Ofset, 1998.
Kololu, Orhan. 1908 Basn Patlamas. Istanbul: Bas-Ha, 2005.
. Osmanldan 21. Yzyla Basn Tarihi. Istanbul: Pozitif Yaynlar, 2006.
lmez, Ahmet. ehbal Mecmuas. Sivas: Cumhuriyet niversitesi, SBE, 1988.
ztuna, Ylmaz. Saadettin Arel. Ankara: Kltr ve Turizm Bakanl Yaynlar, 1986.
Prtr, Sabine. ehbalein herausragendes Beispiel frher trkischer Magazinpresse.
Turcica 29 (1997): 433442.
Tokgz, Ahmet hsan. Matbuat Hatralarm. Edited by Alpay Kabacal. Istanbul: letiim
Yaynlar, 1993.
Yaln, Hseyin Cahit. Siyasal Anlar. Istanbul: Trkiye Bankas Kltr Yaynlar, 2000.
Yalman, Ahmet Emin. The Development of Modern Turkey as Measured by its Press. New
York: Columbia University Press, 1914.
. Yakn Tarihte Grdklerim Geirdiklerim, 1: 18881922. Edited by Erol adi Erdin.
Istanbul: Pera Turizm ve Ticaret, 1997.
Arabic and Bilingual Newspapers and Magazines in
Latin America and the Caribbean

Philipp Bruckmayr

The Arab migratory movement from the area of historical Greater Syria
to Latin America and the Caribbean, starting in earnest in the 1880s, coin-
cided with major publishing and printing endeavours in Egypt and the
Lebanon. Emigrants from the latter area, constituting the majority in the
stream of migrants, brought the literary, journalistic, and editorial ambi-
tion prevalent in certain circles of their homeland to the New World. The
first Arabic journal to be published in Latin America appeared in Brazil in
1894, and many more Arabic and bilingual magazines and newspapers fol-
lowed in its steps in a variety of Latin American and Caribbean countries,
with So Paolo, Rio de Janeiro, and Buenos Aires as main centres of the
Arab diasporic literary activity. This contribution is intended to present
an introduction to the subject as well as an overview of, and commentary
on, the different manifestations of Arab literary, journalistic, and editorial
activity in this vast region. Moreover, both its relevance for different local
readerships and, in certain instances, its impact on the countries of origin
will be highlighted.

Introduction

Unsurprisingly, the history of Arabic and bilingual magazines and news-


papers of Latin America and the Caribbean has received only scant atten-
tion in scholarship so far. The literary output of Arab diasporas has never
occupied an especially high place in the agendas of Arabic studies depart-
ments. Many of the limited scholarly ventures into the field were, quite
understandably, drawn toward the mahar literature of the United States,
with its luminaries, such as the world famous ibrn all ibrn (d. 1931)
and others of the New York-based Rbia al-Qalamya,1 rather than toward
more southern reaches of the Americas.

1Robin Ostle, The Literature of the Mahjar, The Lebanese in the World: A Century of
Emigration, ed. Albert Hourani and Nadim Shehadi (London: Centre for Lebanese Studies,
1992), 211223.
246 philipp bruckmayr

Fig. 1.Orientalist scholarship covered in the Mahar press: Philip K. Hitti in


al-liya (1925)
arabic newspapers and magazines in latin america 247

Moreover, the ubiquitous world of yesterdays newspapers and magazines


of course holdsin the majority of casesgreater appeal for the histo-
rian or the political scientist than for the student of literature. In the sub-
sphere of printing and publishing, which was undoubtedly nourishing as
well as being nourished by refined mahar literary figures to a significant
degree, a simple statistical exercise may serve to demonstrate the rele-
vance of the Latin American-Caribbean case.
In the period prior to 1929 this region saw the publication of 183 Arabic
newspapers and magazines, as opposed to the comparably modest num-
bers of 85 for North America, and 86 for Europe and Istanbul (47) together.
With at least 95 such publications, Brazil had thus far displayed greater
activity in the field than Palestine (82) or the United States (79). Argentina
(58) had produced more such formats than France (43) or the future Algeria
(28). Mexico, the only other Latin American state to have been home to
more than 10 Arabic newspapers and magazines at that time (17 to be
exact), was only narrowly displaced by the Dutch East Indies (19)2 with
their strong Hadrami community and its publishers.3 In addition to the
states already mentioned, Chile (8), Cuba (3), Uruguay, and the Domin-
ican Republic (one each) had also witnessed the publication of Arabic
newspapers and magazines at the time of arrzs 1929 survey.4 Later on,
Colombia, with al-Ittid (Unity),5 and Honduras, with al-Dif al-Arab
(The Arab Defence), had their own (extremely) short-lived Arabic press

2Flb D arrz, Tr al-ifa al-Arabya (Beirut: al-Mabaa al-Adabya, 191433,


repr. 1967), 4:492, 496. Of course this list does not enlighten us about the longevity of these
serials, or the number of issues produced by each of them.
3Whereas the Syro-Lebanese are the essence of the Atlantic Arab diaspora, spread
over the Americas, the Caribbean and West Africa, in addition to their strong presence in
Australia, France and early on in Egypt, the Hadramis of the Hadramawt in present-day
Yemen represent their counterpart in the Indian Ocean world. Ahmed Ibrahim Abush-
ouk and Hassan Ahmed Ibrahim (eds.), The Hadhrami Diaspora in Southeast Asia: Identity
Maintenance or Assimilation? (Leiden: Brill, 2009); Leif Manger, The Hadrami Diaspora:
Community-Building on the Indian Ocean Rim (New York: Berghahn, 2010). A rare case of
convergence of these separate Arab diasporic communities in the sphere of publishing and
journalism is the work as correspondent of the Indonesia-born Hadrami writer Sayyid M.
Asad ahab (commonly known by the acronym SMAS) for the Argentine al-aqfa (Cul-
ture). Mona Abaza, M. Asad Shahab: A Portrait of an Indonesian Hadrami who Bridged
Two Worlds, Southeast Asia and the Middle East: Islam, Movement and the Longue Dure,
ed. Eric Tagliacozzo (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009), 252.
4arrz, Tr, 4:492.
5Elie Safa, Lmigration libanaise (Beirut: Universit Saint-Joseph, 1960), 95.
248 philipp bruckmayr

organs,6 while in all the other listed countries (except the Dominican
Republic) the numbers of publications continued to increase until 1950.
In the following I provide an overview of the beginnings and the devel-
opment of Arabic and bilingual newspapers and magazines in the states
with which we are concerned.

Brazil

As noted above, Brazil was by far the greatest producer of Arabic news-
papers and magazines in Latin America. This, of course, was primarily
related to the numerical strength of the Arab element in the country.
Official Brazilian statistics indicate the entry of 106,184 Ottoman citizens,
most of whom were certainly Syro-Lebanese, into the country between
1891 and 1916. In the post-war period preceding the depression of the
1930s, the annual rate was between 1,000 and 5,000.7 By the late 1950s the
Lebanese(-descended) population of Brazil was estimated at 350,000.8 It
was accordingly also Brazil where the first Latin American Arabic news-
paper appeared in 1894. Surprisingly, the pioneer of Arab printing in Latin
America was not from one of the two major Brazilian cities, which natu-
rally drew the great majority of Arab settlers, but from the city of Campi-
nas (state of So Paulo): the weekly al-Fay (The Fragrant or The
Vast)9 founded by Salm and Duaybis Bli, natives of Zala in Lebanons
Beqaa plain.10 It was printed by the local al-Ra press with a fine typeface
akin to that of old Parisian Arabic typography.11 Salm Bli soon moved
on to establish al-Brzl in Santos in 1896 together with Ann al-Nar.
At first using a similar typographic style, which was deemed undesirable
by its founders, it soon appeared in beautiful Istambuli letters after a

6Al-Dif al-Arab existed for only a month. Yaqb al-Awdt (al-Badaw al-Mulaam),
al-Niqn bi-l-d f l-Amrik al-anbya (Beirut: Dr al-Rayn, 1956), 2:585.
7Clark S. Knowlton, The Social and Spatial Mobility of the Syrian and Lebanese Com-
munity in Sao Paulo, Brazil, The Lebanese in the World: A Century of Emigration, ed. Albert
Hourani and Nadim Shehadi (London: Centre for Lebanese Studies, 1992), 291ff.
8Safa, Lmigration libanaise, 16. Nowadays parts of the community are (unconvinc-
ingly) claiming that there are 6 to 10 million Syro-Lebanese descendants residing in Brazil.
John Tofik Karam, Another Arabesque: Syrian-Lebanese Ethnicity in Neoliberal Brazil (Phila-
delphia: Temple University Press, 2007), 10ff.
9The name is the epithet of the cities of Damascus and Tripoli (Lebanon). Paulo
Gabriel Hilu da Rocha Pinto, rabes no Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Cidade Viva,
2010), 77.
10Safa, Lmigration libanaise, 65.
11 arrz, Tr, 4:450 (and n. 1).
arabic newspapers and magazines in latin america 249

switch to the local Syrian Printing Press.12 Later that year the first Arabic
newspaper of Rio de Janeiro (capital of Brazil until 1960) emerged from
the joint activities of Asad lid and Nam Labak,13 hailing respectively
from Baabd and Baabdt in Mount Lebanon;14 they began publishing
the liberally-inclined al-Raqb (The Observer).15 As is shown below,
Labak likewise played an important role in the nascent sphere of Ara-
bic publishing in So Paulo. With regard to Rio de Janeiro, al-Raqb was
soon followed by al-awb (Reason, est. 1900) of ay abb al-r and
Ml Murd, a publicist working first in Brazil and then in Argentina,
and ukr iris Anns al-Adl (Justice) in 1901.16 The last two were
significant publications whose longevity stands out among the generally
short-lived majority of diasporic Arabic newspapers. In fact, the former
was continuously published until 1920, whereas al-Adl even remained in
circulation until 1940.17
Prior to 1950 Rio de Janeiro witnessed the emergence of at least 42 Ara-
bic newspapers and 5 magazines.18 Because of its dynamism Rio de Janeiro
was also the first city in the Americas to host an umbrella association of
Arab publicists and journalists, namely the Lebanese Press Association
(Associao da Imprensa Libanesa).19 Most of its newspapers and maga-
zines were founded as a result of individual initiatives. Among the respec-
tive publicists we even find figures displaying truly international activities;
the Beirut-born Munr al-Labbd is a good example. After establishing
Rios al-ima (The Capital) newspaper in 1919, he went on to launch
three other newspapers in Baghdad, Beirut, and Rome between 1924 and

12Ibid., 4:450451 (and n. 2).


13Both Labak and Ml Murd (see below) had earlier worked in important positions
at al-Fay. Juan Yser, El movimiento literario americano-rabe en Amrica Latina, El
mundo rabe y Amrica Latina, ed. Raymundo Kabchi (Madrid: Prodhufi, 1997), 352.
14Safa, Lmigration libanaise, 64.
15arrz, Tr, 4:438; Pinto, rabes no Rio de Janeiro, 98.
16Al-awbs headquarters were moved by Murd to Belo Horizonte in 1909 and later
(at an unknown date) to Tucumn (Argentina). This move presumably postdated his
involvement in the magazine al-ima (est. 1922) in So Paulo and his 1929 establishment
of al-Rw magazine in Buenos Aires. arrz, Tr, 4:438; al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:576,
580, 582. Evidently, his activities as a publicist unfolded in at least five different cities in
two countries.
17Pinto, rabes no Rio de Janeiro, 98.
18These are all listed by al-Awdt. Nine of the newspapers and three of the magazines
date to the period 19271950, whereas the rest appear to have escaped the attention of
arrz (Tr, 4:438442, 470), who lists all in all 32 newspapers and magazines with the
latest entry belonging to 1926. Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:567569, 580.
19Pinto, rabes no Rio de Janeiro, 98ff.
250 philipp bruckmayr

1932.20 Just as the dominance of Christian Arabs in early Syro-Lebanese


migration to the Americas in general, and in the sphere of journalism and
publishing in particular, is routinely emphasised, it should also be noted
that at least al-Labbd as well as Muammad Zayn, the founder of
the al-Istiqll (Independence) newspaper (1921) were from a Muslim
background.21 But not all such publications represented individual endea-
vours. Thus al-abba al-Srya (The Syrian Youth, 1903)22 was published
by the Society of Syrian Youths (amyat al-ubbn al-Sryn), and al-
Arza (The Cedar, 1922/1926) by the Lebanon Cedar Society (amyat
Arzat Lubnn).23 Naturally, many of the local Arabic media outlets, partic-
ularly from 1910 onward, were disseminating their political visions for their
homeland, with a remarkable breadth of positions ranging from sympathy
toward the French to Syrian, Lebanese, and pan-Arab nationalism.24
Apart from Rio de Janeiro, the other major centre of Arab publishing
in Brazil was naturally the metropolis of So Paulo. There the first Arab
newspaper was established in 1898: al-Ama of all Mallk and ukr
al-r.25 The latter is a particularly noteworthy figure, because his novel
entitled Tufat al-mmya f qiat Finyns [The common gift in the
story of Finianos] was the first book to be published in Arabic in Brazil.26
The next two local Arab newspapers to see the light were both founded
by Nam Labak, whom we have already encountered above as a pioneer
of Arab publishing in Rio de Janeiro. In So Paulo he put out al-Munir
(The Interlocutor) in 1898 (together with Fris Simn Nam)27 as well
as aly l-nal (The Beehives) in 1901. Interestingly, upon his return
to Lebanon, Labak continued al-Munir from 1910 onwards in Beirut
and then in his native Baabdt,28 most probably making it the first Arab

20arrz, Tr, 4:440.


21 Ibid.
22Ibid., 438.
23According to arrz (Tr, 4:440442), the newspaper was first established in 1922
under the name of the society and was then (in 1926) changed to merely al-Arza. More-
over he clearly differentiates both titles from the Arzat Lubnn newspaper founded by the
Lebanese-born Ysuf Ayyb al-itt in 1916, which was, like al-Arza, still being published
in 1929. On the other hand, Pinto (rabes no Rio de Janeiro, 98) holds the latter (taken to
have been established in 1916) to be the direct precursor to Arzat Lubnn (under its new
name from 1922 onwards) as the official organ of the association.
24For concrete examples see Pinto, rabes no Rio de Janeiro, 98ff.
25Al-r originated from Bikfay in Mount Lebanon. Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:668.
26Safa, Lmigration libanaise, 67.
27Nam was later also involved in launching another local newspaper, al-add (The
New, 1911).
28arrz, Tr, 4:442444.
arabic newspapers and magazines in latin america 251

Fig. 2.Page from al-liya newspaper (Sao Paulo, est. 1922) citation: Philip Hitti
Papers, IHRC894, Box 33, Immigration History Research Center, University of
Minnesota
252 philipp bruckmayr

newspaper from the Americas to be granted a second life in the Mid-


dle East. Presumably the publication conveyed to a certain degree the
Kiyanist29 outlook of its founder, who became deeply involved not only in
the press but also in the politics of his homeland.30
Generally, So Paulo showed an even greater activity in the field of Arab
literature and publishing than Rio de Janeiro, and this equally applies,
at least until 1950, to the sphere of newspapers and magazines. arrz
lists 49 titles (that is, 17 more than for Rio de Janeiro). Among those, 14
were still in circulation in 1929,31 compared to only 3 in Rio de Janeiro.
Al-Awdt counts 7 more Arabic newspapers (i.e., 47) and 22 more maga-
zines (all in all 27) for So Paulo than for Rio de Janeiro until 1950.32 Safa
furthermore lists one newspaper (al-Arr) evidently founded after that
date.33 Another indicator pointing to the fact that So Paulo was indeed
the main centre of Arabic publishing in all of Latin America and the
Caribbean is the existence of independent Arab publishing houses and
printing presses. In contrast to the other two major sites of activity, Rio
de Janeiro and Buenos Aires, where, at least according to the information
provided by al-Awdt, all the Arabic printing presses were directly con-
nected to specific newspapers, this seems not to have been the case in So
Paulo. Thus al-Awdt encountered four Arab printing presses working on
an independent basis (all founded between 1922 and 1947),34 even though
some of their (joint) owners were likewise active in the field of news
paper/magazine production and journalism.35

29The label Kiyanist is commonly applied to those politically identifying with the sta-
tus quo and the idea of an entity (kiyn) of Greater Lebanon under the French Mandate,
irrespective of religious group identity. Raghid el-Solh, Lebanon and Arabism: National
Identity and State Formation (Oxford: Centre for Lebanese Studies, 2004), 6.
30He served as speaker of the Executive Committee from 19201922 and as a repre-
sentative of Mount Lebanons Maronites in the first Representative Council of 1922. Solh,
Lebanon and Arabism, 31; Kais M. Firro, Inventing Lebanon: Nationalism and the State under
the French Mandate (London: I.B. Tauris, 2003), 224n38.
31arrz, Tr, 4:442448, 470472. Six of these, however, had started publication
only in 19271929.
32The aforementioned al-Ama is to be found in both the newspaper as well as the
magazine section. Yet, the two different launching dates given seem to suggest a relaunch
in another format, which would thus justify the double counting. Six of the newspapers
and sixteen of the magazines were founded after 1929 (19321955). Al-Awdt, al-Niqn,
2:569571, 580ff.
33Safa, Lmigration libanaise, 65.
34Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:586ff.
35For example, the sn brothers of the al-Fay publishing house (here the name
was most obviously chosen due to their birthplace Tripoli), which was founded in 1922,
arabic newspapers and magazines in latin america 253

In this context the afad press (est. 1947) and its founder aml afad
should be mentioned. The latter penned numerous books in both Arabic
and Portuguese, including Portuguese-language works on the Arab pres-
ence, literature, and publishing in Brazil,36 many of which were published
in his own Editora Comercial Safady.37 The importance of Arab publishing
in the city can also be highlighted by comparing its output with that of
other local immigrant communities. At a certain point in the early years of
Getlio Vargass post-revolutionary Estado Novo (New State, 19301945),
four out of eleven local newspapers not written in Portuguese were Arab.38
Among the longest running were undoubtedly Prof. Sad Ab amras
al-Afkr (Thoughts, est. 1903) and Ab l-Hawl (The Sphinx, est. 1905),
another endeavour of the local (Maronite) pioneer ukr al-r.39 Indeed,
Ab l-Hawl and Fat Lubnn (Youth of Lebanon, est. 1914), another long-
running newspaper founded by the industrious (Orthodox) Rad Aya,40
were reportedly the Latin American Arabic newspapers with the highest
circulation.41
Despite the brevity of its existence, mention must also be made of all
Sadas al-arda (The Newspaper), founded in 1920. An eminent pub-
licist, all had already set up al-Maalla (The Magazine, est. 1915) with
its cultural and political focus in Buenos Aires. This publication is credited
with having been the first to call for independence from the Ottoman
Empire and a free Greater Syria, a tendency which was early on shared by

were likewise involved with the magazine Musmart al-Muhir (Nightly Migrant Con-
versations, est. 1922), as well as with the newspaper al-Ittid (Unity, est. 1935).
36Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 1:367ff.
37See, for example, Jamil Safady, Panorama da imigrao rabe (So Paulo: Editora
Comercial Safady, [1960]) and his Antologia rabe do Brasil (So Paulo: Editora Comercial
Safady, [1960]).
38Jeff H. Lesser, From Pedlars to Proprietors: Lebanese, Syrian and Jewish Immigrants
in Brazil, in The Lebanese in the World: A Century of Emigration, ed. Albert Hourani and
Nadim Shehadi (London: Centre for Lebanese Studies, 1992), 406.
39arrz, Tr, 4:442.
40Ayah had founded al-Abr al-Itimya wa-l-Adabya (Social and Literary News)
in Rio de Janeiro and the literary magazine al-Riwyt al-Arya (Modern Stories) in
So Paulo the year before. After the ban on non-Portuguese publications (see below) was
lifted, he returned to the scene in 1946 with his new newspaper Brzl-Lubnn. Al-Awdt,
al-Niqn, 2:567, 570ff., 580. It should be noted that, before his relocation to the New
World, Aya had already served as newspaper editor in both Egypt and Lebanon. More-
over, he was himself a prolific author. Ibid., 1:343347.
41 Christoph Schumann, Nationalism, Diaspora and Civilisational Mission: The Case
of Syrian Nationalism in Latin America between World War I and World War II, Nations
and Nationalism 10 (2004), 601.
254 philipp bruckmayr

Brazils aforementioned al-Afkr.42 In So Paulo all Sada was, in addi-


tion, the driving force behind the prestigious literary and political maga-
zine al-Rbia (The League, est. 1929).43 The Sada family was closely
related to that of Nam Labak. Their sons Ann Sada (b. 1904 in Leb-
anon) and Sal Labak (b. 1906 in So Paulo) were childhood friends.
Later, the former not only became a major publicist (in Argentina and
Lebanon) like both their fathers, but also the founder of the Syrian Social
Nationalist Party (al-izb al-Sr al-Qawm al-Itim, est. 1932), whereas
Sal Labak became a poet, party member and secretary to his childhood
friend in the mid-1930s.44
Of course, another prestigious, though comparably late-coming,
medium must be mentioned. In 1935 the eminent local literary club
al-Uba al-Andalusya45 (The Andalusian League), itself founded only in
1932 by Ml Malf as a southern counterpart to New Yorks al-Rbia
al-Qalamya,46 began to publish its own journal entitled al-Uba with the
Lebanese abb Masd as its editor-in-chief.47 Both the club and the jour-
nal, which was distributed in American and Arab countries, subsequently
played a paramount role in Arabic literary activity in Brazil and beyond.48
After an involuntary hiatus during 19411945, al-Uba resumed publica-
tion from 1947 onwards. In 1953 the activities of both the league and the
journal came to an end.49 Its second president, Rad al-r (who took
office in 1938) was among the pioneers of Arab publishing in So Paulo

42Mara del Mar Logroo Narbona, The Development of Nationalist Identities in


French Syria and Lebanon: A Transnational Dialogue with Arab immigrants to Argentina
and Brazil, 19151929 (PhD diss., University of CaliforniaSanta Barbara, 2007), 93ff.
43Schumann, Nationalism, 602. In 1919 he announced the foundation of his National
Democratic Party (al-izb al-Dmqrt al-Waan) in al-Maalla. Ibid., 604. Al-arda
later explicitly referred to itself on its front page as presenting politics in a non-partisan
way (siysa bi-l taazzub). See Albert Hourani and Nadim Shehadi (eds.), The Lebanese
in the World (London: Centre for Lebanese Studies, 1992), pl. 31. Al-Awdt (al-Niqn,
2:571) lists al-Rbia among newspapers and credits the Syrian Patriotic League (al-Rbia
al-Waanya al-Srya) with its establishment. The latter was founded by Sada in 1923.
Yser, Movimiento literario, 339.
44Franck Salameh, Language, Memory, and Identity in the Middle East: The Case for
Lebanon (Lanham, MD: Lexington, 2010), 131ff.
45Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 1:270272; Safa, Lmigration libanaise, 66ff.; Ostle, Litera-
ture, 223ff.; Yser, Movimiento literario, 339349.
46r ayda, Adabun wa-udabun f l-mahir al-Amrkya (Cairo: Mabaat
al-Risla, 1956), 216.
47Ibid., 282. On his life and works see al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 1:335338.
48ayda, Adabun, 216220.
49Neuza Neif Nabhan, La comunidad rabe en Brasil, El mundo rabe y Amrica
Latina, ed. Raymundo Kabchi (Madrid: Prodhufi, 1997), 223.
arabic newspapers and magazines in latin america 255

with his al-Rumz (The Signs) established already in 1902.50 Besides


the league other literary, religious, and political associations were also
active in the local Arabic publishing scene. Examples from the religious
sphere include the early al-Manra (The Lighthouse, est. 1901) of the
Maronite Charitable Society51 and al-Nara (The Publication, est. 1933)
of the Islamic Charitable Society.52 In the political (nationalist) sphere,
al-Waan al-urr (The Free Homeland, est. 1923) could be mentioned: it
was run by the Syrian National Party (al-izb al-Waan al-Sr),53 which
was founded under the brief Sharifian regime in Syria (19181920), at the
initiative of Damascene notables.54
Apart from the places already mentioned (Rio de Janeiro and So Paulo,
as well as Santos and Campinas with their single contributions), at least
thirteen more Arabic newspapers (and one magazine) were established in
eight other cities of Brazil, from Manaus in the Amazon55 to Porto Alegre in
the deep South), during the first half of the twentieth century.56 Notwith-
standing its thriving condition, an almost fatal blow was dealt to Arabic
publishing in Brazil by the ban on print media in foreign languages, which
was in force from 1941 to 1945. This period saw most Arabic newspapers
and magazines close down, whereas others, such as the highly successful
Fat Lubnn (Youth of Lebanon) as well as al-arq (The East, est. in
So Paulo in 1928 by Ms Karm)57 continued as Portuguese-language
publications, now called Brasil-Lbano and O Oriente respectively.58 After
the lifting of the ban only ten new (or in some cases revived) Arabic

50Ostle, Literature, 223; al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:569. On this personality and his
writings see ayda, Adabun, 221ff. In 1906 he had moved al-Rumz to Buenos Aires.
Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:582.
51 arrz, Tr, 4:442; al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:569.
52Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:571.
53arrz, Tr, 4:446; al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:571.
54EI, s.v. izb, 3:521.
55For an intra-community perspective on early Syro-Lebanese settlement in the
interior of Brazil see Tanus Jorge Bastani, A emigrao libanesa para o Brasil, Album
da Colnia Srio-Libanesa no Brasil, ed. Salomo Jorge (So Paulo: Sociedade Impressora
Brasileira, [1944]), 121131.
56Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:572ff., 581.
57Born in Yabrd in Syria (not far from the border with Lebanon) into a Syriac Chris-
tian family, he worked initially at Ab l-Hawl before embarking on his own initiative.
arrz, Tr, 4:447n1.
58Safa, Lmigration libanaise, 66. Safa has Brasil-Portugal which is presumably a mis-
take, as that title would have been rather anomalous, and it evidently resumed publication
in Arabic again in 1946 as Brzl-Lubnn. Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:571. One of al-arqs well
known contributors was the Lebanese-born author and educator Tawfq Qurbn. ayda,
Adabun, 283. On his life and works see also al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 1:358361.
256 philipp bruckmayr

newspapers and magazines went into operation until the early 1950s (eight
in So Paulo and the remainder in Rio de Janeiro),59 clearly testifying to
the decreased activity in the field. Naturally, the gradual loss of the Arabic
language by subsequent generations began to be felt in Brazil as elsewhere
in the Americas, thus reducing the demand for local Arabic media.

Argentina

Argentina proved to be the second hotspot for the publication of Ara-


bic and bilingual newspapers and magazines in Latin America, and there
was moreover considerable cross-border activity by certain actors in
the field as well as by certain publishing outlets. The country, like Bra-
zil, received a substantial number of Syro-Lebanese migrants in the late
nineteenth/early twentieth century, with approximately 137,000 arrivals
between 1888 and 1914.60 So in the country of the Rio de la Plata the first
pieces of Arabic journalism and publishing also emerged in the late nine-
teenth century, with Buenos Aires as the centre of activity. Accordingly,
1898 saw the establishment of the al-iqa (The Thunderbolt) newspa-
per on the initiative of Father Yann Sad (Juan Said). The following
year, he changed the format of the publication by turning it into the new
magazine ad l-anb (Echo of the South). Likewise, the newspaper
al-ub (The Morning) appeared in 1899 in Buenos Aires.61 All of these
were very short-lived, lasting only a few months. It should, however, be
noted that the latter publication represented the first steps in the field
of ukr al-r (this time aided by all Mallk and all wl),62 who
soon became highly successful with Ab l-Hawl after relocating to Brazil.
Al-ub, however, proved to be a failure, although he reportedly travelled
up and down the country to promote it.63
After these modest beginnings an Arab press began to develop in
earnest during the first decades of the twentieth century, not only in
Buenos Aires but likewise in other cities with major concentrations
of Syro-Lebanese-immigrants. Interestingly, some of the earliest models

59Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:569, 571, 581.


60Ignacio Klich, Criollos and Arabic Speakers in Argentina: An Uneasy Pas de Deux,
18881914, in The Lebanese in the World, ed. Hourani and Shehadi, 244.
61 Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:574, 582.
62arrz, Tr, 4:456.
63Abdelouahed Akmir, La inmigracin rabe en Argentina, in El mundo rabe y
Amrica Latina, ed. Raymundo Kabchi (Madrid: Prodhufi, 1997), 98.
arabic newspapers and magazines in latin america 257

of this period were destined to be among the most successful and long-
lasting. Thus, the second and third new foundations of the century, Wad
amns64 al-Salm (Peace, est. 1902) and Ml Samrs al-Zamn
(Time, est. 1905),65 were both still in circulation in the 1950s.66 Al-Salm
furthermore had its own printing press67 and was the first in the country
to be printed with modern Arabic typography. It was also, apart from New
Yorks al-Hud, the first mahar newspaper to celebrate the 50th anniver-
sary of its existence.68
Less successful was al-liya (The Colony, est. 1910), whose founder
can nevertheless be seen as representative of the truly international
character of the Arabic diasporic press, owing to his personal record of
newspaper production in Paris (Brs, est. 1908), Buenos Aires, and then
So Paulo (al-Brzl, est. 1915).69 But in general longevity seems to have
been easier to achieve in Argentina than in neighbouring Brazil, as can
be inferred from the fact that in the 1950s there were still 17 active Arabic
press outlets in the country, 14 of which (12 in Buenos Aires, the remainder
in Tucumn) had been founded before 1940.70 It has even been claimed
that Argentina saw, until the late 1950s, the coming and going of approxi-
mately 150 Arabic newspapers and magazines,71 thereby reaching more
or less the same number as in the Brazilian case. This claim cannot be
substantiated with reference to al-Awdts seemingly quite comprehen-
sive survey a few years earlier. He lists 83 titles (to which at least two
have to be added),72 mostly based in Buenos Aires, but also including
17 from Tucumn, 5 from Crdoba, 3 from Santiago de Estero and one

64The nephew of Kaml amn, president of Lebanon, 19521958. ayda, Adabun,


299.
65arrz, Tr, 4:456; al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:574.
66Safa, Lmigration libanaise, 73.
67Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:587. The author further notes four other newspapers which
had their own printing presses.
68ayda, Adabun, 299.
69arrz, Tr, 4:456n2.
70Safa, Lmigration libanaise, 7376.
71 Ibid., 73.
72Al-Awdt omits mention of al-idq (The Truth, est. 1900), which is listed by arrz
(Tr, 4:456). Both have moreover failed to take note of the Jewish-owned al-la (Emi-
gration, est. 1917). Ignacio Klich, Arab-Jewish Coexistence in the First Half of 1900s
Argentina: Overcoming Self-Imposed Amnesia, in Arab and Jewish Immigrants in Latin
America: Images and Realities, ed. Ignacio Klich and Jeffrey Lesser (London: Frank Cass,
1998), 32n62; Akmir, Inmigracin rabe, 100. In contrast, al-awb, which was moved
from Brazil to Tucumn, is listed twice, which seems to be erroneous.
258 philipp bruckmayr

from Mendoza.73 In these cities the beginnings of a local Arab press were
marked by the establishment of al-Sriy l-Fat (Young Syria, est. 1914),
al-akm (The Wise Man, est. 1908), al-Falaq (Daybreak, est. after
1929),74 and al-Yaqa (The Awakening, est. 1928), respectively.
As in Brazil, a particular mixture of individual journalistic effort, politi-
cal interest groups, religious and/or nationality-based community build-
ing endeavours, as well as the activities of literary clubs accounted for the
diversity and the flourishing of a lively Argentine Arabic language press. In
the literary sphere the local counterpart to the Andalusian League, albeit
established much later, was al-Rbia al-Adabya (The Literary League,
est. 1949).75 Many of its founding members had by that time been highly
active in the fields of journalism and newspaper publishing for years.
Thus, r Assf was editor-in-chief of al-Salm and awd Ndir of the
eminent bilingual al-arda al-Srya al-Lubnnya / Diario Siriolibans
(The Syro-Lebanese Daily, est. 1929), whereas a few others were owners/
founders of newspapers or magazines such as Ysuf al-rm (al-Mawhib
[The Gifts], est. 1945), Ilys Qunul (al-Manhil [The Springs], est. 1937),
Abd al-Laf al-ain (al-lam al-Arab [The Arab World], est. 1934),
and r awy (Yaqat al-Arab / Accin rabe, est. 1919 and al-Il /
La Renovacin, est. 1929).76 The latter had, earlier, founded Sriy l-adda
(The New Syria) newspaper in Boston77 and was then, as prospective
honorary consul in Beirut, the first Syro-Lebanese recruited into Argen-
tinas foreign service.78
In the political sphere the field was diversified from the outset and
became increasingly so. Al-idq (see n. 70), with the crescent in its logo,79
and al-lam al-Uthmn (The Ottoman World, est. 1917) represented the
Ottoman-loyalist trend. Sayf al-Dn al-Ral, the founder of the latter as

73Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:574576, 582584.


74Date unknown; not listed by arrz, Tr, 4:462.
75Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 1:387f.; ayda, Adabun, 297f.
76Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 1:387. On Assf and Qunul and their literature see ayda,
Adabun, 299303; al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 1:423f., 426428. On awy, al-rm, and
al-ain, see al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 1:414420; for Ndir, ibid., 1:434ff. A strong focus on
awy is moreover provided by Mara del Mar Logroo Narbona, La actividad poltica
transnacional de las comunidades rabes en el mahyar argentino: el caso de Jorge Sawaya,
in Contribuciones rabes a las identidades iberoamericanas, ed. Karim Hauser and Daniel
Gil (Madrid: Casa rabe, 2009), 211231.
77Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 1:414.
78Klich, Criollos and Arabic Speakers, 254n26.
79Akmir, Inmigracin rabe, 98.
arabic newspapers and magazines in latin america 259

well as of al-arq (The East, est. 1921), ran his own printing press, which
also later put out the first partial Spanish translation of the Qurn to be
published in Argentina (in 1945).80 In contrast, r awys newspapers
clearly reflected his convictions as founder of al-izb al-Waan al-Arab /
Partido Patritico rabe (Arab Patriotic Party) and later on of izb
al-Istiqll al-Aqr al-Arabya (Party for the Independence of the Arab
Regions), which was also the reason his planned posting to Beirut never
materialized in the face of French opposition.81 Of particular interest
is, of course, the newspaper founded by the Druze Emir Amn Arsln
(d. 1943), Consul General of the Ottoman Empire in Argentina from 1910
and a well-established publicist.82 Although initially he was firmly behind
the Young Turk Committee for Union and Progress and then during the
war a supporter of the French, his al-Istiqll (Independence, 19261929)
was one of the main Arabic anti-French organs from Argentina/Brazil.83
Moreover, it represented a particular strand within local pan-Arab/nation-
alist anti-colonial thought and activism. Arslns major political rival at
the other end of the spectrum at that time was clearly the aforementioned
all Sada.84 Subsequently it was the latters son who soughtwith lim-
ited successto make an equally important contribution to Arab politi-
cal publishing in Argentina after the establishment of his Syrian Social
Nationalist Party. As a result of involuntary exile in Latin America from
1939 to 1947, much of which was spent in Tucumn,85 Ann Sada,

80Hamurabi Noufouri, Contribuciones argentinorabes: entre el dato y la imaginacin


orientalista, in Contribuciones rabes a las identidades iberoamericanas, ed. Karim Hauser
and Daniel Gil (Madrid: Casa rabe, 2009), 148149.
81 Logroo Narbona, Development, 117ff.; idem, La actividad poltica, 216222.
82He published the journal Kaf al-niqb (The Lifting of the Veil) in Paris in the 1890s
and the Spanish weekly La Nota in Buenos Aires (19151920). Kaf al-niqb was the official
organ of the Turkish-Syrian Committee. At that time Amn Arsln was regarded as one
of the main leaders of the reform movement and the Young Turks. M. kr Haniolu,
The Young Turks and the Arabs before the Revolution of 1908, in The Origins of Arab
Nationalism, ed. Rashid Khalidi, et al. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 34ff.
La Nota was the only Arab newspaper directed at a general Argentine audience. Noufouri,
Contribuciones argentinorabes, 129 and 149.
83Logroo Narbona, Development, 92 and 116ff.
84Mara del Mar Logroo Narbona, The Woman Question in the Aftermath of the
Great Syrian Revolt: A Transnational Dialogue from the Arab-Argentine Immigrant Press,
al-Raida 24 (2007): 59.
85Schumann, Nationalism, 602; Michael Humphrey, Ethnic History, Nationalism and
Transnationalism in Argentine Arab and Jewish Cultures, in Arab and Jewish Immigrants
in Latin America: Images and Realities, ed. Ignacio Klich and Jeffrey Lesser (London: Frank
Cass, 1998), 173.
260 philipp bruckmayr

who had earlier replicated his fathers al-Maalla in Lebanon from 1933
onwards,86 was forced to become a mahar writer and publisher again.87
Although shortly before his exile he also contributed to Brazils al-arq,88
the prime vehicles for the transmission of the party line were first the
fortnightly al-Zawbaa (The Cyclone, 19391947) in Buenos Aires and
then So Paulos al-Sriy l-adda (The New Syria, est. by the party
in 1950).89 Despite the limited local appeal of the party, it allegedly still
owned the foremost Arabic printing press in Latin America in the early
1990s. Financed through private donations from sympathisers, this is clear
testimony to its prolonged efforts to promote the Arabic language in the
diaspora as one way to lobby for its political goals,90 and this certainly
also contributed to the revival of the party in Lebanon and Syria (where
it was legalised to contest elections in 2003) since the 1990s.91
The true epitome of the Arab press in Argentina, however, and the only
one really to have an appeal to the mainstream was the bilingual daily
al-arda al-Srya al-Lubnnya / Diario Siriolibans.92 Acting as the self-
appointed official organ of the local Arab community, it claimedby way
of gross exaggerationto have a daily circulation of up to 38,000 copies.93
Although the actual numbers allegedly did not exceed 5,0008,000 cop-
ies, it clearly had a far greater readership than its main contenders, which
are estimated to have had a circulation of 1,0001,200 each.94 Among the
latter, the more competitive organs, both economically and in the contest
for readers and subscribers, were al-Awl (The Issues, est. 1935) as well

86Schumann, Nationalism, 605.


87Besides working in Brazil at his fathers al-arda and al-Maalla, he also founded
his first newspaper, al-aba (Nature, est. 1928) there. Ibid., 602; al-Awdt, al-Niqn,
2:571.
88Schumann, Nationalism, 616.
89Ibid., 602 and 608; Klich, Arab-Jewish Coexistence, 33n69; al-Awdt, al-Niqn,
2:575, 581.
90Estela Valverde, Integration and Identity in Argentina: The Lebanese of Tucumn,
in The Lebanese in the World, ed. Hourani and Shehadi, 320.
91 Eyol Zisser, The Syrian Phoenixthe Revival of the Syrian Social National Party in
Syria, Welt des Islams 47 (2007): 188206.
92Klich, Arab-Jewish Coexistence, 18.
93Ibid., 3.
94Ibid., 33n77. In contrast, New Yorks pre-eminent al-Hud estimated its readership in
1905 to be approximately 10,000. Akram Fouad Khater, Inventing Home: Emigration, Gen-
der, and the Middle Class in Lebanon, 18701920 (Berkeley: University of California Press,
2001), 88.
arabic newspapers and magazines in latin america 261

as awys aforementioned al-Il,95 which after a six-month hiatus was


relaunched as an Arabic-only publication in 1931.96

Mexico

Although the emergence of Arabic and bilingual publishing in Mexico


took until the twentieth century, chronologically the country was not
far behind Brazil and Argentina in that respect. The honour of establish-
ing Mexicos first Arabic newspaper fell to Ml iris al-B with
al-Sihm (The Arrows) in 1905, closely followed by al-arq (The East,
est. 1906) of Aql al-Bialn. The latter was one of those pioneers of Arab
publishing in Latin America who had already been active in the field at
other way stations of their migrant experience. Thus, he was likewise
the founder of Mamr Lubnn (Storehouses of Lebanon, est. 1905) in
Marseilles,97 which he presumably sought to replicate later in Mexico by
baptising his next newspaper (the fifth of its kind in the country at that
date) al-Mamr (The Storehouses, est. 1909).98 ad l-Maksk (Echo of
Mexico, est. 1908), Mexicos third Arabic newspaper was in turn founded
by Sad Fil Aql,99 a member of a Lebanese family deeply involved in
the Arab press in the Middle East: we find journalists and newspaper own-
ers in Lebanon as well as a correspondent for Egypts famous al-Ahrm
(The Pyramids) among his relatives. His own Mexican journal proved
comparably successful and eventually remained in print until the 1940s.100
Another diligent Arab publicist in Mexico was Ysuf li al-il (born
in Lebanese Baabda), the maternal grandfather of Carlos Slim (rated as
one of the worlds richest men). After having the first Arabic printing
press in the country sent over from Lebanon, he founded the bilingual
al-awir (Thoughts, est. 1908) and al-lam (The World) in 1921; he

95Akmir, Inmigracin rabe, 101. Whereas Akmir has 1931 as founding date of
al-Awl, al-Awdt (al-Niqn, 2:582) has 1935.
96It eventually ceased publication in 1936. Logroo Narbona, La actividad poltica,
224ff.
97arrz, Tr, 4:420n1.
98According to Safa (Lmigration libanaise, 81) this was a joint enterprise with Sad
Fil Aql (see below).
99arrz, 4:420f. and n. 2. Safa (Lmigration libanaise, 82) lists a different founder/
proprietor for this paper instead.
100Kevin Smullin Brown, The Lebanese of Mexico: Identifications in Aspects of Litera-
ture and Literary Culture (PhD thesis, University of London, 2010), 263.
262 philipp bruckmayr

relaunched al-awir in 1924.101 He also had his own literary salon in


Mexico City, which was known as the Liga Libanesa from 1922 onwards102
(quite an early date compared with similar groups in Brazil and Argen-
tina). Al-awirs Spanish content, which was initially minimal, grew
steadily after Ysuf lis son Antonio became editor-in-chief in 1927.103
According to al-Awdts count, 15 Arabic newspapers and 6 maga-
zines were established in Mexico up to 1950.104 At least one of these
(al-Amr [The Leader], 19371968) should, however, be removed from
the list, as it was a Spanish-language publication targeting the local Syro-
Lebanese(-descended) readershiprepresenting a new phase in Arab
publishing in the country.105 Strikingly, Mexicos longest-running Arab
organ, al-urbl (The Sieve, est. 1923), was bilingual and lasted almost
70 years.106 In 1989 it was turned into El Informativo de al-Gurbal, which
appeared five times a year with a circulation of 5,000 copies.107 It ceased
publication in 1991 after its Arabic sections had been reduced to one-fifth
of the overall content in the 1980s.108

Chile

In Chile an Arab press emerged almost a decade later than in the Mexi-
can case. As in Argentina, the first Arabic newspaper appeared on the
initiative of a cleric. It was Father Blus al-r who established al-Murid
(The Guide) in Santiago de Chile in 1912. It was soon followed by al-
Minbar (The Pulpit, 19151917) of Ysuf Masad.109 Although all subse-
quent Arabic publications of Chile were (like the two foregoing) based in
the capital, the third of its kind, al-Munr (The Enlightening, est. 1916)
was founded in the city of Concepcin, also by Masad. Later that year the
magazine al-Awif (Feelings) appeared. All in all at least eighteen Arabic

101Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:578.


102Brown, Lebanese of Mexico, 20.
103Ibid., 263.
104Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:578, 585.
105Safa, Lmigration libanaise, 82. Only advertisements in Arabic were to found in
al-Amr.
106Carlos Martnez Asaad, Los libaneses inmigrantes y sus lazos culturales desde Mx-
ico, Dimensin Antropolgica 44 (2010), 138.
107Roberto Marn Guzmn, Los inmigrantes rabes en Mxico en los siglos XIX y XX,
El mundo rabe y Amrica Latina, ed. Raymundo Kabchi (Madrid: Prodhufi, 1997), 144.
108Brown, Lebanese of Mexico, 264.
109Safa, Lmigration libanaise, 101. This one is mentioned neither by arrz nor
al-Awdt.
arabic newspapers and magazines in latin america 263

newspapers and magazines were released in Chile in the period before


1938, after which date no more have been recorded.110 Given the predomi-
nant role of men in the mahar press, it should be emphasised that one
of these publications can be credited to an experienced female publicist:
Labba Him was the founder of the magazine al-arq wa-l-arb (The
East and the West, 1923). Emerging from the Lebanese community of
Cairo, she had already published her own Fatt al-arq (Young Woman
of the East) magazine in Egypt in 1906. After her brief stint in Chile (1921
1924) she returned to Cairo to resume publication of the latter.111
In the political sphere, al-Tafhum (Harmony), which was originally
established in 1917 by Ann aml (likewise the founder of al-Awif )
seemingly underwent a relaunch under the direction of the Franco-
Oriental Committee in 1923.112 In contrast to this pro-French contribution,
al-Waan (The Homeland, est. 1948) as the organ of the United Front of
the Arab Youth (abhat al-abba al-Arabya al-Muttaida)113 must have
reflected pan-Arab tendencies. Owing to language loss, however, the local
Arab community gradually came to rely on Spanish-language magazines
such as al-lam al-Arab (The Arab World)114 and Laiazul, which was
established by the Syro-Brazilian Assis Fres in Santiago in 1945.115 In
the 1950s there were no traces of Arabic printing presses and publishing
houses left in Chile.116

Uruguay, the Dominican Republic, and Cuba

In Uruguay a local Arab press developed only on a very modest scale.


Nevertheless, it wasafter Brazil, Argentina and Mexicothe fourth
Latin American country to have an Arabic newspaper. As early as 1907

110Al-Awdt (al-Niqn, 2:577, 585) lists fourteen newspapers and two magazines.
Safa (Lmigration libanaise, 101), however, catalogues two additional ones: al-Minbar and
al-Waan al-Awwal (The Original Homeland, est. 19191921).
111 Mari Isabel Lzaro Durn, La prensa del Mahar en Chile: la revista Laiazul (1945),
Miscelnea de estudios rabes y hebraicos 47 (1998), 189. At an unknown date, either before
her return to Cairo or before her arrival in Chile, she was also co-founder of a newspaper
likewise called al-arq wa-l-arb in Santiago del Estero (Argentina). Al-Awdt, al-Niqn,
2:576. As arrz does not include it in his list, it is more likely that it represented a con-
tinuation of the Chilean publication.
112Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:577; arrz, Tr, 4:464.
113Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:577.
114Safa, Lmigration libanaise, 101.
115Lzaro Durn, La prensa, 196.
116Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:587.
264 philipp bruckmayr

Montevideo witnessed the first issue of al-Urwa al-Wuq (The Firmest


Bond), a newspaper published by Ilys ibrn Qan, who probably took
his inspiration for this title from the pioneering journal of the same name
edited by aml al-Dn al-Afn and Muammad Abduh in Paris (1884).117
Despite these early beginnings, we know of only one more Arabic news-
paper to appear in the country, namely al-Waan (The Homeland, date
unknown); the local Club Libans evidently chose the Spanish monthly El
Lbano as its official organ in the 1920s.118 Similarly, the Dominican Repub-
lic had established its sole mahar press organ before the advent of the
Arab press in Chile: al-ura al-Adabya (Literary Audacity) appeared
there in 1910.
In contrast, the scene was much livelier in Cuba. There, seven Arabic
newspapers were founded before the 1940s, the first of which was al-Irtiq
al-Sr (The Syrian Ascent, est. 1914). With al-Farans wa-l-arq (France
and the East, est. 1919) the local French-loyalist camp could also boast its
own media outlet.119 By the early 1940s, and even more so at the time of
the Cuban revolution in 1959, use of, and interest in, the Arabic language
among local Syro-Lebanese descendants were already very low. Accord-
ingly, community newspapers, which still existed until the close of the
twentieth century (for example El rabe, 19801997) addressed their read-
ership in Spanish.120 This is not surprising, as the beginnings of a Spanish-
language Arab press in Cuba likewise date back to the 1910s.121

Concluding Remarks

Evidently, the field of Arabic and bilingual newspaper and journal pub-
lishing in Latin America and the Caribbean from the latter part of the
nineteenth to the middle of the twentieth century was a lively and diverse
one. Its participants were, to a large degree, first-generation Syro-Lebanese

117al al-Dn al-Bustn (ed.), al-Urwa al-wuthq wa-l-awra al-tarrya al-kubr


(Cairo: Dr al-Arab, 1957).
118Noufouri, Contribuciones argentinorabes, pl. 18.
119Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 2:579.
120Euridice Charon Cardona, The Arab Minority since the Cuban Revolution (1959
1990s), in Lebanese Diaspora: History, Racism and Belonging, ed. Paul Tabar (Beirut: Leba-
nese American University, 2005), 170ff., 176 and 184; Rigoberta D. Menndez Paredes, Del
Medio Oriente a la mayor isla del Caribe: los rabes en Cuba, in Contribuciones rabes a
las identidades iberoamericanas, ed. Karim Hauser and Daniel Gil (Madrid: Casa rabe,
2009), 37ff.
121Menndez Paredes, Del Medio Oriente, 33.
arabic newspapers and magazines in latin america 265

migrants, many of whom had already been active in the field either in
the Middle East (particularly in Lebanon and Egypt) or at way stations of
their earlier migratory experience in Europe or the United States. Owing
to the often short-lived character of their publications, many publicists
had more than one newspaper or magazine in their eventual or temporary
Latin American or Caribbean home. Especially between Brazil and Argen-
tina (and to a lesser degree between those and Chile) there was a signifi-
cant degree of cross-border activity in the field, with not only publicists
and journalists (such as ukr al-r or the Sadas), but also newspapers
and magazines (such al-awb moving from Brazil to Argentina or al-arq
wa-l-arb from Chile to Argentina) travelling to establish themselves at
different locations. Of course, such exchanges and cross-fertilisation were
even stronger in the sphere of ideas, particularly with regard to political
thought along nationalist, pan-Arab or loyalist (both Ottoman and French)
lines. Similarly, some of the newspapers and magazines themselves were
not only distributed locally but throughout the region and to the home-
lands. In fact, the most complete collection of Arabic press items from
the region is held by the al-Asad National Library in Damascus.122 In this
respect, the transplantation of Arabic newspapers and journals from Latin
America to the Middle East (as was the case with Nam Labaks for-
merly Brazilian al-Munir) or the establishment of Middle Eastern jour-
nals after a mahar model (such as Ann Sadas Lebanese replication of
his fathers Argentine al-Maalla) is certainly noteworthy. Generally, the
emergence of many of the publications presented and discussed above
was driven by the political struggle, not so much in but for the homeland.
The number of newspapers and magazines associated with political par-
ties, interest groups, and thinker-activists is surely impressive. It is never-
theless only comparatively recently that scholarship has started to take
note of the highly important impetuses which the liberation struggles of
Greater Syria, the Arab Nation, Syria, Lebanon, Palestinewhatever the
projected goals and territories werereceived from such Latin America-
based thinker-activist publishers and their efforts.
The main figures among the latter were undoubtedly the Sadas
(Argentina/Brazil) and Labaks (Brazil), Amn Arsln, r awy (both
Argentina) and Ysuf li al-il (Mexico). Yet it was not only Middle
Eastern politics that profited greatly from the Latin American Arab press.
One of its beneficiaries was certainly Arabic literature in general. As we

122Pinto, rabes no Rio de Janeiro, 97.


266 philipp bruckmayr

have seen, the other main actors behind the Arab press in Latin America,
besides the political thinkers, were the mahar literati and their circles
and salons in Buenos Aires, So Paulo, and Mexico City.123 Many of them
wereas indicated abovequite strongly involved, before as well as after
the establishment of their literary leagues, in newspaper and magazine
publishing. The role of Latin American mahar literati was long taken to
be insubstantial compared with that of their US-based counterparts. It
has been noted, however, that, although Arabic literary activity started in
both regions very much at the same time, the South American tradition
in some respects seems to have been longer lasting.124 Moreover, at a
safe (geographical as well as mental) distance from traditionalist attitudes
toward the Arabic language and literature prevailing in the Middle East,
Arabic poetry underwent specific developments in the mahar, making it
difficult to overestimate its contribution to modern Arabic poetry.125 This
said, the influence of Latin American mahar poetry and prose distrib-
uted not only via books, collections, and anthologies, but more particu-
larly through magazines such al-Uba and the many other publications,
either run by mahar literati or according space to their works, was admit-
tedly significant.
One major shared goal was of course the preservation of the Arabic
language in the mahar, despite the existence of bilingual formats right
from the outset and the fact that many of the writers and journalists con-
cerned likewise wrote and published in Spanish or Portuguese. Accord-
ingly, a number of them were also involved in Arabic language instruction
and the establishment of Arabic schools. Nam Labak, who founded the
Madrasat al-Fal in Rio de Janeiro in 1900, similarly established, in the
same year, the Riwq Ab l-Al (Ab l-Als Quarter), another institution
for language learning in So Paulo.126 Nevertheless, gradual language loss
proved to be a largely inevitable diaspora reality. A common tendency
toward a reduction of Arabic content in bilingual publications, as well
as toward the publication of Spanish or Portuguese-language publications
designed to fulfil the demands of the community was, from the late 1930s

123Needless to say, the attributes of political activist or writer and poet/author often
converged in the same person.
124Paul Starkey, Modern Arabic Literature (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press,
2006), 61.
125Ibid., 62.
126Al-Awdt, al-Niqn, 1:241f.
arabic newspapers and magazines in latin america 267

onwards, perceptible in all the countries discussed, and gained momen-


tum in subsequent decades. The latter aspect is exemplified by organs such
as Mexicos al-Amr and al-urbl and Chiles Laiazul. Likewise the great
appeal and outreach of the Diario Siriolibans in Argentina was certainly,
to a significant degree, based on its bilingual character. In Brazil, the 1940s
ban on publishing in foreign languages naturally accelerated a process
of slow decline of the Arabic language press that was already underway.
Nevertheless, it has been claimed, probably with some exaggeration, that
up to 127 Arabic newspapers and magazines appeared in So Paulo alone
in the period up to 1980, which would imply that about fifty new ones
were established locally after the period scrutinised for this study (i.e.,
1890s1950s).127 Yet, among major Arab magazines of Brazil today, such as
Carta do Lbano, Chams, al-Nur, Orient Express and al-Urba (Arabism),
all except the last-named, which is bilingual and published by So Paulos
Muslim Charitable Society, are in Portuguese.128

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Beirut: Mabi Dr al-dir, 1967.
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Lebanese in the World: A Century of Emigration, edited by Albert Hourani and Nadim
Shehadi, 313337. London: Centre for Lebanese Studies, 1992.
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Zisser, Eyol. The Syrian Phoenixthe Revival of the Syrian Social National Party in Syria.
Welt des Islams 47 (2007): 188206.
A Short History of Kurdish Publishing and Prospects
for its Future

Blair Kuntz

The people who call themselves Kurds inhabit an area of Asia known
as Kurdistan, a region that today is divided between Turkey (northern
Kurdistan), Iran (eastern Kurdistan), Iraq (southern Kurdistan), and Syria
(western Kurdistan), with smaller populations in Azerbaijan and Arme-
nia. Over time, Kurds have contributed to the cultures of many civilisa-
tions and empires, but they have also had their own distinct culture and
history which can be attested by the number of Kurdish principalities that
emerged after the first millennium CE.
In the twentieth century, however, history has not been kind to the
Kurds. Although after World War I, the Treaty of Svres promised local
autonomy for the land where the Kurd element predominates,1 the prom-
ise of a Kurdish nation was never formalised and the Kurdish population
was divided between five states. When the 1925 Sheikh Said rebellion
against the new Turkish republic was defeated, the Kurdish people saw
their national aspirations crushed. In subsequent years, the only signifi-
cant manifestation of national self-determination occurred in 1946 with
the creation of the short-lived Republic of Mahabad in Iran, which lasted
less than a year.
In the search for self-determination, what has united the Kurds has
been their language (although, as we shall see, for centuries Kurds have
not been able to communicate using one common language). While a
majority of Kurds have also been united in their embrace of Islam, Kurds
pre-date Islam; and also, since the arrival of Islam, there have always been
minorities of Alevi Muslim, Christian, Jewish, Yezidi, and, in the twentieth
century, secular Kurds. Today, the number of Kurds is estimated at twenty
to twenty-five million, making them the largest ethnic group in the world
not occupying its own nation state. In the twentieth century, the Kurd-
ish language in every country in which the Kurds live has been subject

1M. Hakan Yavuz, Five Stages of the Construction of Kurdish Nationalism in Tur-
key, in Kurdish Identity: Human Rights and Political Status, ed. Charles G. Macdonald and
Carole A. OLeary (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007), 15.
272 blair kuntz

to what can be termed linguicide,2 owing to prohibitions placed on the


language and forced assimilation (which makes it difficult to estimate the
actual number of Kurdish speakers). Unfortunately this extends to some
Kurdish nationalists in northern Iraq, who urge the Kurdish administra-
tion there to assimilate Kurdish speakers of, among others, the Kurmanji
and Hawrami language varieties.
Despite the number of Kurdish speakerswhich places the language as
one of the worlds more robust languagesthe Kurdish language can be
said to balance on a fragile precipice. This fragility is still present, despite
self-administration in Iraqi Kurdistan since 1991 and also recent limited
relaxations on language laws in Turkey. Moreover, an additional problem
for the language is that it is divided into two scripts: Roman and modified
Arabic. Mirroring this split is the division between the two major dialect
divisions, Sorani (spoken mostly in Iran and Iraq) and Kurmanji (spoken
mostly in Turkey and Syria).
In addition, it is also necessary to mention the substantial financial and
political obstacles to publishing languages viewed by the majority as infe-
rior and subject to restrictions, and it should also be noted that because
Kurds in Iran, Turkey, and Syria cannot study Kurdish in public schools,
learning to read Kurdish is a skill that must be acquired in other ways,
a situation that affects the widespread distribution of Kurdish materials.
Finally, in addition to restrictions on language use, another obstacle to
effective publication is government censorship in the countries in which
Kurds live.
Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, it is surprising to review the actual
number of Kurdish works which have been published, and it is exciting to
witness the prospects for the future of Kurdish publishing. Certainly, the
revolution in communication technology that includes the Internet and
satellite TV has benefited many national minority languages in the world,
not just the Kurds. This paper offers a brief history of Kurdish publishing
and, more importantly, discusses the prospects for its future. However,
because the Kurds remain divided across several countries, this paper
must inevitably divide itself likewise, and it must also discuss the situation
of Kurdish publishing in the Kurdish diaspora living outside Kurdistan.

2Amir Hassanpour, Nationalism and Language in Kurdistan, 19181985 (San Francisco:


Mellen Research University Press, 1992), 144.
a short history of kurdish publishing 273

The Kurdish Language

Kurdish is an Indo-European language which belongs to the northwestern


division of Iranian languages. As such, it is quite different from Turkish
and Arabic, which belong to other language families. In turn, however,
Kurdish is subdivided into the two major language varieties of Kurmanji
(the majority language variety) and Sorani, and also the smaller varieties
of Feyli, Kermanshahi, and Laki (spoken mostly in Iran and closer to mod-
ern Persian than Sorani) and the Zaza (also known as Dimili)-Goran group
(spoken mostly in northwestern Kurdistan). Grammatically, Kurmanji and
Sorani differ as much as English and German; however, the differences in
vocabulary are probably as little as Dutch and German.3
In Iraq, a country in which Kurdish language rights have been for
the most part more respected than in other countries in which Kurds
are numerous, a codification process for Sorani script has proceeded
on the basis of normalising the Suleimani sub-variety and orthographi-
cally, the Kurds use a modified Arabic alphabet.4 However, Syrian and
Turkish Kurds employ a standardised Roman script (in spite of the fact
that Arabic is the majority language in Syria). The situation is further com-
plicated by the fact that the Cyrillic alphabet was used by Kurds who lived
in what was the Soviet Union. Even more problematically, in Turkey until
1928, Kurdishlike Turkishwas written in modified Arabic script. As
the vast majority of students in Turkey never learn the modified Arabic
script, this means that a large number are denied access to their printed
heritage. It is probable that, in the event of a common Kurdish cultural or
political alliance, Roman script would eventually win out over modified
Arabic script since students in both Iran and Iraq learn foreign languages
using Roman script, while their counterparts in Turkey (who represent
the majority of Kurds) do not learn Arabic or Persian. However, in the
absence of political unity, or at least some kind of transnational cultural
forum such as the Inuit Circumpolar Conference which unites the Inuit of
Canada, Greenland, Alaska, and Russia, or the co-operation which exists
between the Sami people of Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Russia, the
split between Sorani modified-Arabic script and Romanised Kurmanji
script remains an obstacle.

3David McDowall, A Modern History of the Kurds (3rd ed. London: I.B. Tauris, 2004), 9.
4Hassanpour, Nationalism, 460.
274 blair kuntz

Kurdish Publishing in Northern Kurdistan (Turkey)

The Kurds who inhabit the area of northern Kurdistan comprise the larg-
est population of Kurds in any of the four major divisions (estimates range
from 10.6 to as high as 15 million) and in total they represent more than
half of the entire Kurdish population in the world. According to one Kurd-
ish researcher, in 1997 the Kurds accounted for 30 per cent of Turkeys
population,5 although other researchers estimate them as 19 per cent.6
Despite their large numbers in Turkey, Kurds in this region have per-
haps suffered more than in any other place. The treaty of Lausanne (1924)
granted ethnic and linguistic rights only to non-Muslim minorities such
as Greeks, Jews, and Armenians. Even before the signing of the treaty, in
March 1924, publications in Kurdish were banned, and in 1925 the law
was expanded to outlaw speaking Kurdish at all. Kurdish names of towns
and cities were changed to Turkish ones, Kurds became Mountain Turks
whose language was supposedly a Turkish dialect, the words Kurd and
Kurdish were erased from maps and books, and Kurdish children who
spoke Kurdish in schools were beaten. As late as 1964 boarding schools
for Kurdish students were established in the hope that studying in a
totally Turkish environment would encourage them to forget their mother
tongue.7
The policy was a marked change from that of the Ottoman Empire,
in which Kurdish newspapers, magazines, and books were allowed to
be published. Many were banned for political reasons, but the language
itself was not prohibited and was permitted as a language of instruction
in schools. In total, during the Ottoman era about thirty Kurdish books
written in different alphabets (including Armenian and, of course, modi-
fied Arabic) were published.8
After the establishment of the Turkish Republic, as already mentioned,
Kurdish was ruthlessly suppressed. A Kurdish national movement came
to the fore in the 1960s and 1970s, and attempts were made to publish
books and periodicals in Kurdish, but every attempt was dealt with
severely. During the entire period from 1923 to 1980 publishing in Kurdish

5M. Malmisanij, The Past and Present of Book Publishing in Kurdish Language in Turkey
and Syria (Istanbul: Vate Yayinevi, [2006?]), 12.
6McDowall, Modern History, 34.
7Hassanpour, Nationalism, 133.
8Malmisanij, Past and Present, 44.
a short history of kurdish publishing 275

was exceedingly difficult; in those years, not more than twenty titles were
published in Turkey.9
The 1982 constitution expressly forbade the spread of ideas via what
it termed banned languages. Publishing houses which printed and dis-
tributed such materials were closed and the publishers imprisoned. From
1980, when a military junta seized power, it was impossible to publish
books in Kurdish: laws were passed punishing people who did so. Even
possessing a Kurdish book was cause for punishment. Kurdish writers
were arrested and tortured, even killed.
The ban on the Kurdish language was officially revoked in 1991, while
Article 28, which forbade publication in prohibited languages, was
rescinded in October 2001. Kurdish was permitted to be taught privately
(an expensive proposition), but there was no provision for offering it in
public schools where it would be most effective. Moreover, the Kurdish
alphabet is still not recognised in Turkey, and use of the Kurdish letters X,
W, Q, which do not exist in the Turkish alphabet, has led to prosecution
and harassment.10 Since 2006, numerous human rights activists and politi-
cians from southeastern Turkey have been prosecuted, including Abdullah
Demirba, mayor of Sur, Diyarbakrs central district, who was dismissed
from his position and faced prosecution for providing Kurdish-language
services to his constituents. In February 2008, the mayor of Diyarbakr,
Osman Baydemir, was acquitted of charges of publishing invitation cards
in Kurdish, Zaza, English, and Armenian, in addition to Turkish;11 however
in March 2008, he went on trial for publishing a storybook in Turkish and
Kurdish. Prosecutors sought jail sentences for Baydemir and three other
defendants.
After 2002, under pressure from the European Union, broadcasting in
Kurdish was permitted, but with severe restrictions and censorship. Kurd-
ish-language materials in both public and academic libraries in Turkey
continue to be extremely rare and not much effort is devoted to collect-
ing them. In reality, it appears that the Turkish government wishes to
ease minority language requirements just enough to join the European
Union, but not enough for the minority languages to flourish (in other
words the Turkish government might be said to be legally illegalising the

9Ibid., 48.
10Publishing a Bilingual Book in Turkey Lands a Kurdish Mayor in Hot Water, online:
www.ekathimerini.com, 15 March 2008.
11 Turkey: Diyarbakr Mayor Acquitted of Publishing Invitation Cards in Kurdish,
online: www.semakurd.net, 9 February 2008.
276 blair kuntz

language). As education in the mother tongue is a key element of the


United Nations conventions on human rights, the restriction of Kurd-
ish language instruction to private courses along with the limitations on
broadcasting can still be said to constitute linguicide.
Nonetheless, the easing of such restrictions has opened up new pos-
sibilities for publication in Kurdish that have not been seen in decades.
From 1991 to the lifting of the ban on the use of Kurdish in 2005, for
example, 608 Kurdish books were published12 whereas, as we saw above,
in the entire period from 1923 to 1980 only twenty were published. Still,
many obstacles remain, not least of which are the economic difficulties
of publishing in a language in which people have not been allowed to be
educated. Another problem is the paucity of books published in science
and technology; for now, the great majority is in the genres of fiction and
poetry. The improvement, however, in the situation of Kurdish publishing
is a small miracle, as is the fact that many publishing houses are appear-
ing in eastern Turkey, particularly Diyarbakr (which also hosts book fairs
highlighting Kurdish publications, despite continued government inter-
ference), whereas in the past most were located in Istanbul and, to a lesser
degree, in Ankara. The arrival of Internet blogging, electronic publishing,
and websites have also offered a place where Kurdish can be used and
published freely: in cyberspace it is much more difficult to supervise the
ban on the letters X, W, and Q.

Kurdish Publishing in Southern Kurdistan (Iraq)

The Kurds who inhabit what is present-day Iraq are about five to six mil-
lion people, constituting about 17 per cent of the total Kurdish population.
Because the Iraqi constitution offered autonomy to its provinces, Kurdish
cultural rights have been more protected in Iraq than in other countries in
which they live. However, this does not mean that Kurds in Iraq have not
been subjected to attempts at forced Arabisation. Indeed, the history of
the Kurds in Iraq since World War I has been one of missed opportunity
and betrayal, leading to intermittent uprisings, repression, deportations,
and mass killings.
However, because of the generally more autonomous position of the
Kurdish minority vis--vis the Iraqi government, the history of Kurdish

12Malmisanij, Past and Present, 52.


a short history of kurdish publishing 277

publishing in Iraq is quite different from that of its neighbours. In contrast


to Syria and Turkey, where the Kurdish language was banned, Kurds in
Iraq, where the language is an official one along with Arabic, have been
free to publish and broadcast in Kurdish, and this state of affairs contin-
ued even under the brutal regime of addm usayn. In fact, the Kurdish
language in Iraq has received government support; however, this does not
mean that publishing in Kurdish has not faced very real obstacles. For
instance, by the end of the monarchical period the lack of printing facili-
ties had become a major impediment to publishing Kurdish materials,
and many authors were forced to print at their own expense.13
The fall of the monarchy in 1958 led to an enormous increase in pub-
lishing activity. Indeed, under the government of Abd al-Karm Qsim,
Kurds achieved impressive cultural gains. Although the Kurds had cul-
tural freedom under the monarchy, they were subject to certain limita-
tions, especially where culture and politics intermingled.14 Under Qsim,
the Kurds also created a new directorate general for Kurdish education,
while the Kurdish programmes on Baghdad radio increased from two to
four hours. Unlike the situation in Turkey, Iran, and Syria, Kurdish books
were placed in public and university libraries. Nevertheless, Kurdish cul-
tural gains in Iraq should not be exaggerated. The total number of books
published from 1920 to 1985, for example, including textbooks, was only
2,265, while the number of pamphlets was only 2,040. While this figure for
Kurdish-language materials may seem impressive compared to the record
of Iraqs neighbours, in fact it is quite low compared to world standards,
and as in other Kurdish-inhabited countries, the number of scientific and
technical books published was minimal. Moreover, in the field of educa-
tion, the status attached to non-Arabic has always been inferior, Kurd-
ish schools often did not receive their fair share of the education budget,
and the reality was that Kurdish was for the most part only offered at
the primary and sometimes intermediate, but not secondary, levels (only
Suleimaniya University allowed teaching in Kurdish). The consequences
of this policy are evident even today in Iraqi Kurdistan, where many Kurd-
ish scholars still write in Arabic.15
Since the de facto independence of the Kurdish regions of Iraq after
1991, matters have changed drastically and the Kurdish language has

13Hassanpour, Nationalism, 174.


14Wadie Jwaidah, The Kurdish National Movement: Its Origins and Development (Syra-
cuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2006), 288.
15Editorial, Middle East Report 247 (2008), 48.
278 blair kuntz

naturally taken a leading place in the areas under Kurdish control. The
autonomous zone acts as a beacon for Kurds in other areas and the Kurds
in Iraqi Kurdistan have attempted to reach out to their Kurdish breth-
ren in the realm of Kurdish cultural affairs. For instance, although Iraqi
Kurdistan still adheres to the modified Arabic script of Sorani Kurdish,
the Kurdish Democratic Party has increasingly come to use Roman script
in an attempt to reach out to Turkish Kurds. Meanwhile, international
book fairs in cities such as Erbil highlight the offerings of Kurdish publish-
ers. The March 2007 Erbil International Book Fair, for example, presented
over 3,000 Kurdish books. Moreover, the Minister of Higher Education
and Scientific Research in Iraqs Kurdistan region announced that the
government had allocated a budget for buying books from the fair for the
regions universities.
The Iraqi autonomous zone has also seen the establishment of two
daily papers and a number of periodicals. For the most part, however,
readership remains low, and it is difficult to obtain funding or advertis-
ing revenues. It has also been hard to overcome the linguistic divisions
between Sorani and Kurmanji.

Kurdish Publishing in Eastern Kurdistan (Iran)

The situation of the Kurdish language in Iran, and of the Kurds themselves,
differs from that of other countries in several respects. Unlike Turkey,
Iraq, and Syria, for instance, where Kurds are by far the largest linguistic
minority, Iranian Kurds are only one of a number of linguistic minorities.
Indeed, according to the Unrepresented Nations and People Organiza-
tion (UNPO), an international organisation which represents indigenous
people, occupied nations, and occupied states, the number of people for
whom Persian is the mother tongue is not more than one-third.16 Other
sources, however, estimate the number at half.
The largest linguistic minority group in Iran is the Azeri Turkish popu-
lation, which constitutes 20 to 24 per cent of the total. The Kurdish popu-
lation of Iran is about five or six million, representing about seven per
cent of the population of Iran (approximately one-quarter of all Kurds in
the world), and is the third largest linguistic group in Iran after Persian
and Azeri speakers. There are a number of other linguistic minorities.

16UNPO, UNPO General Assembly Joint Member Resolution, online: www.unpo.org,


16 June 2003.
a short history of kurdish publishing 279

Irans cultural policy, which gives precedence to Persian, thus affects not
only Kurdish, but all minority languages. While these languages have not
been banned as they were in Turkey, they are prohibited in schools, and
according to the UNPO, no cultural institutions or activities are tolerated
among non-Persian nationalities. Persian history is taught as official Ira-
nian history, while the history of the other national groups is ignored,
even though they represent at least half of the population.
The second factor affecting the condition of Kurds in Iran relates to
the Kurdish language itself (most Kurds in Iran speak the Sorani dialect,
which is written in modified Arabic script like Persian): it is also an Indo-
European language like Persian. So even though Kurdish is not intelligible
to Persian speakers, some believe that the Kurds should be their allies
against alien Turks and Arabs.17 At the same time, however, while claim-
ing to have these historical and racial links with the Kurds, the Persian
establishment does not respect their linguistic rights.
The policy of Persian-language dominance can be traced back to the
first constitution of Iran, which was adopted in 1906. This constitution
made Persian the only official language of the country; however, it was
really only in 1925, with the establishment of the Pahlavi dynasty by Reza
Shah, that the policy of Persian dominance and assimilation of linguis-
tic minorities began in earnest. Only Persian could be taught in schools,
and government offices were instructed to use only Persian in all oral
and written governmental communication. Reza Shah, much like Kemal
Atatrk in Turkey, then attempted to ban Kurdish literature, music, and
dance. These policies continued under the regime of Muhammad Reza
Shah, although he sometimes relaxed the policy when his regime seemed
vulnerable,18 and there was some limited publishing in Kurdish.19
While the Kurds participated in the revolution which overthrew the
Shah in 1979, anticipating autonomy within a federally organised state in
which there would be Kurdish-language education and expanded rights
to publication and mass media, for the most part their hopes have not
been realised.
The Islamic regime has largely continued to pursue a centralised
nation-state which excludes the rights of ethnic minorities. Thus, educa-
tion and administration are still conducted exclusively in Persian and the

17Kaveh Bayat, Iran and the Kurdish Question, Middle East Report 247 (2008), 32.
18Ibid.
19Hassanpour, Nationalism, 130.
280 blair kuntz

government strictly controls the media. Publication in Kurdish has been


allowed; however, since Kurdish is not allowed to be taught in schools, the
number of people who can read it is limited, and state-sponsored Kurdish
publications have been for the most part propaganda efforts to promote
Shii Islam among Sunni Kurds. In addition, the Islamic constitution has
made the Persian script official, a move which can be seen as an attempt
to block any effort by the Kurds to adopt Roman script and draw Iranian
Kurds toward further unity with the Kurds of Turkey.
In view of the history of Kurds in Iran, it is not surprising that the
number of publications in Kurdish there has been small, especially dur-
ing the repressive Pahlavi regime of 19251979, when only fifty-six titles
were published20although it is true that many Kurdish writers and
publishers during this period did devote themselves to journalism. Under
the Islamic Republic which took power in 1979, the situation has been
liberalised (particularly under the presidencies of Ali Akbar Hemi
Rafsanni, 19891997, and Moammad tami, 19972004), and for the
most part it has not banned the publication of books in Kurdish which
do not challenge government policy (obviously books advocating Kurdish
autonomy, for example, cannot be printed). Compared with the Pahlavi
period, both private and state publishing have expanded considerably; for
instance, the period from 1979 to 1985 saw the publication of around 150
books, while a number of weekly publications in Kurdish also began to
appear.21 Indeed, in contrast to the situation in Turkey, government agen-
cies have published Kurdish titles and journals, although certainly a large
part of the reason for this development has been to weaken the influence
of secularisation on Kurds in other countries and to export the Islamic
revolution. However, two state-sponsored Kurdish journals, Sirwe pub-
lished in Urumiyeh and Arman published in Tehran, played an impor-
tant role in educating young Kurds in how to read and write Kurdish,
and both occasionally, perhaps in a limited attempt to appeal to Turkeys
Kurds, devoted several pages to Kurmanji written in the Roman alphabet.
In addition, during the reign of the reformist Moammad tami, over a
dozen Kurdish periodicals appeared; unfortunately, after the reformists
were removed from power, most of these were closed.
These limited positive moves have been threatened by geopolitical
concerns. As both the United States and Israel have funded and armed
anti-government Iranian Kurdish groups, the Iranian government has

20Ibid., 210.
21 Bayat, Iran, 35.
a short history of kurdish publishing 281

responded with increased vigilance. On 11 April 2008 it permanently


closed the Kurdish-language daily Roh Hallat on the grounds that it had
received money from abroad by selling copies across the border in Iraqi
Kurdistan.

Kurdish Publishing in Western Kurdistan (Syria)22

The Kurds of Syria are the smallest group of the four major countries
in which Kurds live, and estimates of their number today range from
900,000 to two million. Nevertheless it was in Syria (where for the most
part the Kurmanji dialect is spoken) that the romanised Kurdish alpha-
bet developed. Before this, Kurdish was written in the Arabic script. The
new alphabet was developed by Celadet Bedirxan, who with his brother
Kamiran left northern Kurdistan because of their opposition to the Turk-
ish government. The legacy of Bedirxans Roman alphabet remains prob-
lematic in Syria, because almost all Syrian schoolchildren learn Arabic in
school and are thus less likely to be familiar with the Roman alphabet.
Bedirxan wrote and published Kurdish books in Syria in the 1930s using
his alphabet, and it is still the primary one used in Turkey and Syria. Cela-
det Bedirxan published his books, those of his brother, and other works
(poems, alphabets, and religious books) in Damascus. In the 1940s, five
books were published in Kurdish, including the poems of the beloved poet
Cigerxwin. Under the French mandate which lasted until 1946, publishing
in Kurdish was not prohibited (although learning Kurdish in schools was),
and Kurdish publishers and publishing houses were permitted.
This situation changed with Syrian independence, when the predomi-
nance of Arabic as the majority language was asserted. At this point, many
Kurdish writers began publishing their works in Beirut, and if they were
published in Damascus, the imprint still read Beirut to avoid detection.
The 1950s did witness the publication of a Kurdish grammar book, and in
1957 the Kurdish Democratic Party (PDK), which was founded illegally,
secretly began to publish the newspaper Denge Kurd. From 1946 to 1962,
only fourteen Kurdish books were published in Syria.23
In subsequent years it was almost impossible to publish works in Kurd-
ish. In the 1960s and 1970s, for example, only two works in Kurdish were
published. From 1963, the ruling Baath Party aimed to deprive Kurds who

22NB: This was written before the Syrian uprising and civil war which started in 2011.
23Malmisanij, Past and Present, 109.
282 blair kuntz

did not speak Arabic of their civil rights. In many ways, Syria has empha-
sised its role as the centre of Arab nationalism; as such, Kurds are not
mentioned in the Syrian constitution, and their language, unlike in Iraq,
has never been given official recognition. However, the situation improved
with the government of fi al-Asad, under whom local Kurdish writers
began to be published, and their numbers grew.
Following the ascent to power of Bar al-Asad in 2000, however, pub-
lishing in Kurdish became very difficult, owing to a decree obliging pub-
lishers to complete official forms allowing them to publish and distribute
books. Kurdish books were not granted this privilege, and bookstores
which sold them were closed. Thus, the flowering of Kurdish publishing
of the previous decades was abruptly halted, especially after the violent
clashes of March 2004 between Kurds and Arabs in Qamil. Only four
Kurdish books were allowed to be published in the rest of that year, and
police harassed Kurdish authors. Now, although there is no official policy
to ban Kurdish books, in reality the Ministry of Information almost never
grants permission for them, forcing many to be published illegally.
The current situation for Kurdish publishing remains bleak. It is almost
impossible to find a Kurdish publication in a Syrian library, and the gov-
ernment monitors Internet websites dealing with Kurdish issues and
attempts to block them. However, Kurds in neighbouring countries can
send PDF files of Kurdish books published on Internet sites via e-mail, so
the blockage is not complete.

Kurdish Publication in the Diaspora (Euro-Kurdistan) and Elsewhere

Given the situation in Kurdistan, where the Kurdish language itself has
often been restricted or limited, it is perhaps not surprising that much of
the impetus for the publication of Kurdish-language materials has come
from Kurds who have migrated, both voluntarily (mostly in search of
employment opportunities or to study) and involuntarily (as refugees) to
other countries. This is true particularly in Europe, where it is estimated
that at least 700,000, and perhaps more than a million Kurds live. Of
these, it is estimated that half live in Germany. In Europe (and to a lesser
extent in Canada, the United States, and Australia), Kurds have formed a
network of political, cultural, and social institutions.24 Compared with

24Bilgin Ayata, Mapping Euro-Kurdistan, Middle East Report 247 (2008), 18.
a short history of kurdish publishing 283

Turkey, for example, where Kurds could be arrested for forming similar
links, Kurds particularly in Europe have pursued with relish political, cul-
tural, and social activities. Moreover, many Kurds who have tasted free-
dom in the diaspora have returned to their respective birthplaces and
attempted to promote similar activities there.
Naturally, such freedoms have had important implications for the
current condition of Kurdish publishing; but in fact Kurdish publica-
tion in the diaspora has had a long tradition. The first Kurdish-language
newspaper, Kurdistan, began publication in the Arabic script in Cairo in
1897. In the modern era, European Kurds established Kurdish institutes
in France, Belgium, Sweden, and Germany, which began teaching and
developing the Kurdish language, publishing books in Kurdish and con-
ducting research into Kurdish syntax and grammar. The Institut Kurde
in Paris, for example, was founded with the specific aim of standardising
the Kurmanji dialect; it has a large library, certainly larger than any in
Turkey. Other Kurdish libraries can be found in Stockholm, Berlin, and
Basel. In Germany, the European Centre for Kurdish Studies also main-
tains a large library and publishes an academic journal. Furthermore, in
spite of the fact that the Kurdish population of the country is not as large
as that found in Germany or France, Swedenwhere immigrant groups
are subsidised to maintain their mother tongueshas emerged as a major
centre for Kurdish cultural activities, and publishes annually about 40 to
50 Kurdish-language books, as well as dozens of journals.25 Furthermore,
in Sweden Kurdish is taught in public schools in the Romanised Kurmanji
dialect.26
The impact of the Internet has also been significant, providing a space
for smaller groups as well as individuals to express themselves more
freely. Because of Europes higher standard of living, Internet access is
more accessible to Kurds living in Europe and elsewhere, so many of
the first websites were started by Kurds in the diaspora. However, with
improved access in Kurdistan itself, the number of websites has grown
astronomically. The Koord portal (www.koord.com), for example, in
May 2007 provided access to over 2,000 websites,27 though many of
these were published in European languages, particularly English, Ger-
man, and French. Still, the opportunity to publish and gain access to

25Ibid., 21.
26This initiative includes an important website: see www.dibistanakurdi.com.
27Jaffer Sheyholislami, Identity, Discourse, and the Media: The Case of the Kurds
(PhD thesis, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada, 2008), 223.
284 blair kuntz

Kurdish-language material on such a wide scale is unprecedented. Cur-


rently, for example, the website www.pertwk.com has about 1,000 newly
published Kurdish titles for free downloading in PDF format.
The only other place where Kurdish publication has been of sig-
nificance is Armenia, particularly during the period when it was a
republic within the Soviet Union, which attempted to encourage minority-
language publishing. However, in 1957, the Soviets became suspicious of
the cultural expression of minority groups and most Kurdish publishing
there came to a standstill. After the fall of the Soviet Union, Armenia
became an independent nation. The subsequent rise in Armenian nation-
alism has largely dampened Kurdish cultural efforts, particularly since the
Kurdish population was never large.

Conclusion

Given the very real problems enumerated in this paperthe outright


prohibition on speaking and writing the language, forced relocation, eco-
nomic underdevelopment, the economic difficulties involved in publish-
ing a minority language, the separation between the two major language
varieties of Kurmanji and Sorani, and the division between Roman and
Arabic scriptit is perhaps remarkable that the Kurdish language is as
robust as it currently is. Certainlygiven the numerous adversities the
Kurds have faced in their recent historyit might very well seem as if
the status of the language is healthier than it has been at any time in the
recent past. With the establishment of the Kurdish autonomous zone in
northern Iraq, and the relaxation of repressive policies in Turkey, it may
appear on the surface that Kurdish cultural activity in the region has never
been stronger. Certainly the presence of international book fairs promot-
ing Kurdish books and films, the advent of the Internet, and electronic
publishing give an appearance of solidity. Even Iranian Kurds today enjoy
far more cultural freedoms than they ever did under the monarchy.
In spite of these improvements, however, it is also true that the Kurdish
language remains vulnerable to geopolitical realities; and non-geopolitical
realities, such as the separation of Kurdish into Roman and Arabic script
and Kurmanji and Sorani, are affected by geopolitical realities, because
with the lack of political unity, non-geopolitical differences remain dif-
ficult to repair. While few Kurds view an independent state as a realistic
possibility in the near future, more autonomy for them within existing
a short history of kurdish publishing 285

states would certainly go a long way to forging some sort of pan-Kurdish


cultural co-operation.
In reality, Kurds today find themselves in a situation remarkably simi-
lar to the one in which they existed for much of the twentieth century.
Despite the limited recent Turkish moves to liberalise language laws, it is
clear that Kurds in Turkey, Iran, and Syria are still expected to assimilate
themselves into the dominant culture. Thus, despite the appearance of
vigour, the old vulnerabilities remain.

Bibliography

Ayata, Bilgin. Mapping Euro-Kurdistan. Middle East Report 247 (2008): 1823.
Bayat, Kaveh. Iran and the Kurdish Question. Middle East Report 247 (2008): 2835.
Collins Dunn, Michael. The Arab World and the Kurds. In Kurdish Identity: Human Rights
and Political Status, edited by Charles G. Macdonald and Carole A. OLeary, 231236.
Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007.
Duran, Ragip and Jake Hess. The Kurdish Question in Turkey: Past and Present. Online:
www.zmag.org/znet, 17 May 2007.
Editorial. Middle East Report 247 (2008): 1 and 4849.
Erlich, Rees and Amy Goodman. Report: U.S. Sponsoring Kurdish Guerilla Attacks inside
Iran. Online: www.democracynow.org, 27 March 2007.
Fernandes, Desmond. The Kurdish Genocide in Turkey, 19241998. Armenian Forum 1,
no. 4 (1998): 55107.
Hassanpour, Amir. Nationalism and Language in Kurdistan, 19181985. San Francisco:
Mellen Research University Press, 1992.
Jwaideh, Wadie. The Kurdish National Movement: Its Origins and Development. Syracuse,
NY: Syracuse University Press, 2006.
Malmisanij, M. The Past and Present of Book Publishing in Kurdish Language in Turkey and
Syria. Istanbul: Vate Yayinevi, [2006?].
McDowall, David. A Modern History of the Kurds. 3rd ed. London: I.B. Tauris, 2004.
Publishing a Bilingual Book in Turkey Lands a Kurdish Mayor in Hot Water. Online:
www.ekathimerini.com, 15 March 2008.
Sheyholislami, Jaffer. Identity, Discourse, and the Media: The Case of the Kurds. PhD
thesis, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada, 2008.
Turkey: Diyarbakr Mayor Acquitted of Publishing Invitation Cards in Kurdish. Online:
www.semakurd.net, 9 February 2008.
Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. UNPO General Assembly Joint Mem-
ber Resolution. Online: www.unpo.org, 16 June 2003.
Yavuz, M. Hakan. Five Stages of the Construction of Kurdish Nationalism in Turkey. In
Kurdish Identity: Human Rights and Political Status, edited by Charles G. Macdonald and
Carole A. OLeary, 5676. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007.
The Bulaq Press Museum at the Bibliotheca Alexandrina

Ahmed Mansour

Introduction

The Bulaq Press was Egypts first government-owned industrial printing


house. While not Egypts first press, it came to be at the heart of a qualita-
tive as well as quantitative cultural leap in Egyptian society and the Arab
region.
The Bulaq Press (also known as Al-Amrya Press) was preceded by the
two presses brought to Egypt during the 1798 French campaign. One was
brought by Napolon Bonaparte, while the other was a private press owned
by Marc Aurel, who accompanied Napolon to Egypt. These presses left
Egypt with the French armies in 1801. Printing techniques were, however,
known in Egypt prior to the advent of Napolon, as block printing had
been adopted during the Islamic era. Fifty documents were unearthed
near al-Fayyoum in the nineteenth century: these had been produced
between 900 and 1350 CE, using block printing.1
Conflict over control of Egypt broke out after the French withdrawal,
involving the Ottomans, the Mamluks, and the Egyptian people. The con-
flict ended in 1805 with Muammad Als assumption of power. In his
early years, he was keen to reform all the official institutions in order to
modernise Egypt; he conducted several reform projects in various sec-
tors, such as agriculture, health, industry, economy, education, and the
military, the last being his highest priority. The organisation and tactics
of the new model army required large numbers of manuals and regulation
books, and the new schools required textbooks, which became a signifi-
cant part of the output of the new government-owned printing press set
up in Bulaq, the port of Cairo,2 in 1822 (fig. 1). The Bulaq Press thus came

1Aleksandar Stipcevic, Tr al-kitb, trans. Muhammad M. al-Arnaut (Kuwait, 1993),


249. See also the contribution of Karl Schaefer in this volume.
2Bulaq is nearly a mile in length and half a mile at its broadest point. Its houses, streets,
and shops are like those of metropolitan Cairo. It was little more than a village with dock-
ing facilities for boats to anchor, but its strategic position, close to the northern and west-
ern gates of Cairo, cemented its role as a cereal port over the centuries. In the fifteenth
288 ahmed mansour

to play a crucial part in Muammad Als comprehensive plans for the


modernisation of Egypt.3
In 1815, Muammad Al initiated the process of bringing the art of print-
ing to Egypt by sending a group of Egyptian students on scholarships to
Milan, headed by Nkawl al-Masbik,4 to study typefounding and print-
ing. Muammad Al also ordered three presses from Milanalong with
the necessary supplies of paper and ink from Leghorn (Livorno) and Tri-
este. Upon his return to Egypt, Masbik was made technical director of
the nascent Bulaq Press, working under Uthmn Nr al-Dn.
Muammad Als understanding of the cultural and economic neces-
sity of openness toward Europe is clearly illustrated by the Bulaq Presss
first publication, an Italian-Arabic dictionary. Demand for translation rose
and promising students were sent to Italy, so Italian became the first for-
eign language taught in schools.

century, it became part of the international transit trade of Egypt and consequently one
of the major centres of economic activity in Cairo. Its involvement in trade associated it
more closely with the capital, allowing it the use of the patterns and institutions prevalent
in Cairo. In the fifteenth century, and particularly during the second half, which saw the
commercial rise of Bulaq, trade relations with several European nations were enhanced.
Since ships coming from the Mediterranean had to unload in Bulaq, it benefited directly.
The improvement of relations with European mercantile nations, notably Venice, Cata-
lonia, France, and Florence, was signalled by the exchange of embassies and envoys and
the signature of treaties with the Mamluk state. This new activity brought about profound
changes. In addition to the urban adjustment that had to be made to provide facilities for
trade and for a growing population, a structural adjustment was also necessary. As the
trade volume rose, customs systems and transport facilities had to be developed. Involve-
ment in trade was also accompanied by the development of artisan activity and industry.
Of the mosques of Boolack, the large one called Es-Sinaneeyeh, and that of Aboo-l-El,
are the most remarkable; the former, for its size; the latter, for the beauty its madneh.
The principal manufactories are those of cotton and linen cloths, and of striped silks of
the same kind as the Syrian and Indian...A printing-office has also been established at
Boolack, by the present viceroy [Muammad Al]. Many works on military and naval tac-
tics, and others on Arabic grammar, poetry, letter-writing, geometry, astronomy, surgery,
&c. have issued from this press. The printing office contains several lithographic presses,
which are used for printing proclamations, tables illustrative of military and naval tactics,
&c. Edward William Lane, Description of Egypt: Notes and Views in Egypt and Nubia, Made
during the Years 1825, 26, 27, and 28, ed. Jason Thompson (Cairo, 2000), 7273.
3Peter Colvin, Muhammad Ali Pasha, the Great Exhibition of 1851, and the School of
Oriental and African Studies Library, Libraries & Culture 33, no. 3 (1998): 250253.
4Al-Masbik was born at the beginning of the nineteenth century. His family moved
from Syria to Egypt, and settled in Rawa Island in Cairo. He was an intelligent and open-
minded young man, and in 1815 he was selected by Muammad Al for a state scholarship
to Milan to learn the principles of printing. Cf. all bt, Tr al-iba f l-arq al-Arab
(Cairo, 1966), 148150.
the bulaq press museum at the bibliotheca alexandrina 289

The Development of the Bulaq Press during the Reign of Muammad Al

A great deal of attention was paid to the Bulaq Press by the Egyptian
government during Muammad Als reign. Updated models of printing
machines were periodically purchased, installed, and operated by efficient,
well-trained engineers and workers. Although the evolution of the Bulaq
Press was initially slow, its importance became evident in 1833, when a
number of social factors came together and led to its cultural apotheosis.
During the 1820s, a number of schools (military as well as civilian) were
founded, the largest of which was the medical school, set up in 1825 at
the suggestion of the French physician Auguste Barthlemy Clot, who had
arrived in Egypt the year before. Schools of veterinary studies, agriculture,
pharmaceutics, mineralogy, engineering and others were established and
required the services of the Bulaq Press. Muammad Al also reformed
the primary and secondary school systems. The production of the Press
became widely varied between textbooks and military education mate-
rial that included scientific, literary, and historical content. In addition,
Muammad Als great interest in imbuing Egypt with European culture
led to the stimulation of the translation movement at that time; this pro-
vided the press with a large amount of material that would later be pre-
sented to the public.
As part of Muammad Als grand plans for Egypt, a number of state-
funded scholarships were set up for the study of mechanical engineering,
fine arts, and printing. This encouraged a great number of students to
study and later join the staff of the Bulaq Press, forming an efficient and
capable workforce.

Abbs ilm I

The Bulaq Press continued to function under the reign of Muammad


Als grandson, in spite of his deactivation of a large number of his proj-
ects and demobilisation of the army. The Bulaq Press even published some
of its most valuable works at that time, such as the Maqmt of al-arr,
the ia of al-Maqrz in two volumes, and the iya of al-Qasalln (a
commentary on ad).
290 ahmed mansour

Sad Pasha

In 1862, the Bulaq Press passed into private hands. Although Sad Pasha
was a promoter of knowledge and scholarship, he was not interested in
disseminating them among his common subjects, believing that an edu-
cated rabble would complicate his rule. In October 1862 (Rab al-n
1279), Sad made over the printing press to Abd al-Ramn Rud.

Khedive Isml

In February 1865, Khedive Isml bought the printing press back from
Abd al-Ramn Rud and affiliated it to the Saniya possessions (the Royal
Family property). The change of the name to the Saniya Press at Bulaq,
marked a new era for the press. In 1869, the presses were renovated and
new ones were acquired, especially for the printing of envelopes. During
Ismls reign, the Bulaq Press participated in two international printing
exhibitions: Paris in 1867 and Vienna in 1873.

Khedive Tawfq

Under Khedive Tawfq, on 20 June 1880, the printing press was re-appro-
priated by the state after eighteen years of private ownership. The occa-
sion was marked by the renovation of the Press building and a new plaque
(fig. 19).

The Deterioration of the Bulaq Press

The years between 1881 and 1896 witnessed a recession in the activities of
the Press. No additions or renovations were made to update the machin-
ery or the production process. The Press drastically deteriorated and was
even shut down during the Urb revolution and the onset of the British
occupation.
In 1956, the late President Gamal Abdel Nasser issued a presidential
decree creating the General Authority for Government Printing Affairs,
affiliated to the Ministry of Industry. The Bulaq Press was supplied with
the most advanced printing equipment and new departments were estab-
lished. It continues to provide high-quality printing services within Egypt
and throughout the Arab world (fig. 2).
the bulaq press museum at the bibliotheca alexandrina 291

The Bibliotheca Alexandrinas Bulaq Press Museum

In 2005, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina Calligraphy Centre adopted a work


plan that aims at seeking the origins of modern printing techniques in
Egypt. After months of intensive research and field visits, the Centres
team was able to identify the original Bulaq pressthe first modern press
established in Egypt. Its remains had been kept in the General Authority
for Government Printing Affairs, the owners of the legacy of the Bulaq
Press.
After some negotiation, an agreement was reached in which the Min-
istry of Foreign Trade and Industry donated the Bulaq Press to the Bib-
liotheca Alexandrina, as a centre of excellence in the production and
dissemination of knowledge in this field.

The Calligraphy Centre and the Preservation of the Bulaq Press

The Calligraphy Centres plans for the Bulaq Press holdings are twofold:
first, to restore the damaged items and prepare them for exhibition, and
second, to prepare a catalogue documenting the history of the Bulaq Press,
and its evolution over the decades.
Deterioration and lack of spare parts have prevented the operation of
the Intertype, Linotype, and Stanhope machines. The catalogue includes
a detailed account of the mode demploi of the restoration process, which
followed three steps: cleaning the different pieces, replacing broken or
missing parts, and repainting the machines (figs. 313).

The Bulaq Press Catalogue

The catalogue5 (fig. 14) is co-authored by Dr Khaled Azab, Director of the


Special Projects Department and Dr Ahmad Mansour, Deputy Director of
the Calligraphy Centre, and supervised by Dr. Ismail Serageldin, Direc-
tor of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. The book, which took eight months
to prepare, contains a combination of historical, archaeological, and print-
ing information, along with a number of rare and unpublished pictures of
the Bulaq Press and its managers. It was released to coincide with the

5lid Azab and Amad Manr, Mabaat Blq, irf wa-taqdm Isml Sir al-Dn
(Alexandria, 2005).
292 ahmed mansour

inauguration of the 14-week exhibition organised by Bibliotheca Alexan-


drina on the history of printing; 3,000 copies were printed.
The book explores the beginnings of printing in East Asia, Europe, and
the Arab world, with a special focus on printing in Egypt since the cam-
paign of Napolon (17981801). The latters strong belief in the power of
propaganda led to his establishment of a (short-lived) printing press in
Egypt, supplied with Arabic, Greek, and French characters. The catalogue
then continues with a history of the Bulaq Press under the Muammad
Al dynasty during the period from 1815 onwards. Muammad Al Pasha
conceived of bringing printing to Egypt in 1815 to serve the large standing
army he had formed. The order to establish the Bulaq Press was issued in
1820 and the catalogue offers a comprehensive survey of the different pub-
lications printed by the press, and the rules and regulations for publishing,
as well as the title pages of some publications.
Journalism is also given space in the Bulaq Press catalogue, which
chronicles the newspapers of the French campaign and the establishment
and development of Egypts first national newspaper, al-Waqi al-Mirya
(1828).
The book contains photographs of the early machinery of the Press,
as well as the title pages of the Italian-Arabic dictionary of 1822, and the
edition of Lisn al-Arab printed in 1883. Among the impressive collec-
tion of other title pages are those of Alf Layla wa-Layla (1862), Kalla wa-
Dimna (1920), al-Qalqaands ub al-a (1914), and the Muqaddima of
Ibn aldn; also the binding of the Qnn of Ibn Sn.

The Exhibition

The Bulaq Press museum exhibition is laid out in an open area accessible
to all library visitors (fig. 22). It contains seven machines, two memorial
plaques, the first issue of al-Waqi al-Mirya (fig. 17), the iron safe box of
Muammad Al (fig. 15), the company personnel log, and some publica-
tions. The museum is divided into three sections:
The first section contains original objects dating to the Presss inaugu-
ration in 1820: a large iron safe (fig. 15); wooden movable type characters;
the establishments foundation plaque (fig. 16); the first issue of al-Waqi
al-Mirya, published in 1828 (fig. 17); and a Golding Pearl manual press
(figs. 18a, 18b). The second section displays slug composing machines
(figs. 34); movable metal characters used in the press; and an iron chase,
containing the coat of arms of the United Arab Republic, representing an
the bulaq press museum at the bibliotheca alexandrina 293

eagle. The third section contains different machines used at the Bulaq
Press in various eras. These items include the plaque recording Khedive
Tawfqs restoration of the press in 1880 (fig. 19); a Stanhope machine
(fig. 5); a gilding press (figs. 67); a line machine (figs. 1213); and an enve-
lope printer (figs. 89).
The challenge to identify each machine, track its history, and its mode
demploi was helped by the opening of channels of collaboration with
printing history museums in France, Portugal, Germany, Great Britain,
and the United States. I should like to record my thanks to all those who
contributed information.
A complete narrative of the history of the Bulaq Press can be found on
our website at www.bibalex.org/bulaqpress.

Bulaq Press Qurn Font

The Calligraphy Centre of Bibliotheca Alexandrina has recently succeeded


in digitising the Bulaq Press Qurn typeface of 1924, the first digitised Ara-
bic heritage font. This comes in the larger context of Bibliotheca Alexan-
drinas efforts to preserve the heritage of the history of printing in Egypt.
The designer of this typeface was Muammad afar Bey (fig. 20), who
achieved a high degree of excellence in calligraphy, and in particular in
the ulu script, as well as in nas and riqa. He had a great impact as a
calligrapher, but his finest achievement was designing typefaces for the
Bulaq Press, which reached higher standards than had ever been achieved
before in the Arab world. These became the basis of King Fuds Qurn,
the first printed edition of the Holy Book to achieve wide acceptance in
the Muslim world (fig. 21).
The digitised font is an application that can be downloaded for use in
the Windows environment and in conjunction with editing software.

Future Plans

The Calligraphy Centre considers the Bulaq Press Museum the nucleus
of a larger museum relating to the history of printing in modern Egypt.
Our future plans will focus on (1) enlarging the exhibited collection by
receiving more items from the different printing houses inside and out-
side Egypt; (2) undertaking mutual collaboration agreements with local
and international societies, aimed at augmenting the collection; (3) oper-
ating some machines to experiment with obsolete printing techniques;
294 ahmed mansour

and (4) organising workshops for children and adults on the history and
techniques of printing in Egypt and the world.

Collaboration

The Calligraphy Centre invites and welcomes all researchers and scholars
to participate in this project, which requires the collaboration and assis-
tance of institutions and research centres worldwide for it to be realised
on the scale which it merits.

Bibliography

Azab, lid and Amad Manr. Mabaat Blq, irf wa-taqdm Isml Sir al-Dn.
Alexandria, 2005.
Colvin, Peter. Muhammad Ali Pasha, the Great Exhibition of 1851, and the School of Ori-
ental and African Studies Library. Libraries & Culture 33, no. 3 (1998): 250253.
Lane, Edward William. Description of Egypt: Notes and Views in Egypt and Nubia, Made dur-
ing the Years 1825, 26, 27, and 28. Edited by Jason Thompson. Cairo, 2000.
bt, all. Tr al-iba f l-arq al-Arab. Cairo, 1966.
Stipcevic, Aleksandar. Tr al-kitb. Translated by Muhammad M. al-Arn. Kuwait,
1993.
the bulaq press museum at the bibliotheca alexandrina 295

Fig. 1.The old building of the Bulaq Press. The faades overlooking the Nile and
Bulaq district
296 ahmed mansour

Fig. 2.The new building of the Bulaq press established in 1958, on a 30,000 m2
piece of land at Embaba in Cairo
the bulaq press museum at the bibliotheca alexandrina 297

Fig. 3ab.Intertype slug-composing machine (before renovation)


298 ahmed mansour

Fig. 4ab.Intertype slug-composing machine (after renovation)


the bulaq press museum at the bibliotheca alexandrina 299

Fig. 5.Stanhope machine (before renovation)


300 ahmed mansour

Fig. 5ab.Stanhope machine (after renovation)


the bulaq press museum at the bibliotheca alexandrina 301

Fig. 6.Gilding press (before renovation). Made in France, 1900


302 ahmed mansour

Fig. 7.Gilding press (after renovation)


the bulaq press museum at the bibliotheca alexandrina 303

Fig. 8.Envelope printer (before renovation). Used to print all kinds of envelopes.
Made in England, 1902
304 ahmed mansour

Fig. 9.Envelope printer (after renovation)


the bulaq press museum at the bibliotheca alexandrina 305

Fig. 10.Manual shears for cutting lead lines

Fig. 11.Manual shears for cutting lead lines


306 ahmed mansour

Fig. 12.Line printing machine. Used to print lines on blank pages


the bulaq press museum at the bibliotheca alexandrina 307

Fig. 13.Line printing machine. Used to print lines on blank pages

Fig. 14.The Bulaq Press catalogue (2005)


308 ahmed mansour

Fig. 15.Iron safe. Dates back to Muammad Al Pasha; used to keep the royal
stamps of the Bulaq Press, as well as pens and later gadgets of the casting
machine

Fig. 16.The foundation text of the Bulaq Press in Turkish, 1235 AH (1820 CE)
the bulaq press museum at the bibliotheca alexandrina 309
310 ahmed mansour

Fig. 17.The first issue of Al-Waqi al-Mirya, published in 1828


the bulaq press museum at the bibliotheca alexandrina 311

Fig. 18a.A Golding Pearl manual press


312 ahmed mansour

Fig. 18b.A Golding Pearl manual press


the bulaq press museum at the bibliotheca alexandrina 313

Fig. 19.The plaque recording Khedive Tawfqs restoration of the press in 1880

Fig. 20.Muammad afar Bey: the first on the left, seated


314 ahmed mansour

Fig. 21.Srat al-Ftia printed with the Bulaq Press Qurn font
the bulaq press museum at the bibliotheca alexandrina 315

Fig. 22.General view of the Bulaq Press Museum at Bibliotheca Alexandrina


Index

Abbsids, 74, 157 Amsterdam, 130


Abd Allh II Saf, Patriarch, 182, 187189 amulets, 4, 610, 1214
Abd al-Mas, Patriarch, 188 al-Andalus/Andalusia (Muslim Spain), 23,
Abd al-Nir, aml, 290 8, 1314, 32, 108
Abduh, Muammad, 264 animal figures, 10, 12, 153, 15556, 159
Abdlhamid II, Sultan, 194, 196198, 200, and tales, 15758
201, 203, 231234 Ankara, 276
Abdullah Efendi, 69 Ann, ukr iris, 249
Abesci, Elias, 112 Aql, Sad Fil, 261
Abou-el-Haj, Rifaat Ali, 102, 111 Arabian Peninsula, 141
Ab l-Fid, 34, 35, 37, 45 Arabic
Ab amra, Sad, 253 alphabet, 41, 43, 114, 273
Acoluthus, Andreas, 20, 38, 43, 46 characters/letters, 23, 33, 34, 37, 42, 108,
advertisements, 240, 241 113, 207
Adviye Rabia Hanm, 197 classical, 135, 14142, 144, 146, 14748
aesthetic (factors), 18, 29, 42, 43, 114, 143, dialects, 130, 13839, 140, 14849
206208, 231, 234, 236, 239, 242 dictionaries, 69, 71, 104
al-Afn, aml al-Dn, 264 language, 19, 22, 24, 25, 27, 31, 33, 34, 37,
Afyoncu, Erhan, 64 43, 129, 149, 152, 191, 260, 264, 266, 273,
Ahmed Cevdet Pasha, 116 277
Ahmed Efendi, Mevlana, 71, 81 proclamations, 12224
Ahmed Hurid Paa, 127 script, 42, 43, 6768, 11617, 13132, 142,
Ahmed III, Sultan, 69, 84, 85, 88, 103 144, 148, 272, 273, 278, 281, 283, 284, 292
Akhisari, Hasan Kfi, 92 texts, 25, 26, 33, 35, 44, 154, 155, 206
lem Matbaas, 203 types/fonts, 1744, 113, 188, 209, 293
Aleppo, 67, 145, 185 Arabisation, 276
Alexandria, 121, 123, 124, 185 Arel Library, 235
Algeria, 130, 139, 142, 247 Argentina, 247, 249, 254, 25657, 259, 260,
Algiers, 13031, 13334, 13536, 142, 143, 144, 261, 265, 267
145, 146, 148 Armenia, 271, 284
Al, Muammad, 127, 28788, 289, 292 Armenian(s)
Ali Macar Reis, 75 language, 20, 113, 275
Al Qoli n, 154 in Ottoman Empire/Turkey, 67, 101, 107,
Ali Rza Bey, 238 202, 203, 274
Alln, Rabbi Michael, 147 types/fonts, 19
almanacs, 193, 196, 199, 206, 208 Arnold, T. W., 8
Almera, 23, 8, 14 Arsln, Amn, 259, 265
alphabets, 19, 274. See also scripts Art Nouveau, 207
Arabic, 114, 273 Asaduryan, Artin, 202, 205
Cyrillic, 113, 273 Akenazi, ayyim Zeev, 13334, 135, 136
Hebrew, 140 al-Asr, Abraham, 135
Kurdish, 275, 281 Assf, r, 258
Latin, 70, 140 al-Aswad, Sulaymn (Negri, Salomon), 29
Roman, 280, 281 Atatrk, Kemal, 279
Syriac, 188 Aya, Rad, 253
Turkish, 275 Avicenna (Ibn Sn), 108, 110, 292
Americas, 75, 92. See also Latin America; al-Awdt, Yaqb (al-Badaw al-Mulaam),
North America; United States 252, 257, 262
318 index

Azab, Khaled, 291 by Mteferrika Press, 69, 8182, 85,


zr, Anonius, 185 1035, 112, 113
Azerbaijan, 271 in Ottoman Empire, 6768, 11617,
193229
Baath Party, 281 in Syriac, 185, 188, 191
Babinger, Franz, 76 in Turkish, 102, 152, 191, 193229
Babali, 232 bookselling/booksellers, 199
Badadlyan, K., 202 Bosworth, C. E., 12, 14
Baghdad, 76, 80, 249 Bowen, H., 57, 112
Bahrdt, Carl Friedrich, 34, 49 Brand, Justin, 20, 21, 23, 24, 38, 40, 46
Bli, Salm and Duaybis, 248 Brazil, 247, 249, 250, 254, 255, 257, 261, 265,
Barmeyer, Johann Albrecht, 33 267
Barm, Afrm, 186, 189 Breitkopf, Bernhard Christoph, 25, 27, 29,
Barth, Johann Ambrosius, 37, 50 38, 40, 41, 46
al-B, Ml iris, 261 Breitkopf, Johann Gottlob Immanuel, 50
basmala, 22, 154, 158 Breitkopf, Verlag, 34, 37, 47, 49, 50
Baydemir, Osman, 275 Breitkopf & Hrtel, Verlag, 50
Baysal, Jale, 115 Breslau/Wrocaw, 18, 20
Bedirxan, Celadet, 281 Britain/England, 36, 182, 183, 187, 191, 200
Beirut, 249, 250, 281 Buenos Aires, 245, 252, 253, 256, 266
Bekche, alom, 135 Bulaq, 287n2
Belforti, Solomon, 144 Bulaq Press (Al-Amrya Press), 28793
Ben Amozeg, Eliyahu, 14445, 148 Bulliet, Richard, 7, 8
Berberyan, Nian, 202 Busbecq, Ogier Ghiselin de, 107, 116
Berkes, Niyazi, 6364
Berlin, 37 Cairo, 124, 129, 283, 287
Bible caliphate, history of, 15657
Arabic, 19, 20, 67 calligraphy, 19, 44, 114, 154, 207, 293
Hebrew, 24, 25, 93, 130, 141 Calligraphy Centre of Bibliotheca
Turkish, 31 Alexandrina, 29193
in vernacular, 109 Cambridge, University, 200
Bibliotheca Alexandrina Calligraphy Campinas, 248, 255
Centre, xi, 29193 Canterbury, Archbishop of, 182, 185
Bibliothque nationale de France, xi Caribbean, 245, 247, 252, 264
bilingual magazines and newspapers, 245, Carli, Giovanni Rinaldo, Conte, 81
248, 256, 260, 261, 264, 267 Carter, Thomas, 5, 107
Birgivi (Mehmet Efendi), 115 cartography, 7273, 111
al-Bialn, Aql, 261 Casablanca, 131
block printing, in Arabic, 115, 108, 287 Celal Nuri, 116
a (pilgrimage) certificates, 9, 12, 14 Cemiyet-i lmiye-i Osmnye, 195
materials/process of, 12, 14 censorship, 194, 198, 232, 272, 275
Bonneval, Comte de (Humbarac Ahmet Cevdet Pasha, Ahmed, 116
Paa), 84, 114 Chile, 247, 26263, 265
bookbinders/bookbinding, 116, 241 Chinese
book fairs, 26, 276, 278, 284 characters, printing with, 113
book(s), printing/publishing of influence (on printing), 5, 6, 13, 110
in Algiers and Tunis, 131, 134n16 Christians, 74, 93, 107, 271
in Arabic, 152, 191, 250, 253 Arab, 67, 250
in Deyruzafaran Monastery, 18889 and Enlightenment, 54, 94
in Egypt, 125 and printing, 68, 109
in Hebrew, 12930, 147 Syrian Orthodox, 18192
in Iran, 15152, 154 chronicles
in Judaeo-Arabic, 13334, 135, 139, 147 of al-abart, 12122, 125, 127
in Kurdish, 27478, 28084 published by brahim Mteferrika, 70, 75
vs. manuscripts, 10810, 112 Church, on printing, 109
index 319

circulation/readership, 59, 68, 73, 82, 85, 95, dictionaries, 67, 6971, 104, 193, 288, 292
131, 139, 194, 233, 240, 245, 249, 25253, diwan, of Napoleon in Egypt, 123
257, 260, 262, 264, 278 Diyarbakr, 185, 188, 238, 275, 276
Clodius, Heinrich Jonathan, 48 Djerba, 140, 142, 148
Clodius, Johann Christian, 26, 27, 29, 31, 32, dOhsson, Mouradgea, 112
38, 4648 Dolabani, Hanna (Yuhanna), 189, 191
Clodius, Johann Christoph, 25, 46 Dominican Republic, 24748, 264
Clodius, Johannes, 26, 27, 46 Donado, Giovanni, 110
codicology, 8 dragomans, 6970
Cohen-olal, ayyim and Jacob, 13435, Drechsler, Wolfgang, 24, 38, 46
138 Drugulin, Druckerei, 37
coins, 3. See also numismatics. Dutch East Indies, 247
Colombia, 247
colophon, 154 Ebubekir Dimaki, 71, 93
colour printing, 207, 208, 209n51 Ebzziya Tevfik, 193229
comics, 234 education, 19, 68, 82, 109, 133, 138, 194, 195,
Committee of Union and Progress (ttihat 276, 277, 287
ve Terakki Cemiyeti), 196, 200, 232, 238, Kurdish, 277, 279
259 military, 289
Constantine (Algeria), 142, 147 Egypt, 4, 80, 124, 127, 153, 185, 245, 261, 263
contents, tables of, 209 block printing in, 14, 108, 287
Coptic Orthodox Church, 185 historiography of, 76, 80, 122
Costa, Israel, 148 modernisation of, 28789
court historians, 70, 7576, 79 occupation of, 12122, 12526
Crusius, Siegfried Lebrecht, 50 paper in, 4, 8, 14
Cuba, 247, 264 printing in, 29194
Cunbur, Mjgn, 201 Eichhorn, J.G., 36, 49
cursive (script/typeface), 113, 11617, 135 Eisenstein, Elizabeth, 1045
Cyrillic script, 113 England/Britain, 36, 182, 183, 187, 191, 200
engraving, of Arabic script, 18, 19, 29, 31, 36,
Dadichi, Karl (Carolus) Rali, 29 44, 45, 47
Damad brahim Paa, 67, 83, 85 Enlightenment(s)
Damascus, 265, 281 and geography, 7273
al-Damr, 152, 154, 156, 15859 Islamic, 56n11
Tehran edition of, 15354, 15759 and Mteferrika, 53, 70, 85, 87, 95
Daninos, Abraham, 131 in national/thematic contexts, 94
armon, Juda, 135, 138, 147 Ottoman, 53, 5960, 9495
Dathe, Johann August, 34 and religion, 5455, 5960, 9495
Dayr al-Zafarn (Deyruzafaran studies of/on, 5356, 59
Monastery), 18283, 186, 188, 191 thinkers/intellectuals, 60, 7173, 95
Deer, Wolfgang, 32, 47, 48 Enver Pasha, 117
Demeerseman, Andr, 7 Esad, Mevlana, 84
Demirba, Abdullah, 275 Ethiopic types/fonts, 19
detective stories, 194 European Centre for Kurdish Studies, 283
Deyruzafaran Monastery (Dayr Europe/European
al-Zafarn), 18283, 186, 188, 191 Arabic newspapers/magazines in, 247
dHerbelot, Barthlemy, 108 Arabic typography in, 42
diacritical points, 33, 143, 146n35, 148 and Egypt, 28889
dialects, 131, 14445, 147, 274 Enlightenment in, 54, 5760, 9495
Arabic, 130, 13839, 141, 143, 14849 Hebrew printing in, 12930
of Judaeo-Arabic, 133, 141, 147 influences of, 13637, 241
Kurdish, 272, 279, 281, 283 Kurds in, 28283
diaspora(s) military forces of, 88, 8990, 92
Arab, 24569 and Ottoman Empire, 5859, 68, 92, 107,
Kurdish, 272, 28283 111, 115
320 index

printing in, 82, 10610, 114, 209 Gener, Christian Friedrich, 31, 48
state organisations/laws in, 59, 79, Gibb, H.A.R., 57, 112
8688, 93 Gibbon, Edward, 71
ibrn all ibrn, 245
faith. See religion ihd, 73
Far, Eliezer, 148 Gleditsch, Johann Friedrich, 2224, 31, 32,
Fris al-idyq, 209 35, 39, 40, 46, 4850
Fatimid dynasty, 108 Gek, Fatma Mge, 102
Faure, Flix, 206 Golius, Jacobus, 42n52, 80
Febvre, Lucien, 209 Goodrich, Thomas, 74
Fres, Assis, 263 Gttingen, 33
ferman (imperial order/decree), 84, 103 grammar
fetva, 69, 103 classical Arabic, 141
Feyli, 273. See also Kurdish Kurdish, 281, 283
Fez (Morocco), 129, 131 Turkish, 69
Fickelscherr, Felix, 36, 49 Granada, 13
Finzi, Vittorio, 147 Greek(s)
Fleischer, Christoph, 22, 23, 37, 46 printing in, 43, 45, 113, 292
Fleischer, Heinrich Leberecht, 37 printing presses of, 67, 101, 1067, 202
France, 136, 206, 247 in Turkey/Ottoman Empire, 202, 274
in Algeria, 130 Grohmann, Adolf, 56, 8
Ottoman embassies to, 69, 1012, 114 Gross(e), Johannes, Erben von, 25, 31, 38,
Franco-Oriental Committee, 263 40, 41, 46, 47
Frankfurt a.M., 37, 46 Gueymard, Imprimerie, 133
Fraser, Charles, 79 Gnther, Christoph, 24, 26, 41, 46
French, 259 Gutenberg-Museum, Mainz, xi
among Jews of North Africa, 140
culture, 137 Habsburgs, 63, 76
invasion/occupation of Egypt, 121, 124, and Ottoman wars, 6466, 77, 83, 87
125, 127, 287, 292 Haik Aa, 200
language, 149, 195 ad, 156, 289
proclamations, 12425 a (pilgrimage) certificates, 9, 12, 14
revolution, 123, 130, 233 halakhic material, 13435, 137
types, 292 Ha-Levi, Isaac, 135
Froriep, Just Friedrich, 3335, 49 lid, Asad, 249
Halid, Halil, 200
al-abart, Abd al-Ramn, 12122, 127 Halle, 29, 32, 37, 41, 48
critique of proclamations, 123, 125 Hamburg, 37
abhat al-abba al-Arabya al-Muttaida Hammer-Purgstall, Joseph, 2, 3, 14
(United Front of the Arab Youth), 263 al-arr, 31, 32, 45, 289
afar Bey, Muammad, 293 Him, Labba, 263
Galland, Antoine, 108 al-ain, Abd al-Laf, 258
aml, Ann, 263 tami, Moammad, 280
aml al-Dn al-Afn, 264 Hawrami, 272. See also Kurdish
Garnett, Lucy, 112 Hebrew, 24, 25, 43, 139, 149
awhar, Muammad Ibrhm, 151 books/text, 13133, 134
al-awhar, Ab Nar Isml b. ammd, 69 characters/script, 32, 67, 113, 129, 133, 135,
Gay, Peter, 5354, 60, 94 140, 141
Gayer-Anderson Museum, Cairo, 10 printing presses, 130, 137, 140, 14142,
Gayat, 6, 13 144, 147
gazavatname (conquest account), 77 rabbinical/canonic literature, 130
geography types/fonts, 19, 21, 24, 13437
discipline of, 59, 68, 69, 70, 7173, 85, 104 Heidelberg, Universittbibliothek, 6, 7
brahim Mteferrika on, 7274, 82 Heluli, Archbishop Mor Ivennis Ilyas, 185
index 321

dHerbelot, Barthlemy, 108 Iran, 14, 80, 114, 154, 271, 272, 273, 277, 280
Hezarfen Hseyin Efendi, 91 Kurds/Kurdish publishing in, 278280,
al-ill, af al-Dn, 14 284
Hilscher, Christian Gottlob, 49 printing in, 151152, 291
al-il, Ysuf li, 261, 262, 265 Iraq, 14, 76, 8081
historiography, 54, 59, 70, 72, 75, 12127 Kurds/Kurdish publishing in, 271, 272,
Hitti, Philip K., 246, 251 273, 27678, 282, 284
izb al-Istiqll al-Aqr al-Arabya (Party shak, Mevlana, 84
for the Independence of the Arab Islam, 21, 63, 71, 74, 79, 102, 105, 109, 122
Regions), 259 and Napoleon, 123
al-izb al-Waan al-Arab/Partido and printing, 111, 114, 125, 287
Patritico rabe (Arab Patriotic Party), Shii, 152, 15859, 280
259 slm Aratrmalar Merkezi (SAM), 203
Hobbes, Thomas, 86 Islamic Charitable Society, 255
Holdermann, Jean-Baptiste, 69 Islamic Enlightenment(s), 56n11, 59, 95
Holt, Richard, 132 Isml, Khedive, 290
Honduras, 247 Israel, 137, 141, 280
Horvath, Joseph, 65 Istanbul, 67, 68, 71, 83, 110, 112, 115, 151, 195,
Hucho, Melchior, 24, 46 23233, 239, 247
Humbarac Ahmet Paa (Comte de printing houses in, 82, 125, 130, 182,
Bonneval), 84, 114 193229, 240, 276
al-r, Blus, 262 stepan Matbaas, 2002
al-r, Rad, 254 ttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti (Committee of
al-r, ay abb, 249 Union and Progress), 196, 200, 232, 238,
al-r, ukr, 250, 253, 256, 265 259
Hurid Paa, Ahmed, 127
usayn, addm, 277 Jacob II, Patriarch, 182
al-vnsri, Moammad-Rez b. Jahn, Karl, 6, 15n41
Al-Akbar, 154 Janissaries, 88, 89
Janson, Anton, 1921, 23, 24, 27, 37, 38
Ibn al-Abbr, 108 Jena, 36, 37, 49
Ibn Arabh, 7980 Jerusalem, 134, 143, 182, 189, 191
Ibn aldn, 78, 79, 84, 86, 292 Jews/Jewish communities, 134, 149, 274
Ibn al-ab, 13 and Arabic language, 12950
Ibn al-Nadm, 12 in Arab lands, 12930, 141, 146
Ibn Sn, 108, 110, 292 literacy of, 133, 143
Ibn Zaydn, 32 in North Africa, 131, 13334, 13637,
identity cards, 198 13840, 142, 147, 148
al-Idrs, 1089 publishing in Ottoman Empire, 67, 101, 107
itihd, 125 Johann Georg II, Kurfrst, 21
hsan, Ahmed, 198, 200, 203, 208 Jones, William, 36, 39, 42n52, 49
hsanolu, Ekmeleddin, 111 journalism/ists
kdm Matbaas, 203 Arabic, 24569, 292
Ilnids, 23 Kurdish, 280
illumination, 152, 155, 207 Turkish, 195, 196, 231, 232, 234, 242
illustrations, 151160, 207, 208, 239, 240 journals. See periodicals
imla, 144 Judaeo-Arabic (JA), 12950
India, 182, 183, 185, 238 classical, 133, 143
Indonesia (Dutch East Indies), 247 colloquial, 13335, 142
Institut dEgypte (of Napoleon), 121, 125 genres of, 140
Institut Kurde (Paris), 283 orthography, 141, 142, 144
Institutum Judaicum (Halle), Druckerei, translations, 145
32, 48 Judaeo-Spanish (Ladino), 133, 135, 149
Internet, 272, 276, 282, 283, 284 Junius, Johann Friedrich, 50
322 index

kad (judge), 235 Langenheim, Johann Friedrich, 34


Kaliningrad/Knigsberg, 36 Laredo, Abraham, 135
Karabacek, Josef, 4, 8 Latin, 17, 43, 45, 65, 7677
Karabet Matbaas, 198, 202 works/sources, 80, 81, 87, 89
Karacson, Imre, 63 Latin America, 24569
Kasbar Matbaas, 198, 202, 205 Latin script. See scripts
Katardzis, D., 106 Lebanese Press Association (Associao da
Katib elebi, 68, 7172, 74, 75, 81, 82, 86, 91, Imprensa Libanesa), 249
92, 93, 11011 Lebanon, 125, 245, 248, 250, 254, 260, 265
Kehr, Georg Jacob, 19, 27, 29, 31, 44, 47 Lebanon Cedar Society, 250
Kelvingrove Museum, Glasgow, 11 Leiden, 32
Kemaleddin Bey, Mimar, 208 Leipzig, 1750
Kermanshahi, 273. See also Kurdish Ratsbibliothek, 23, 2527
Kirsten, Peter, 18, 20, 45 University, xi, 20, 32, 35
Kitromilides, Pachalis, 57 ha-Levi, Isaac, 135
Koi Bey, 91 Levi della Vida, Giorgio, 6
Khler, Johann Bernhard, 3335, 39, 44, 49 libraries, 23, 25, 34, 68, 235, 275, 277, 283
Knigsberg/Kaliningrad, 36 Libya, 142
Kololu, Orhan, 111, 231 Liddon, Canon Henry, 185
Konya, 196 Liebezeit, Gottfried, 24, 46
Korais, A., 106 linguicide, 272, 276
Krek, Miroslav, 7n15 literacy, 70
Kresenti, Nissim, 136 literary clubs, 254, 258, 262
Kromayer, Johann Abraham, 24, 25, 31, 38, literature, 241
46 Arabic, 206, 252, 265
Krger, Johann Christian, 33, 34, 39, 49 European, 194, 206
Krusinski, Judas Thaddaeus, 76 folk, 130
Kckcelebizade Asm, 76, 79 French secular, 139
Kuneralp, Sinan, 115 Judaeo-Arabic, 132, 137, 142, 14648, 147
Kurdish, 27376, 27779, 281, 284 liturgical and rabbinical, 133, 134, 136,
alphabet, 275, 281 138
books, 27678, 28182, 284 of Mamluk period, 153
education, 277, 279 oral, 130
journals, 280 Persian, 152, 206
Kurdish Democratic Party (PDK), 278, 281 lithography, 44, 11415, 15152, 194
Kurdistan, region, 271, 272 Livorno, 130, 13536, 137, 144, 147, 148
Kurds, 271 London, 182, 185, 187n11, 188
diaspora(s), 272, 28284 Longuerue, Louis Du Four, Abb de, 36,
in Iran, 27881 39, 48
in Iraq, 27678 Lper, Johann Gotthilf Albrecht, 3237,
nationalism, 272, 274 3942, 49, 50
in Syria, 281, 282 Lukaris, Kyrillos, 106
in Turkey, 27476, 278, 280 Lunde, Paul, 8
Kurmanji (dialect), 272, 273, 278, 280, 281, Ltfi Paa, 91
283, 284. See also Kurdish
Macar Reis, Ali, 75
al-Labbd, Munr, 24950 madrasah (medrese), 235
Labak, Nam, 249, 250, 254, 265, 266 magazines, 247, 252, 254, 266. See also
Labak, Sal, 254 newspapers; periodicals
La Croze, Mathurin Veyssire de, 25, 36, 48 Arabic, 248, 25557, 26263
Ladino, 133, 135, 149 Kurdish, 274
Laki, 273. See also Kurdish Maghreb. See North Africa
Langenheim, Johann Christian, 33, 34, mahar, 24569
3942, 49 Mahmud I, Sultan, 84, 85
index 323

Mahmud Bey Matbaas, 203, 205 Turkey), 201


Maimonides, 130 Milo, Thomas, 42, 43n53
Malczycki, Matt, 10 miniatures, 15160
Mallk, all, 250, 256 minorities, 271, 274, 276
Malf, Ml, 254 linguistic/language, 272, 275, 27879, 284
Malmt Matbaas, 203 religious, 132, 136
Mamluks, 76, 80, 121, 122, 123, 124, 153, 287 Misioadakas, Y., 106
Mansour, Ahmad, 291 missionary (activities), 181, 191
manuscript(s), 8, 23, 2527, 29, 4243, 45, Mbius, Georg, 21
68, 71, 106, 109, 112, 113, 123, 124, 130, 134, modernisation, 236, 242, 28788
135, 146, 152 paradigm, 54
copying/copyists, 103, 105, 11012, 116 Montevideo, 264
Judaeo-Arabic, 146, 143 Mor Behnam Church, 191
tradition, 107, 111, 15253, 155 Morocco, 129, 131, 134, 142
maps, 7173, 74, 111, 274 Muatt, David, 133
published by Mteferrika Press, 69, 82 Muammad, Prophet, 22, 123, 125, 156
al-Maqrz, 289 Muammad Al, 127, 28789, 292
Marcel, Jean-Joseph, 121 Mhendishane Press, 82
Mardin, 182, 185, 191 Mnif Pasha, 116
margins, 155 Murd, Ml, 249
illustrations in, 15254, 15859 Murad III, Sultan, 74
maritime Musa, Mevlana, 84
revolution, 75, 92 Museum fr Kunst und Industrie, Vienna
wars, 71 (Museum fr Angewandte Kunst), 4
Maronite Charitable Society, 255 Museum of Turkish and Islamic Art,
Marsigli, Count di, 110 Istanbul (Trk ve slam Eserleri Mzesi),
marsm (printed), 125 9
Martin, Henri-Jean, 209 music, 235, 238, 241
al-Masbik, Nkawl, 288 Mustafa Ali, 91
Masad, Ysuf, 262 Mustafa Sami, 79
Masd, abb, 254 mteferrika, 6465, 1023
Matbaa-i mire, 203 Mteferrika, brahim, 8, 53, 60, 86, 87, 93,
Matbaa-i Ebzziya, 193229 95, 102, 11213, 116
Matbaa-i Osmniye, 200, 203, 205 biography of, 6062, 6566
Maydn, 45 enlightened circle of, 8384
Medici Press, 1089, 110 on geography, 7274
Megiser, Hieronymus, 18, 45 on history, 7881
Mehmed Efendi, 81 and Latin, 65, 7677
Mehmed I, Sultan, 79 on military, 8990
Mehmed II, Sultan, 114 mirror for princes, or counsel for
Mehmed Paa, Defterdar, 91 sultans (nasihatname) literature, 87,
Metaxas, Nikodemos, 106 9091
Mexico, 247, 261, 267 Muslims vs. non-Muslims, 94
Michaelis, Johann David, 17, 45n60 political philosophy of, 8586, 88, 9091,
Midhat, Ahmed, 195, 203 92
Mignon, Abbot, 112 as printer, 85, 103
Ml iris al-B, 261 printing venture of, 68, 82, 8384, 1045,
Mihran Matbaas, 198, 202, 205 11415
military, 64, 71, 121, 126, 234, 241, 275, 287, 289 on religious fanaticism (taassup), 9293
Ottoman, 85, 8790, 95, 110 Mteferrika Press, 62n26, 82
reform, 62, 85 publications of, 68, 6971, 81
sciences, 59, 69, 9293, 289
structure, 59, 84, 87, 91 Ndir, awd, 258
Milli Ktphane (National Library of al-Nar, Ann, 248
324 index

Naima, Mustafa, 70, 7576, 7879, 82, 86, 91 in decline/decline paradigm, 5658, 87,
Napoleon, 121, 123, 287, 292 9091
al-Naqwa, Rabbi Abraham, 133, 135, 138, in eighteenth century, 56, 58, 95
143 in nineteenth century, 193229
al-Naqwa, Rabbi Jacob, 135, 138 in twentieth century, 208
nas script, 293 histories of, 75, 78
al-Nir, Abd al-Ramn (of Andalusia), introduction of printing in, 59, 1013
108 military reform, 89, 194
Nir al-Din Shh, 151 Second Constitutional era, 234, 24142
Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 290 Tulip Age, 101, 114
nationalism, 255, 265 Westernisation of, 101, 195
Arab, 250, 259, 263, 265, 282 Ottoman(s)
Armenian, 284 book design, 207, 209
Kurdish, 272, 274 census, 198
Lebanese, 250 copyists and calligraphers, 103, 107,
Syrian, 250 10910, 112, 116
Turkish, 231 decrees (fermans), 126
Nazmizade Murtaza, 79, 8081 Enlightenment, 53, 59, 60
Nedimi Bey, 238 first printing enterprise, 59, 1013
Negri, Salomon, 29 intellectual movements, 58, 207
Netherlands, 42 in Latin America, 248
newspapers, 139, 191, 193, 195, 205, 23133, loyalists, 258
236, 242, 247, 252, 258, 266, 272, 27477, military failure/organisation, 8788,
279, 28183, 292. See also magazines; 9091
periodicals parliament, 196, 200
Arabic, 24750, 253, 25557, 26165 print culture, 101120, 208, 209
Kurdish, 274, 278, 281, 283 reoccupation of Egypt, 122, 12526, 127
New World. See Americas Turkish script, 113
Niebuhr, Carsten, 112 yearbooks, 198
North Africa, 130, 136, 142, 145, 146 Ottoman Scientific Society (Cemiyet-i
Hebrew printing in, 130, 132, 13536, 141 lmiye-i Osmnye), 195
Jewish communities of, 136, 140, 142, 147 zege, Seyfettin, 202, 204, 205
North America, 247
novellae (commentary), 134 page-numbering, 209
numismatics, 29 Pahlavi dynasty, 27980
Nr al-Dn, Uthmn, 288 Pakalin, Mehmet Zeki, 64
Nuremberg, 26 Palache, Moshe and Israel, 144
Nuri, Celal, 116 palaeography, 8
Palestine, 129, 247, 265
dOhsson, Mouradgea, 112 Panoyotidis, Yuvanaki, 202
mer Efendi, 77 pan-Islamic unity, 73
Opitz, Heinrich, 24, 41, 46 paper, 14, 198, 241, 288
Oran (Wahrn), 130, 136, 142, 144, 148 coloured, 207
Orientalists, 1750, 147 currency, 6, 1314, 15n41
Orthodox Slavs, 107 -cutting machine, 188, 191
orthography, 1089, 113, 14344, 149, 273 history of, 4, 8
of classical Arabic, 22, 108, 141, 147 mills, 82, 102
of Hebrew names, 146 papyrology, 8
of Judaeo-Arabic, 14142, 14448 papyrus, 14
of Turkish, 117 parchment, 14
Osman Zeki Bey / Matbaa-i Osmniye, 200, Paris, xi, 17, 25, 26, 115, 132n8, 142n29, 182,
203, 205 248, 257, 259n82, 264, 283, 290
sterreichische Nationalbibliothek, 4 Partido Patritico rabe/al-izb al-Waan
Ottoman Empire, 189, 253, 274, 287 al-Arab (Arab Patriotic Party), 259
index 325

Passarowitz, treaty of, 77, 83 and religious law, 9394


Patrona Halil rebellion, 83, 85, 88 Spanish translation of, 259
Paulus, Heinrich Eberhard Gottlob, 36 typeface of, 293
Peevi, brahim, 68, 110, 111 Western printed, 21, 22, 33, 49, 108, 116
Pennsylvania, University, Museum of Art
and Archaeology, 67 al-Rbia al-Adabya (The Literary
periodicals, 50, 191, 231234, 236237, League), 258
239242, 265, 283 Radtke, Bernd, 56n11
Arabic, 245 al-Ral, Sayf al-Dn, 258
Kurdish, 274, 278 Rahipallo (Rahibolu?), Mansur, 185
Turkish, 193, 203205, 207, 231243 Rakoczi, Ferenc (prince), 6566
Persia, 14, 114. See also Iran Rashi fonts, 135, 143
Persian Raid Efendi, 76, 79, 104
books, 68, 80, 152, 154, 206 readership. See circulation/readership
dictionary, 69 reason and faith, compatibility of, 63,
language, 20, 23, 27, 31, 155, 273, 27879 9394
scripts, 113, 280 reform/reformers, 280, 287
Peters, Rudolph, 56n11 educational, 289
Petrus IV, Patriarch, 182, 188, 191 military, 85
Pfeiffer, August, 21, 23, 46 Ottoman, 6263, 89n134
philosophes, 5355, 57, 59, 72, 94 Rehkopf, Johann Friedrich, 34, 39, 49
phonetic spellings, 141, 142, 143, 147 Reiske, Johann Jacob, 17, 23, 27, 3136, 38,
orthography, 145 39, 41, 4345, 4850
photography, 208, 239, 241 religion, 5860, 63
Piri Reis, 75 and Enlightenment, 55
Pirizade, Mevlana Sahib, 84 Renassia, Youcef, 147
poetry, 266 revolution
pointing, 146. See also diacritical points in communication technology, 272
Portuguese, 253, 26667 French, 123, 130, 233
postcards, 193 Iranian/Islamic, 27980
Pouillard, Georg Wilhelm, 32, 41, 48 maritime, 75, 92
press/media, 247 military, 90
Arab, 258, 26263 Ottoman (of 1908), 193, 196, 23233, 236,
freedom of, 233 238, 241
Turkish, 195, 236, 242 printing, 1045, 107
Princeton University Library, 7 Reza Shah, Muhammad, 279
print culture, 1047, 114, 195, 208, 209 Rhodes, 195
proclamations, 12227 Ricaut, Paul, 109
propaganda, 123, 280, 292 Richardson, John, 36, 49
publicists, 198, 249, 254, 259, 261, 263, 265 Rinck, Friedrich Theodor, 36, 50
punchcutting, 33 Rio de Janeiro, 245, 249, 250, 252, 255
punctuation, 209 Ritzsch, Gregor, 19, 45
Rza Bey, Ali, 238
Qajar (period), 152, 15455, 15758 Roman script. See script
al-Qalals, Ab Bakr Muammad, 13 Roper, Geoffrey, 10, 42n52
al-Qalqaand, 292 Rosenmller, Ernst Friedrich Carl, 37, 50
Qsim, Abd al-Karm, 277 Rud, Abd al-Ramn, 290
al-Qasalln, 289 Russians, 93
Qan, Ilys ibrn, 264 and Ottomans, 77, 87
qaysarya, 2
Qurn, 107, 109, 11516, 123, 124, 151, 154 Sada, Ann, 254, 25960, 265
in block prints, 108 Sada, all, 253, 254, 259, 265
in Hebrew script, 21n18 Saadeddin, Hseyin, 23436
manuscripts, 23, 43, 44 Saadia Gaon, 130, 136, 141, 145, 147
326 index

Sabev, Orlin, 68 ehbal


addm usayn, 277 aesthetics of, 231, 236, 238, 242
Sadeddin, Hoca, 76, 78 owner of, 234, 238
diq B, Muammad, 132, 136 Seljuk period, 9
afad, aml, 253 emma, Moses (B), 136
afad press, 253 Serageldin, Ismail, 291
Safavids, 76 Servetus, Michael, 63
Safed (Palestine), 129 Seydi Ali Reis, 75
Said, Edward, 121 eyhlislam (mufti), 69, 71, 83, 84
Sad, Yann (Juan Said), 256 idyq, Fris al-, 209
Said Efendi, 84, 102, 103, 116 iml, Mordechai, 138
Sad Pasha, 290 Society of Syrian Youths, 250
akir, Hseyin, 79 Sorani (dialect), 272, 273, 278, 279, 284. See
kir, Ilys, 185 also Kurdish
slnmes, 198 Sorkin, David, 55, 95
Salonica, 143 Sourdel, Dominique, 9
Samaritan types/fonts, 19 Sourdel-Thomine, Janine, 9
Sami, Mustafa, 79 Sousse, 137, 142, 148
Samr, Ml, 257 Soviet Union, 273, 284. See also Russians
amn, Wad, 257 Spain, 23, 8, 1314, 32, 108
Santos, 248, 255 Spanish, 266
So Paolo, 245, 249, 250, 252, 254, 255, 266, Spitaler, Anton, 42n52
267 rr, Rabbi Mordechai, 139
ara, 79 stained glass windows, 199
al-rm, Ysuf, 258 stamp(s), 23, 8, 1112
Saf, Patriarch Abd Allh II, 182, 18789 Sheyli Efendi, 80
awy, r, 25859, 261, 265 el-Suudi, Mehmed bin Emir el-Hasan, 74
wl, all, 256 uuri, Hasan, 69
Sayabalian, Jacques, 238 Svedelius, Jacob, 25
Scaliger, Justus, 42n52 Sweden, 283
Schieferdecker, Johann David, 24, 25, 46 Syria, 14, 80, 255, 260, 265, 271, 272, 273, 277,
Schimmel, Annemarie, 42n52 278, 28182
Schnermark, Johann Heinrich, 34, 35, 37, Greater Syria, 245, 253, 265
39, 40, 49 National Library, 265
schools, 77, 106. See also education Syriac, 19, 185, 188, 191
Arabic, 266, 281 Syrian National Party, 255
in Egypt, 28789 Syrian Orthodox Church, 18182, 185, 191
Kurdish in, 272, 27475, 277, 27980, Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate, 191
283 Syrian Patriarchate Education Society, 185,
Schrder, Nikolaus Wilhelm, 31, 44, 48 187
Schulze, Reinhard, 56n11 Syrian Printing Press (Brazil), 249
Schuster, Jacob, 29, 47 Syrian Social Nationalist Party, 254, 259
scribal culture, 104, 1057. See also Syro-Lebanese (migrants), 248, 250, 256,
manuscript(s); print culture 258, 262, 264
scripts
Arabic, 29, 6768, 11617, 13132, 142, 144, tables of contents, 209
148, 272, 273, 278, 281, 283, 284, 292 Tabriz, 9, 13, 151
nas, 293 Tacke, Heinrich Christian/Christoph, 26,
Kf, 207 27, 2932, 38, 40, 41, 4648
riqa, 293 tafsr, 130, 145
ulu, 293 Tahir, Mehmed, 200, 203, 208
Latin/Roman, 69, 70, 113, 140, 14344, Talha Ebzziya, 196
27273, 278, 280, 281, 284 Tamerlane (Timur), 76, 7980
secularisation, 87n131, 280 Tangier, 131
index 327

arrz, Flb D, 247, 252 Ubicini, 113


arshes (matrices), 13, 14 Uhl, Johann Ludwig, 48
tashih (correction), 84 ulam, 121, 12324, 127, 23435
Tatar, 31 lyt, 23
Tauchnitz, Druckerei, 37 Umayyads, 157
Tawfq, Khedive, 290, 293, 313 United Front of the Arab Youth (abhat
technology, 4, 8, 12, 12425, 136, 241, 272, 276 al-abba al-Arabya al-Muttaida), 263
printing, 5, 1314, 101, 1069, 110, 112, 114, United States, 245, 247, 265, 280
194, 196, 200, 234 Unrepresented Nations and People
Teke, 196 Organization (UNPO), 27879
Tercmn- Hakikat Matbaas, 203 Uppsala, 20
textbooks, 197, 198, 277, 287, 289 Urban, Topu, 114
Thkly, Imre, 64, 102 Uruguay, 247, 263
Thomas, Lewis, 93 Usta, Kosti, 200
Thompson, Ann, 5657 Utah, University, Marriott Library, 10
Timurids, 76 Uzan, Michel, 140
title-pages, 209
Toderini, Giambattista, 78, 112 Vaf, 6, 13, 15n41
Tott, Franois de, 112, 113 Vedat Bey, 208
toys, 199 Velid Ebzziya, 193
Tozlyan, A. K., 202 vellum, 7, 14
translations, 82, 83, 124, 125, 130, 132, 133, 141, Venice, 130
143, 194, 205, 206, 256, 288, 289 Venture de Paradis, Jean-Michel, 123
Judaeo-Arabic, 135, 13839, 145 Veyssire de La Croze, Mathurin, 25, 36, 48
transliteration, 135, 139, 140 vernacular, 109, 133, 134
of Arabic, into Latin characters, 14344, Victoria, Queen, 183, 188
146 Villeneuve, Marquis de, 70, 84
Traugott, Franciscus, 21 vocalisation, of Arabic, 19
Tripoli (Libya), 131 Vogel, Druckerei, 37
Tunis, 13031, 136, 137, 140, 142, 148 Voltaire, 71
Tunisia, 7, 13940, 142, 146
Tunuslu Ahmet, 75 Wahl, Samuel Friedrich Gnther, 36, 50
Turkey, 80, 271, 273, 27475, 277, 278, Wallin, Georg, 17, 2528, 31, 32, 38, 44, 46
27980, 283 waraqa (document), 126
language laws in, 272 Weidmann und Reich, Verlag, 36, 37, 39,
National Library, 201 40, 49, 50
Republic of, 61, 189, 191, 232, 271, 274 Westernisation, 236, 242
Turkish, 23, 27, 31, 152, 191, 233 Weygand, Johann Friedrich, 36, 49
alphabet, 275 White, Charles, 116
language, 18, 24, 27, 273 Winckler, Johann Dietrich, 48
in Latin script, 6970, 117 Withers, Charles, 73
press, 231, 234 Witkam, Jan Just, 42n52
works, 6769 Wittenberg, 21
Trk ve slam Eserleri Mzesi (Museum of Wohlfart, Johann Christian, 24, 38, 46
Turkish and Islamic Art, Istanbul), 9 Wolfrum, Vitus, 19, 45
typeface(s), 24, 113, 148, 248, 293 women, 135, 143, 157, 231, 234, 236, 241
Qurn, 293 woodcuts, 19, 21, 29, 48
specimens, 1921 World War I, 140, 238, 271, 276
typefounding, 19, 33, 37, 288 World War II, 137
types, 1744, 191, 209 Wrocaw/Breslau, 18, 20
typesetters/typesetting, 233
of Arabic sorts, 23, 24, 26, 27, 42, 43, 113 Yemen, 32
typography, 27, 33, 37, 42, 43, 115, 194, 209, Yeniehirli Abdullah Efendi, 83
257 Yirmisekiz elebi Mehmed Efendi, 6869
328 index

Young Turks, 193, 231, 233, 259 Zechendorff, Johannes, 18, 19


Yusuf Paa, 122 Zeidler, Andreas, 2629, 32, 34, 35, 38,
4042, 4648
Zala (Lebanon), 248 Zeitz, 24, 46
Zarq, Solomon, 135, 138 Zeki Bey, Osman, 200, 203, 205
Zayn, Muammad, 250 zincography, 208
Zaza (Dimili-Goran group), 273, 275. See Ziyad Ebzzya, 203
also Kurdish Zwickau, 19

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