Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196212

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Journal of Anthropological Archaeology

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jaa

The genesis of monuments: Resisting outsiders in the contested

landscapes of southern Brazil
Jonas Gregorio De Souza a,, Rafael Corteletti b, Mark Robinson a, Jos Iriarte a
a
Department of Archaeology, University of Exeter, Laver Building, North Park Road, Exeter EX4 4QE, United Kingdom
b
Departamento de Antropologia, Universidade Federal do Paran, Rua General Carneiro, 460 6o andar, Curitiba, Paran 80.060-150, Brazil

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: In this article, we examine the emergence of the funerary mound and enclosure complexes of the southern
Received 13 September 2015 Brazilian highlands during the last 1000 years in relation to processes of population expansion, contact,
Revision received 7 January 2016 conflict and the establishment of frontiers. We test the hypothesis that such monuments emerged among
the local southern proto-J peoples as a response to the migration of a foreign group, the Tupi-Guarani. We
compared the spatio-temporal distribution of mound and enclosure complexes in respect to sites of
Keywords: interaction between the two groups. The results indicate that the rise of funerary architecture coincides
Southern Brazilian highlands
with the first incursions of the Tupi-Guarani to the southern proto-J heartland, and that mounds are
Southern proto-J
Mound and enclosure complexes
concentrated in areas devoid of interaction. We conclude that highly monumentalized landscapes
Tupi-Guarani emerged in areas where local groups chose not to interact with the Tupi-Guarani, showing that funerary
Crisis cult monuments were an important component in the establishment of impermeable frontiers to resist
Costly signaling outsiders.
2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction
With the advantage that we are no longer bound to the essen-
tialist approaches of culture history, archaeologists are once again
recognizing that the movement of peoples and ideas occurred fre-
quently in the past and had major consequences for trajectories of
ethnogenesis (Heckenberger, 2005, 2011; Politis and Bonomo,
2012). Under novel theoretical approaches, we are now assessing
the impact of migrations in the congealment of ethnicities, the cre-
ation of political landscapes, and the invention of traditions in the
past (Bernardini, 2005a, 2005b, 2011; Hornborg, 2005; Pauketat,
2005, 2007, 2010; Pauketat and Loren, 2005; Sassaman, 2005,
2010; Whitehead, 1994). Of prime importance to archaeology are
the material expressions of those processes; one phenomenon that
is repeatedly observed during periods of intense cultural interac-
tion, hand in hand with the establishment of frontier zones, is
the rise of novel architectural expressions that materialize and
shape the formation of new identities (Dillehay, 2007; Pauketat,
2007; Sassaman, 2005).
The monumental funerary earthworks of the southern proto-J
groups in the southern Brazilian highlands are a case in question.
Despite more than six decades of research (Chmyz, 1968; Chmyz
Corresponding author.
E-mail address: jgd203@exeter.ac.uk (J.G. De Souza).
et al., 1968; Menghin, 1957; Naue et al., 1989; Ribeiro and
Ribeiro, 1985; Rohr, 1971), only recently have archaeologists
shifted their focus in the study of southern proto-J earthworks
from more descriptive approaches to the investigation of ritual
practices, the degree of political complexity and territoriality
(Cop et al., 2002; De Masi, 2009; De Souza, 2012; De Souza and
Cop, 2010; Iriarte et al., 2013, 2008, 2010; Saldanha, 2008). Inter-
estingly, renewed archaeological work in the Rio de la Plata basin is
beginning to provide a broader picture, showing that the southern
proto-J monuments developed over the last 1000 years amidst a
regional mosaic of migrations, increased population densities and
intensifying interaction (Bonomo et al., 2015, 2011; Iriarte et al.,
in press, 2008; Politis and Bonomo, 2012; Politis et al., 2011). How-
ever, the role of such an ethnic mosaic in the rise of a novel archi-
tectural tradition in the southern Brazilian highlands has never
been assessed.
In this article, we test the hypothesis that the appearance of
southern proto-J mound and enclosure complexes over the last
1000 years is related to the largest population expansion in low-
land South America in recent times, that of the Tupi-Guarani lan-
guage family (Bonomo et al., 2015). We hypothesize that the
rapid advance of the Tupi-Guarani along major river routes led to
the circumscription of some southern proto-J groups in the high-
lands. Specifically, a core area of the southern proto-J groups in
the CanoasPelotas river basins chose not to interact with the

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2016.01.003
0278-4165/ 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196212
outsiders, establishing an impermeable social frontier. This is
where the earliest funerary monuments were raised. We propose
that these groups reacted to the Tupi-Guarani advance by design-
ing an unprecedented political landscape, dotted by funerary mon-
uments dedicated to chiefly lines as a powerful statement of
resistance to the outsiders.
2. Monuments, frontiers and identities
The emergence of monumental architectural expressions,
especially with a public character, during moments of rapid
socio-political change and cultural interaction (or conflict) is a phe-
nomenon observed in many parts of the world and time periods.
Migrations are particularly prone to triggering this process, as local
and long-distance relocation of groups leads to the juxtaposition of
identities, resulting in novel socio-political arrangements and tra-
ditions that are ultimately projected on the landscape (Pauketat,
2007; Pauketat and Loren, 2005). The role of population displace-
ments, multi-ethnic formations and the negotiation of identities
in the rise of new architectural traditions has been extensively
debated by North American archaeologists, from the Archaic per-
iod earthworks and exchange network of Poverty Point
(Sassaman, 2005) to the Mississippian period shaping of authority
in the elite mounds of Cahokia (Pauketat, 2005, 2007), and to the
southwestern Puebloan communities (Bernardini, 2005a, 2005b).
In South America, one of the clearest examples comes from the
archaeology and ethnohistory of the Araucanians of Chile. Dillehay
(2007) has provided a detailed account of how Araucanian leaders
expanded their power through the sponsorship of ceremonies and
mound building, creating a ceremonial mounded landscape and
uniting a previously decentralized population in order to resist
outsiders. The peaks in mound-building activity coincide with peri-
ods of invasion of Araucanian territory by foreign powers, first by
the Inka, later by the Spanish. Dillehay (2007) argues that the con-
tact with outsiders led the Araucanians to a world of awareness,
manifested in the proliferation of chiefly burial mounds that cre-
ated a landscape of lineage connecting people to places. In other
words, the threat of invasion by outsiders led to the emergence of a
constructed political landscape (Smith, 2003).
This phenomenon is not without parallels in the old world. For
example, Sherratt (1990) offers a similar interpretation for the
emergence of megaliths in Northwestern Europe during the Neo-
lithic a period for which the role of local invention versus foreign
influences has been widely debated. He suggests that megalithic
sites developed as an essential part of the interaction between
local groups and newcomers. The migratory waves that undoubt-
edly were part of the Neolithic scenario would have provided an
initial stimulus that gave rise to a complex reaction and interaction
process. Sherratt (1990) argues that these foreign incursions coin-
cided with the development of novel forms of megalithic architec-
ture, in themselves the apparatus of new forms of cult, which
Sherratt sees as a sort of revivalistic religious movement. The
European Neolithic has also been examined under a similar per-
spective by Vandkilde (2007), who appropriately labelled it an ex-
tra hot period, a transitory moment when the spread of new ideas
and peoples led to fundamental changes of local identities. Periods
such as these are called by Vandkilde (2007) macro-regional
phases of conjuncture, a concept that can be extended to the
aforementioned cases.
The question that naturally emerges is why a new ceremonial
apparatus, often in the form of monumental burial facilities and
funerary rites, should so frequently develop in situations of intensi-
fied cross-cultural interaction and conflict. Perhaps part of the
answer lies with the phenomenon of crisis cults long known to
anthropology (La Barre, 1971). Crisis cults are defined as punctuated
197
religious developments that constitute a ritual reaction by a
society undergoing stress, and it has been noticed that they often
appear in contexts of increased ethnic contact (Driessen, 2001; La
Barre, 1971).
Another major question is why the situations of migrations,
invasions and conflict that can lead to the formation of crisis cults
also favors the expression of those rites by means of new monu-
mental architectural traditions. In many of the cases reviewed
above, the new ceremonial architecture that emerges in situations
of ethnic conflict also materialize new forms of authority that
appear during turbulent periods (Dillehay, 2007; Pauketat, 2007).
Monuments have the potential of testifying to the ability of power-
ful individuals or groups to deploy labor and resources; to para-
phrase Trigger (1990), monuments do not only make power
visible, they also become power. Therefore, the construction of
highly monumentalized landscapes needs to be understood as crit-
ical to the constitution of authority: built environments are not
merely a reflection of the course of historical events, but also help
to shape them (Smith, 2003).
Finally, the emergence of monuments has also been revisited by
archaeologists working under an evolutionary perspective. They
argue that behaviors such as conspicuous consumption and waste-
ful spending (for instance, in the construction of monuments) can
be used to enhance social prestige because they are a form of
smart advertising of the competitive abilities of leaders
(Neiman, 1997). From an evolutionary point of view, the wasteful
behavior represented by monument building can be considered
as a form of costly signaling, that is, a display of wealth that
advertises a hidden quality of the sender (Ames, 2010; Boone,
2000). One corollary is that the proliferation of monuments in situ-
ations of inter-ethnic conflict can be understood as a form of adver-
tising to outsiders that they will not be met without resistance. In
that sense, the high visibility of monuments makes them a good
candidate for the overt, intentional and assertive demarcation of
territories (OShea and Milner, 2002).
3. The southern Brazilian highlands as a contested landscape
During the last 2000 years, southern Brazil was part of a regio-
nal mosaic of archaeological cultures, where a range of local tradi-
tions and migratory waves met, competed and interacted (Bonomo
et al., 2015, 2011; Iriarte et al., in press, 2008; Politis and Bonomo,
2012; Politis et al., 2011; Rogge, 2005).
In the temperate highlands, the local Taquara/Itarar Tradition
has long been recognized as representing the material correlate
of speakers of the southern branch of the J linguistic family
(Noelli, 2005). The depth of regional linguistic diversity within
the J family points to the central Brazilian savannas as their likely
homeland (Urban, 1992). The continuity between the archaeologi-
cal Taquara/Itarar Tradition and the historical southern J peoples,
as argued by archaeologists (Noelli, 2005), anthropologists (Da
Silva, 2001) and historians (Dias, 2005) is the reason why we refer
to them as the southern proto-J groups.
At the same time that the southern Brazilian highlands were
settled by the southern proto-J groups, the warm subtropical
deciduous forests along the major rivers of the Rio de la Plata basin
were occupied by the Tupiguarani Tradition (Bonomo et al., 2015;
Milheira and DeBlasis, 2014). It is a consensus that this tradition
represents the ancestors of historical speakers of the Tupi-
Guarani language family, whose internal diversity points to a
southwestern Amazonian origin (Noelli, 1998, 2008; Rodrigues
and Cabral, 2012; Urban, 1992).
We present now a brief overview of southern proto-J and Tupi-
Guarani archaeology, before examining the cases of interaction and
resistance. Because the focus of this article is those two archaeo-
198 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196212
logical traditions we will not mention other traditions of the Rio de
la Plata basin, but the reader must be aware of the rich cultural
diversity of this region during the last 2000 years (Bonomo et al.,
2015, 2011; Iriarte et al., in press, 2008; Politis and Bonomo,
2012; Politis et al., 2011).
3.1. The southern proto-J
Historical accounts depict the southern J groups as regionally
organized, politically complex societies. In the 19th century, the
Kaingang were divided in a number of chiefdoms with two tiers
of hierarchy, with a paramount chief presiding over subordinate
local chiefs (Becker, 1976; Fernandes, 2004; Mabilde, 1897, 1899,
1983). Paramount chiefs enjoyed a number of privileges, including
the right to polygyny and to lavish burial ceremonies that ended
with the raising of a funerary mound. They waged constant war
against rebel sub-chiefs and enemy groups, determined the loca-
tion of settlements, and divided the Araucaria (Paran pine) forests
amongst their subordinates (Mabilde, 1897, 1899, 1983). Southern
J groups were semi-sedentary and practised a mixed economy
combining small-scale cultivation, hunting and gathering of the
pinho, the nutritious seed of the Araucaria, which was stored to
last for the winter. However, some Kaingang tribes and all of the
Xokleng had abandoned agriculture in favor of the mobility
granted by hunting and gathering, partly as a response to the Euro-
pean conquest (Henry, 1941). Traditionally, southern J groups
were divided into patrilineal exogamous moieties, further subdi-
vided into moieties of ritual significance (Da Silva, 2001;
Nimuendaj, 1993; Veiga, 1994).
The Taquara/Itarar Tradition, which is the material correlate of
the southern proto-J groups, dates back to ca. 2220 B.P. and
extends to the colonial period. It was originally characterized by
its diagnostic small ceramics with thin walls. Surface treatments
include black burnishing and a variety of plastic decorations
punctations, fingernail impressions, incisions with various geomet-
ric motifs, basketry and chord impressions. Beyond the ceramics,
we now recognize other traits characteristic of this broadly dis-
persed tradition, such as the construction of domestic and ceremo-
nial earthworks (e.g. Araujo, 2007; Beber, 2005; De Masi, 2009;
Iriarte et al., 2013; Noelli, 2005; Ribeiro, 1999; Schmitz, 1999).
Domestic earthworks are represented by pit houses. Although
many of them appear isolated or in small groups, some clusters
of pit houses appear to constitute large, well-planned settlements,
with the structures linked by a series of defined track-ways, indi-
cating carefully controlled directions of movement at these sites
(Iriarte et al., 2013). These settlements are also defined by artificial
low terraces on their downhill slopes (see also Saldanha, 2005). In
the largest settlements, which can count up to 107 houses, the
structures are not randomly dispersed, but organized in discrete
neighborhoods and accompanied by mounds. Clusters of houses
can have a linear or semi-circular layout, sometimes surrounding
a mound (Schmitz et al., 2013b).
Most of the pit houses do not surpass 5 m diameter. However,
some structures have diameters of up to 25 m and depths that
may reach 7 m (Cop, 2006; Reis, 1980; Schmitz et al., 2010,
2013a). These oversized pit houses in some instances appear as
part of clusters where they are surrounded by smaller pits, and
often are accompanied by large mounds (Cop, 2006; Kern et al.,
1989; Schmitz et al., 1988). It is not yet clear whether oversized
pit houses represent habitations of extended families, high status
individuals, or communal facilities similar to mens houses and
kivas (Cop, 2006; Reis, 1980; Schmitz et al., 2010, 2013a).
Pit houses are only one type of southern proto-J site. They are
common above 800 m of elevation (Beber, 2005; Panek Jr. and
Noelli, 2006), but in regions of lower altitudes settlements without
earthen architecture are the norm. Sites with concentrations of
lithics and ceramics on the surface, accompanied by anthropogenic
dark earth, are especially common in the southern escarpments of
the Highlands (Miller, 1967), in Paran state (Chmyz et al., 1999;
Parellada, 2004) and in the coast of Santa Catarina (Da Silva
et al., 1990).
Although it was long sustained that the southern proto-J peo-
ples were mobile and depended more on hunting and gathering
than on horticulture, recent microbotanical studies have changed
that scenario. The consumption of manioc (Manihot esculenta
Crantz), beans (Phaseolus sp.) and possibly yams (cf. Dioscorea
sp.), in addition to maize (Zea mays L.) and squash (Cucurbita sp.),
has recently been documented through phytolith and starch grains
analysis from a pit house context (Corteletti et al., 2015). These
results confirmed that southern proto-J groups subsisted on a
variety of cultivated plants, calling into question long-held models
hypothesizing that southern proto-J people where highly mobile.
It also suggested that food production may have allowed popula-
tions to settle in the southern Brazilian highlands year-round with-
out the need for seasonal movements to the lowlands to procure
food (Corteletti et al., 2015).
3.1.1. Mound and enclosure complexes
Although the southern proto-J groups were established in the
southern Brazilian highlands since at least 2000 B.P., it was only
in the last 1000 years that they began to create a distinctive range
of monuments characterized by mound and enclosure complexes
(Corteletti, 2012; Iriarte et al., 2008) (Fig. 1).
These sites are characterized by circular, elliptical, rectangular,
and keyhole-shaped earthworks whose rims are 30100 cm tall,
16 m wide, and 10180 m in diameter. They may exhibit or lack
mounds and associated ringlets. Mounds are generally circular
but can be rectangular platforms (De Masi, 2009). In some regions,
mound and enclosure complexes occur together in groups, forming
a dense ceremonial landscape (Cop, 2007; Iriarte et al., 2013;
Saldanha, 2005, 2008) (Fig. 2). Although they are preferably located
on the top of prominent hills that today exhibit wide viewsheds,
these funerary and ceremonial structures can sometimes be found
in lower positions in the landscape (Corteletti, 2012; Corteletti
et al., 2015). In areas which have been intensely surveyed, mound
and enclosure complexes form part of a highly structured land-
scape, always found in the vicinity of pit house clusters, suggesting
that these funerary and ceremonial structures were associated
with specific local groups (Cop, 2007; Iriarte et al., 2013;
Saldanha, 2005, 2008).
As previously noted by other researchers working in the region
(De Masi, 2009; De Souza and Cop, 2010), mound and enclosure
complexes appear to be divided in two size categories. Smaller
rings have a diameter ranging between 10 and 40 m, are far more
numerous, are generally arranged in pairs, exhibit low and narrow
rims, and most of them contain a shallow central mound or a pair
of mounds. They exhibit a dual architecture arranged in a general
SWNE alignment, with larger structures located in the western
section; these latter are always located in a slightly topographically
higher position than the smaller structure (Iriarte et al., 2013). Lar-
ger rings, between 60 and 180 m diameter, are fewer and exhibit
higher, wider and easily visible rims up to 1 m in height. Some of
the large rings are more complex than a simple circular layout,
including entry avenues and associated attached ringlets (Iriarte
et al., 2008, 2010; Reis, 1980).
It has been suggested that those distinctions in size and archi-
tecture might be related to different functions and scales of those
monuments. Small mound and enclosure complexes have been
interpreted as low-level integrative facilities (sensu Adler and
Wilshusen, 1990) built and visited by the inhabitants of nearby
pit house villages, where they undertook secondary inhumations
and participated in collective funerary rites, reinforcing commu-
 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196212 199

Fig. 1. Abreu & Garcia mound and enclosure complex, Campo Belo do Sul, Santa Catarina, Brazil, showing 2014 excavations.

Fig. 2. The densest ceremonial landscape of the highlands, Pinhal da Serra (Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil), with some examples of the architectural variability of mound and
enclosure complexes. Based on Iriarte et al. (2013).

nity ties (De Souza and Cop, 2010; Saldanha, 2005, 2008). In con-
trast, it has been proposed that large enclosures were ceremonial
centers whose construction mobilized the labor of different com-
munities dispersed across a region, and whose use was destined
for a larger public to perform other ceremonies beyond burials,
therefore constituting high-level integrative facilities (De Masi,
2009; De Souza and Cop, 2010). In the case of keyhole-shaped
earthworks, detailed topographical survey and excavations have
demonstrated a move from circular to rectilinear architectural
forms by the addition of rectangular annexes, representing a move-
ment toward more complex and diverse forms of architecture over
time (Iriarte et al., 2013).
A diversity of funerary practices is documented from the exca-
vations of the central mounds of mound and enclosure complexes.
200 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196212
These practices include the cremation of single or multiple individ-
uals within off-mound pyres, and subsequent redeposition of cre-
mated bones within the mound structure (Cop and Saldanha,
2002; De Masi, 2009; De Souza and Cop, 2010; Mller, 2008;
Mller and Mendona de Souza, 2011). Small ceramic cups and
dishes are usually found associated with the interments, possibly
representing food and drink offerings.
Phytolith analysis from charred residues of ceramic sherds asso-
ciated with earth ovens at the base of the ring of site PM 01 in Eldo-
rado, Misiones, suggests that these ceramics were used to drink
maize-based beverages during post-mortuary feasting ceremonies
(Iriarte et al., 2008, 2010). Site PM 01 is the largest and most com-
plex set of mound and enclosure earthworks so far recorded. A cen-
tral mound, 20 m in diameter and 3 m high, faces a smaller mound
(10 m diameter), and this pair of mounds is encircled by a 180 m
diameter ring, connected to a 400 m long entrance avenue framed
by earthen banks. A further three ringlets (35130 m diameter)
were attached to the main ring. Iriarte et al. (2008) interpret the
earth ovens and evidences for drinking maize-based beverages at
the site as representing periodical post-mortuary festivals, epi-
sodes of conspicuous consumption sponsored by the lineage of
the chief buried in the central mound.
Data from mound and enclosure sites such as PM 01 have fig-
ured in recent discussions about the social complexity of southern
proto-J groups. Another example, in the state of Santa Catarina,
Brazil, is site SC-AG-12, which contained a pair of rings 30 m and
60 m in diameter (De Masi, 2009). The central mound of the larger
circle contained the cremated burial of an adult and an infant
accompanied by offerings including ceramic vessels, lip plugs and
ceramic figurines, whereas the central mound of the smaller circle
contained six cremated burials, along with a few ceramics which
did not appear to be associated with any specific individual. In
the interior of the larger circle, facing the central mound, discrete
stone ovens were excavated. In summary, the two individuals
interred in the large circle received a more exclusive treatment,
and were buried in a ceremonial space whose construction and
use probably involved a wider audience. The inner plaza was a
space for feasting, as evidenced by the numerous stone ovens that
faced the central mound. It is possible that, similar to the site PM
01, the plaza of the large ring at SC-AG-12 was the stage for
regional-level ceremonies focused on the burials of the central
mound. Based on this evidence, De Masi (2009) argues that the
two individuals buried in the mound of the larger ring had a higher
social status with regards to the six individuals buried collectively
in the smaller ring.
Furthermore, Iriarte et al. (2013) point to a hierarchical ritual
separation of space in paired funerary structures, where usually
one of the rings is larger, representing a dual ranked opposition
attested in the historic southern J moiety cemeteries (Crpeau,
1994, 2002; Da Silva, 2001; Veiga, 2000). Historic cemeteries were
divided conceptually and spatially according to the moieties of the
Kaingang society: the dead of the Kam moiety were buried in
higher topographic positions, and those of the Kainru moiety were
interred in lower elevations. Interestingly, the eastwest division
that permeates the Kaingang moiety system is in this case replaced
by a distinction between upper and lower places, mirroring the
asymmetrical relationship that has been noted to underlie the moi-
ety division, as the Kam are considered superior in the spiritual
plan (Crpeau, 1994, 2002). The close proximity of the funerary
mound and enclosure complexes to specific settlements, the evi-
dences of differential treatment of the dead, the hierarchical struc-
ture of space and the reduced number of individuals buried in
those structures lead us to follow Iriarte et al. (2013) in interpret-
ing them as cemeteries for important persona of each moiety,
where potential leaders were incorporated into the landscape
and transformed into ancestors.
The mortuary and ceremonial practices at the mound and
enclosure complexes are one of the domains where the connection
between archaeology and ethnography are clearer. In fact, the
southern Brazilian highlands is one of the few regions in the Amer-
icas where mortuary rituals associated with mound-building have
been recorded in early European accounts during the 17th19th
centuries and investigated by ethnographers during the 20th cen-
tury (e.g. Baldus, 1937; Becker, 1976; Crpeau, 1994; De Paula,
1924; Henry, 1941; Maniser, 1930; Mtraux, 1946; Veiga, 2006).
Historical southern J groups exhibited a dual social organization
characterized by exogamic, patrilineal moieties. As mentioned in
the previous paragraph, in the case of the Kaingang, the moieties
are complementary, but also asymmetrical, and the ethnohistoric
records suggest the presence of sizeable, regionally organized,
hierarchical polities (e.g. Crpeau, 1994; Fernandes, 2004). Impor-
tantly, funerary and post-funerary rituals are reported to be their
single most important ceremony when the entire tribe gathered
together showing their dual organization. These events included
the burial of important chiefs, secondary burials, the inheritance
of the chiefly office by the eldest son of the deceased chief, initia-
tion rites, name-giving ceremonies, performance and re-creation of
the cosmogony myth, and feasting (e.g. Da Silva, 2001; Iriarte et al.,
2013, 2008; Maniser, 1930; Mtraux, 1946; Veiga, 2006). Despite
the fact that the mound and enclosure complexes from the first
half of the second millennium A.D. and the circumstances in which
they arose are very different from the ones reported during the
17th20th centuries, there appears to be many subjacent struc-
tures that endured during historic times associated with the asym-
metrical dual organization of these societies, the spatial
segregation of ritual space, and the alignment of burial mounds
and enclosures (see Iriarte et al., 2013 for more details).
3.2. The Tupi-Guarani
At the same time that the southern Brazilian highlands were
settled by the southern proto-J groups, a different tradition
started colonizing the low altitude, warm subtropical forests along
the major rivers of the Rio de la Plata basin. These are the Tupi-
Guarani groups, and their expansion along some 5000 km of the
Atlantic coast and through the major rivers in the hinterland dur-
ing the last 2000 years represents one of the major population
expansion processes of lowland South America (Bonomo et al.,
2015; Brochado, 1984; Noelli, 1998).
Archaeologists refer to the material correlates of the Tupi-
Guarani groups by the name of Tupiguarani Tradition (without
the hyphen). This tradition was originally defined by a package
of co-occurring traits which included polychrome (red and/or black
on white and/or red slip), corrugated and brushed pottery, the
practice of secondary burials in urns, polished stone axes, and
the use of lip plugs (Brochado et al., 1969; Chmyz, 1976; Prous,
1992).
Ethnographic and ethnohistorical data show that the Tupi-
Guarani lived in large palisade villages composed of many
extended family longhouses. Colonial sources and a few published
site plans suggest the longhouses were disposed around an open
plaza which, amongst other functions, served as a funerary area
(Noelli, 1993). Larger confederacies of villages were recorded in
the historical period, which could have attained up to 40 allied vil-
lages under the influence of a prominent political or spiritual lea-
der (Milheira and DeBlasis, 2014; Noelli, 1993). War, motivated
by frontier expansion or revenge, as well as the subsequent ritual
anthropophagic feasts, had a large social significance as a means
of status acquisition (Milheira and DeBlasis, 2014). Anthro-
pophagic feasts were described in numerous colonial sources,
and a state of endemic warfare and strong warrior ideology
 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196212
persisted among modern Tupi-Guarani tribes (Fausto, 2012;
Viveiros de Castro, 1992).
Interestingly, the anthropophagic rituals so intimately con-
nected to the warfare ideology attested in the historical records
have recently been assessed by stylistic analyses of Tupiguarani
pottery. Prous (2005, 2010) observes that elaborate polychrome
painting was primarily associated with ritual contexts, such as
the vessels for fermenting beverages for drinking during the
anthropophagic feast and possibly vessels for serving the sacrificed
enemys flesh. He argues that many of the geometrical designs on
these vessels are stylized representations of human faces, bodies,
bones and entrails (Prous, 2005, 2010). Similarly, the designs on
elaborate polychrome pottery in funerary contexts from Rio de
Janeiro have been interpreted as stylized representations of skele-
tal or visceral patterns (Buarque, 2010).
Since the seminal work of Brochado (1984), all authors agree
that the Tupi-Guarani advance throughout the South American
lowlands represents a process of expansion rather than a migration
in the strict sense, that is, new daughter villages branched out of
overpopulated old ones, but maintained interaction and social ties
with them in such a way that old territories were never aban-
doned. This process resulted in an expanding radius of village net-
works through gradual population waves (Bonomo et al., 2015;
Brochado, 1984; Milheira and DeBlasis, 2014; Noelli, 1993). Major
waterways were the primary corridors for the Tupi-Guarani expan-
sion, and nearly all their sites are located along rivers. Following
this argument, Noelli (1993) proposed that the initial Tupi-
Guarani advance was restricted to the major forested river flood-
plains. After the consolidation of their territories and associated
managed forest areas in these preferred environments, the
Tupi-Guarani would start colonizing smaller tributaries with gal-
lery forests. In general, this model has been recently confirmed
by the latest review of Tupi-Guarani dates in the Rio de la Plata
basin by Bonomo et al. (2015). This process has been observed in
more detail by Ribeiro (1991) in the Pardo River valley, Rio Grande
do Sul. In his study, he showed how the earliest and larger sites
occupy the fertile floodplain, whereas the latest sites are smaller
and located in higher elevation zones.
Several authors have envisioned the typical Tupi-Guarani set-
tlement pattern as consisting of concentric circles radiating out
from the village (located close to a permanent water source)
and extending into home gardens, slash-and-burn plots, the for-
est, and other villages linked by roads (Assis, 1995; Milheira
and DeBlasis, 2014; Noelli, 1993). Noelli (1993) proposes that
the catchment area of a village or cluster of dispersed home-
steads could reach 50 km radius. As indicated by recent
palaeobotanical research, the forest around Tupi-Guarani settle-
ments was likely secondary forest resulting from managed old
fallows in different states of succession (Scheel-Ybert et al.,
2014).
Historically recorded Tupi-Guarani groups were tropical horti-
culturalists that practiced agroforestry polyculture. They slashed
the forest with stone axes and managed old fallows (Brochado,
1984; Noelli, 1993). Nearly all of the cultivated products were
of tropical origin, including manioc (Manihot esculenta), peanuts
(Arachis hypogea), beans (Phaseolus sp.), potato (Solanum tubero-
sum), yam (Dioscorea sp.), sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas), maize
(Zea mays) and squashes (Cucurbita spp.). Maize pollen has been
documented in regions located in the vicinity of Tupi-Guarani
sites since ca. 1810 B.P. (Behling et al., 2005, 2007). In the
Paran Delta, stable isotope analysis by Loponte and Acosta
(2007, 2013) demonstrates that skeletons from Tupi-Guarani
burial contexts had an enriched average d13C content in compar-
ison with skeletons from hunter-gatherer sites from the same
region, confirming the consumption of maize by the Tupi-
Guarani.
201
3.3. The impact of the Tupi-Guarani expansion
For a long time it was thought that the arrival of the Tupi-
Guarani to the south, bringing with them tropical cultigens and
the practice of slash-and-burn agriculture from their homeland
in SW Amazon, would have triggered a Neolithization process that
led to the adoption of agriculture by local foragers (Otonello and
Lorandi, 1987; Rodrguez, 1992; Schmitz, 1991; Schmitz and
Becker, 1991; Schmitz et al., 1991).
We now know that cultivated plants were available to the
groups of the Rio de la Plata basin long before the Tupi-Guarani
settled in the area (e.g. Iriarte, 2006; Iriarte et al., 2004). Further-
more, plants such as manioc (Shock et al., 2013) and maize
(Prous et al., 1991; Resende and Prous, 1991) were present in Cen-
tral Brazil since at least 4000 B.P., and therefore must have been
available to the proto-J groups before they started their expansion
to the south.
However, although agricultural practices were not unknown
before their arrival, the Tupi-Guarani expansion does mark the
widespread adoption of agriculture in southeastern South America,
bringing with them 13 varieties of maize, 15 varieties of beans, 21
varieties of sweet potato, among many other cultivated plants
(Noelli, 1993).
The pace of expansion of the Tupi-Guarani is also worthy of
notice: based on the dates available for southern Brazil and the dis-
tances involved, Rogge (2005) calculates an expansion rate of 0.8
1 km per year, which he considers similar to that of the Neolithic in
Europe and tentatively associates with a wave-of-advance model
(sensu Ammerman and Cavalli-Sforza, 2014). Recently, Bonomo
et al. (2015) have suggested varying paces of expansion in different
periods: (1) a rapid spread of 750 km2 from 0 to 300 A.D., (2) a per-
iod of territorial stabilization with a slower dispersion of 110 km2
per year from 300 to 1000 A.D., and (3) a rapid new wave of expan-
sion of 500 km2 per year after 1000 A.D. It is estimated that, by the
time of the European contact, the Tupi-Guarani speakers num-
bered around 4 million (Rodrigues, 1986). The demographic conse-
quences of this process of expansion must be taken into account.
3.4. Dealing with outsiders: interaction and resistance
Conflict with pre-established populations was long postulated
as a major consequence of the Tupi-Guarani territorial expansion
(Brochado, 1984; Noelli, 1993). Archaeologists working in southern
Brazil and surrounding areas have recognized that the rapid Tupi-
Guarani spread led to the progressive circumscription of local
groups for example, pushing and restricting the southern
proto-J groups to the upper elevations of the highlands (Noelli,
1999b, 2004). In the southernmost limits of the Tupi-Guarani
expansion, the Paran River delta, Loponte (2008) concluded that
the Tupi-Guarani arrival circumscribed local hunter-gatherer
groups, leading to a period of increased competition and emer-
gence of more complex forms of political organization among
them. Interestingly, nearly 3500 km north, in the central Amazon,
the arrival of polychrome pottery, interpreted by many Amazonian
archaeologists as representing the advance of Tupi-Guarani speak-
ers (Brochado, 1984; Neves, 2010; Rebellato and Woods, 2012),
marks a period of destabilization of local groups and intensified
conflict visible in the construction of defensive structures and
rapid abandonment of pre-existing settlements (Moraes and
Neves, 2012).
In fact, many traditional models adhere to the idea that the
Tupi-Guarani would have rapidly advanced over forested areas
along rivers, easily conquering new territories and expelling previ-
ously settled groups (Brochado, 1984; Noelli, 1993). Another
assumption that is frequently made is that Tupi-Guarani groups
were adapted to a specific ecological niche, preventing, or at least
202 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196212
discouraging them from expanding to environments where forest
farming was not viable (Rogge, 1996, 2005; Schmitz, 1991).
It is undeniable that the Tupi-Guarani expansion was rapid and
that forested river floodplains were by far their preferred environ-
ment. However, the intricacies of the process of colonizing new
areas and interacting with local groups were more complex than
a simple ecological niche model would lead us to believe. For
example, in the only recent synthesis about prehistoric interac-
tions in southern Brazil, Rogge (2005) makes the important point
that warfare and the creation of impermeable frontiers (a strategy
of perimeter defense sensu Cashdan, 1983) were important only
during the initial stages of Tupi-Guarani expansion into the major
river valleys. As population grew and was pushed out of the sub-
tropical deciduous forest toward less favored environments, such
as the borders with Araucaria forest occupied by southern proto-
J groups, the violent strategy of warfare became too risky and
costly, since these areas were densely occupied by rival groups.
Instead, Rogge (2005) argues that later expansions into those envi-
ronments would have established a permeable social frontier
(sensu Dennell, 1985). The circulation of objects, individuals and
information across the frontier would have facilitated access to
various ecological niches both by the Tupi-Guarani and by the pre-
viously established groups.
Archaeological evidences of such flux of people and information
abound. In many parts of the escarpment of the southern Brazilian
highlands, in zones of transition between subtropical deciduous
forests and the Araucaria forest, the Tupi-Guarani actively inter-
acted with southern proto-J groups. This is evidenced by the pres-
ence of intrusive Tupi-Guarani ceramics in southern proto-J sites,
sometimes forming true enclaves, suggesting that entire house-
holds of Tupi-Guarani origin were living side by side with southern
proto-J groups in the same village (De Masi and Artusi, 1985;
Ribeiro, 1991; Rogge, 2005; Schmitz et al., 1987).
This situation has been noticed in the Uruguay River, around the
city of Itapiranga, Santa Catarina state. The settlement patterns for
the two traditions were very distinctive: whereas the Tupi-Guarani
occupied the river floodplain, the southern proto-J were estab-
lished in upper elevation zones (Piazza, 1969). The contact
between them was evidenced by the juxtaposition of residential
units of both traditions in the same settlement, although no mixing
of ceramic styles occurred (De Masi and Artusi, 1985; Schmitz and
Becker, 1968). Interestingly, the influence seems to have been uni-
directional, with Tupi-Guarani households moving to southern
proto-J villages, but never the other way around (De Masi and
Artusi, 1985). There are no absolute dates for the sites in question,
but it is estimated that the contact would have occurred between
A.D. 1000 and 1200 based on the ceramic relative chronologies.
In the Pardo River basin, Rio Grande do Sul state, Ribeiro (1991)
and Schmitz et al. (1987) observed a similar situation. Intrusive
Tupi-Guarani ceramics formed enclaves in southern proto-J sites,
interpreted as foreign households, but in this case there was some
mixing of ceramic styles. Schmitz et al. (1987) believe this to be
evidence of intentional, structured contact between the two peo-
ples, not of occasional interactions. Again, the influence was unidi-
rectional, with Taquara/Itarar ceramics adopting shapes and
decorations inspired in the Tupiguarani Tradition, but not the other
way around (Ribeiro, 1991). The contact was estimated to have
occurred after A.D. 1000.
In the Paranapanema valley, Paran state, Chmyz (1971) found
a somewhat diverse scenario: not only were the southern proto-J
groups occupying the same riverine environment as the Tupi-
Guarani, but the ceramics of the first were found in the sites of
the later, showing a reverse direction of influence from the previ-
ous cases. Chmyz (1971) also observed evidences of interaction
in the Upper Iguazu River, Paran state, and the coast of Santa
Catarina, where Taquara/Itarar vessels, though maintaining the
typical shapes of the tradition, had paste and decoration identical
to the Tupiguarani ones. More recently, Volcov (2011) demon-
strated an inverse situation in the Upper Iguazu where Tupiguarani
ceramic assemblages incorporate typical Taquara/Itarar shapes.
He believes that women of southern proto-J origin played the role
of intermediates, through marriage, during the contact with the
Tupi-Guarani. These women would have moved to the newcomers
villages, but continued to manufacture their traditional ceramics,
although adopting some stylistic attributes from the Tupi-Guarani.
Cop (2006) has observed a similar situation in Bom Jesus, Rio
Grande do Sul state, where Tupiguarani vessels were found inside
southern proto-J pit houses. In order to ascertain the provenance
of those ceramics, Cop (2006) performed X-ray diffraction analy-
sis, concluding that both the Tupiguarani and the Taquara/Itarar
vessels were manufactured from the same clay sources that are
widespread around the site. She believes the Tupiguarani ceramics
originally came to the highlands as containers for products
exchanged between the Tupi-Guarani and the southern proto-J
groups, and the styles were eventually adopted by the later due
to the superiority of their forms for storage and transportation.
Cop (2006) does not believe that Tupi-Guarani women would be
living in pit house sites, otherwise a greater diversity of Tupiguar-
ani vessels would have been produced, whereas only storage ves-
sels were found. She suggests that the Tupiguarani ceramics in
the highland pit house sites would constitute prestige artefacts
and would only appear in some special sites perhaps upper status
dwellings, or hubs in an exchange network.
Similarly, Tupiguarani ceramics have been found inside pit
houses and in other southern proto-J contexts in Caxias do Sul,
Rio Grande do Sul, closer to the escarpment of the highlands
(Corteletti, 2008; Schmitz et al., 1988). In this region, besides the
ceramic vessels, an isolated Tupiguarani urn burial has been iden-
tified. The burial was that of an infant, and was located close to the
Ca River, which naturally connects the highlands with the low-
lands. Corteletti (2008) suggests the child could have died during
a Tupi-Guarani incursion into the J hinterland.
Finally, in the northern coast of Rio Grande do Sul, where sites
of the two traditions appear to be smaller and represent ephemeral
occupations, Rogge (2005) finds evidence of contact only in the lar-
gest settlements. These are located in intermediate areas between
the forest, freshwater lagoons and the sea, providing access to a
variety of resources. Although he finds no evidence of mixed cera-
mic styles, Rogge (2005) suggests, based on the recent dates for the
region, that the Tupi-Guarani and the southern proto-J were
already in contact in the hinterland before they moved to the coast
where they would only make seasonal incursions.
Rogge (2005) believes that, after colonizing the lowland fertile
floodplains, the Tupi-Guarani would have sought to complement
their economy with the exploitation of upland areas of Araucaria
forest but these were under the domain of the southern proto-
J. Following Cashdan (1983) and Dennell (1985), he argues that,
instead of promoting a perimeter-defense strategy and establish-
ing impermeable frontiers, in such a situation it would be of
mutual benefit to both groups to adopt a social frontier defense
strategy, i.e. controlling the circulation of individuals and informa-
tion across a permeable social border. This would ensure access to
the same resources for individuals of both traditions, as the Tupi-
Guarani would be able to exploit the uplands and the southern
proto-J would not be deprived of the floodplain forest resources.
However, an ecological explanation is insufficient to account for
all the cases where interaction or resistance have been docu-
mented. Although the Tupi-Guarani preferably settled in low alti-
tude subtropical warm forests, this was not the only
environment where they were established. Tupiguarani sites occur
frequently in high altitudes of the plateau of Paran state in a
region of grasslands and mixed forests that were also densely
 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196212
inhabited by southern proto-J groups (Volcov, 2011). From ethno-
historical accounts, we know that the Tupi-Guarani groups living
in the proximities of the southern Brazilian highlands were
exploiting resources of that environment, such as the Araucaria
pine seeds (Noelli, 1993). Therefore, the higher altitudes and mixed
forests do not seem to have represented a barrier per se for the
Tupi-Guarani expansion.
At the same time, some areas of low altitude deciduous forests
along large rivers, such as the lower Iguazu in the state of Paran,
are virtually devoid of Tupiguarani sites (Chmyz, 1981; Parellada,
2005) even though sites are found further down or upstream. We
believe that other reasons, of a social and political nature, were
more important in influencing which areas were going to be settled
by the new wave of migrants. Of prime concern must have been
how densely populated was an area by the previously established
groups, how territorial these groups were, and how willing were
they to interact peacefully. Our hypothesis is that, in some parts
of the southern Brazilian highlands, the Tupi-Guarani could not
advance over southern proto-J territory because the local groups
chose to resist the outsiders and to establish a perimeter defense
strategy. However, beyond the absence of evidence, i.e. the lack
of Tupi-Guarani sites, ceramics or influence in ceramic styles, is
there any positive evidence of the establishment of impermeable
frontiers by the southern proto-J groups?
Given the potential of monuments to act as overt territorial
markers (OShea and Milner, 2002) and as a form of smart adver-
tising to warn outsiders (Ames, 2010; Boone, 2000; Neiman,
1997), we hypothesize that the areas where southern proto-J
groups established impermeable social borders and chose a strat-
egy of perimeter defense against the invading Tupi-Guarani groups
could potentially be recognized by an increase in the construction
of mound and enclosure complexes. To test this hypothesis, we
gathered spatial and chronological data for all mound and enclo-
sure complexes and compared them with areas where interaction
is documented to have taken place between southern proto-J and
Tupi-Guarani groups (Fig. 3).
4. Methods and results
4.1. Spatial analysis
We compiled spatial information for two distinct datasets: (i)
mound and enclosure complexes, totaling 52 sites (Table 1), and
(ii) locations with documented interaction between southern
proto-J and Tupi-Guarani groups, totaling 42 sites (Table 2).
The data were compiled from published papers, as well as unpub-
lished reports, dissertations and site record files, to which we
added information from our field work in Campo Belo do Sul,
Santa Catarina state. To test the hypothesis that the establish-
ment of monumental landscapes by the southern proto-J groups
was a form of resisting the outsiders through an overt demarca-
tion of territories, we followed the methodology proposed by
Winter-Livneh et al. (2012) in order to compare the two datasets.
We produced kernel density maps for mound and enclosure com-
plexes and for interaction sites using different search radii. Given
the area of these datasets, comprising all of southern Brazil and
its adjacencies (400,000 km2), and the average distance between
the sites, the search radii were rather large (20, 30 and 40 km).
The density maps were then sampled with grids of different cell
sizes 20  20, 30  30 and 40  40 km to obtain a mean den-
sity of each site type through zonal statistics (Fig. 4). Finally, a
correlation test was performed on these results after the exclu-
sion of cells with zero value for both datasets (i.e. areas devoid
of sites). All the analyses were performed with ArcGIS 10.2 and
IBM SPSS 22.
203
As can be seen in Table 3, the density maps produced with var-
ious search radii and the distinct cell sizes of the sampling grids all
resulted in significant negative correlation coefficients for the two
datasets. Larger search radii and cell sizes tend to produce weaker
correlations due to the more generalized nature of these maps, but
the results are still significant. The results support the conclusion
that highly monumentalized landscapes emerged in locations
where the southern proto-J established impermeable boundaries
and chose not to maintain contact with foreign groups. Similarly,
in areas of intense exchange between Tupi-Guarani and southern
proto-J groups, monumental burial sites did not form a part of
the social landscape.
4.2. Chronology
We compiled all the radiocarbon dates for southern proto-J
mound and enclosure complexes from published sources, unpub-
lished reports and dissertations, in addition to dates from our
own fieldwork, totaling 32 dates for 16 sites (Table 4).
The examination of the chronology shows that the earliest dates
for the southern proto-J mound and enclosure complexes come
from the basins of the Canoas and the Pelotas Rivers in the border
between the states of Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul. These
two rivers join to form the Uruguay River, and the earliest mound
and enclosure complexes are located very close to this confluence
zone.
If the geographical origin of mound and enclosure complexes is
to be found near the confluence of the Canoas and Pelotas Rivers,
we can hypothesize that their emergence was specifically related
to Tupi-Guarani incursions toward that area. To test this hypothe-
sis, we compared the chronology of mound and enclosure com-
plexes in the CanoasPelotas basin with recent published
syntheses of the Tupi-Guarani dated sites (Bonomo et al., 2015).
Although the Tupi-Guarani were established in the Rio de la
Plata basin since at least ca. 2000 years B.P., they were mostly
restricted to the larger rivers such as the Paran and the Paraguay.
The available dates show that only after ca. A.D. 1000 they began to
move up the Uruguay River into the southern proto-J heartland
(Bonomo et al., 2015). This date precisely coincides with the
moment when the first mound and enclosure complexes started
to be built. The earliest Tupiguarani site in the Upper Uruguay is
dated 1070 100 B.P., Cal A.D. 7701215, contemporary with the
earliest southern proto-J mound and enclosure complex, dated
1070 40 B.P., Cal A.D. 8951150. Table 5 shows the dates of Tupi-
guarani sites in the upper course of the Uruguay River. Fig. 5 shows
the range of calibrated dates for the southern proto-J mound and
enclosure complexes in the CanoasPelotas region, compared to
the dates for Tupiguarani sites in the Upper Uruguay. The coinci-
dence between the appearance of the earliest mound and enclo-
sure complexes and the first incursions of the Tupi-Guarani in
the upper course of the Uruguay River is remarkable.
5. Discussion
Our analysis shows that the emergence of a new form of archi-
tecture among the southern proto-J groups, represented by the
funerary mound and enclosure complexes, must be understood
within the context of wider population displacements, ethnic con-
tacts, and the forging of new identities in the south of Brazil and its
adjacencies during the last 1000 years. We propose that a highly
monumentalized landscape was built as a response to the Tupi-
Guarani expansion into the southern Brazilian highlands, by local
groups who chose to establish an impermeable frontier against
the outsiders, and assertively demarcated their territories through
the proliferation of funerary earthworks.
204 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196212

Fig. 3. Areas occupied by the southern proto-J and Tupi-Guarani, with the location of mound and enclosure complexes and sites with documented interaction between the
two traditions as discussed in the text.

As the results of the spatial analysis demonstrate, the highest
density of funerary mound and enclosure complexes occurs in
areas that are devoid of interaction between southern proto-J
and Tupi-Guarani groups, namely the basin of the Canoas and Pelo-
tas rivers to the east of the confluence where these two rivers meet
to form the Uruguay River (Fig. 6). The Uruguay River, bordered by
fertile deciduous forest floodplains and navigable along most of its
course, was a major waterway for the Tupi-Guarani incursions into
the highlands, but their expansion stopped at the confluence zone.
We argue that the confluence represented an ultimate frontier that
the Tupi-Guarani did not dare to cross, not because of an ecological
barrier, but due to the resistance imposed by southern proto-J
groups living beyond that border.
But why would those groups impose such a resistance instead
of establishing exchange relationships with the outsiders as did
their western neighbors? There is mounting evidence that, unlike
the groups living downstream, those established upstream from
the CanoasPelotas confluence constituted regionally organized,
sedentary, highly territorial polities, as evidenced by the sites
dimensions, architectural complexity and settlement patterns in
this region (Iriarte et al., 2013; Schmitz et al., 2013a, 2013b). Some
of the earliest dates for dense pit house villages, attaining the 7th
century A.D., come from this area, pointing to a long history of
southern proto-J developments (Schmitz and Rogge, 2011). It
comes as no surprise that it is in this core area for the southern
proto-J groups that we find the densest concentrations of mound
 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196212 205

Table 1 Table 2
Southern proto-J Mound and enclosure complexes recorded to the present. Sites with evidence of interaction between Tupi-Guarani and southern proto-J
groups.
Site name State Long Lat Reference
Site name State Long Lat Reference
Abdon Batista 1 SC 51.137 27.548 This work
Abdon Batista 2 SC 51.048 27.577 This work BAM-06 RS 49.792 29.321 Wagner (2004)
Abreu & Garcia SC 50.742 27.670 This work Cambar Phase PR 50.018 22.992 Chmyz (1971)
Andre da Rocha 1 RS 51.574 28.630 Beber (2005) Cambar Phase PR 49.759 23.483 Chmyz (1971)
Bom Retiro 11 SC 49.488 27.799 Rohr (1971) Cambar Phase PR 51.840 23.702 Chmyz (1971)
Bom Retiro 14 SC 49.488 27.799 Rohr (1971) Cambar Phase PR 50.213 22.953 Chmyz (1971)
Bom Retiro 7 SC 49.488 27.799 Rohr (1971) Cambar Phase PR 50.526 22.939 Chmyz (1971)
Bom Sucesso SC 49.777 28.061 Rohr (1971) Condor Phase PR 53.126 23.383 Chmyz (1971)
Campo Belo 1 SC 50.820 27.671 This work Condor Phase PR 52.765 23.444 Chmyz (1971)
Campo Belo 2 SC 50.803 27.734 This work Condor Phase PR 52.595 23.309 Chmyz (1971)
Carneiro 2 RS 51.160 27.828 Iriarte et al. (2013) Condor Phase PR 52.774 23.279 Chmyz (1971)
Duarte 2 RS 51.138 27.838 Iriarte et al. (2013) Itapiranga Phase SC 53.724 27.123 De Masi and Artusi (1985)
Ernani Garcia SC 50.758 27.671 This work Itapiranga Phase SC 53.698 27.115 De Masi and Artusi (1985)
Fidencio RS 51.158 27.855 Iriarte et al. (2013) Itapiranga Phase SC 53.669 27.119 De Masi and Artusi (1985)
Gine RS 51.165 27.829 Iriarte et al. (2013) Itapiranga Phase SC 53.619 27.120 De Masi and Artusi (1985)
Lino SC 50.777 27.711 This work Itapiranga Phase SC 53.601 27.138 De Masi and Artusi (1985)
Petrolandia 2 SC 49.698 27.534 Rohr (1971) LAA-01 RS 50.239 29.834 Wagner (2004)
Pinhal da Serra 1 RS 51.312 27.773 Ribeiro and Ribeiro (1985) LII-04 RS 49.927 29.461 Wagner (2004)
PM01 MIS 54.596 26.358 Iriarte et al. (2008) LII-07 RS 49.806 29.399 Wagner (2004)
Posto Fiscal RS 51.185 27.834 Iriarte et al. (2013) LLE-02 RS 50.227 29.869 Wagner (2004)
PR UV 11 PR 51.631 26.110 Chmyz (1968) LQQ-01 RS 50.171 29.740 Wagner (2004)
Reni Camargo SC 50.752 27.737 This work Praia da Tapera SC 48.570 27.688 Da Silva et al. (1990)
Riacho 6 SC 49.585 28.020 Corteletti (2012) PR-CT-08 PR 50.088 25.525 Volcov (2011)
RS-PE-21 RS 51.179 27.823 Cop et al. (2002) PR-CT-23 PR 50.038 25.567 Volcov (2011)
RS-PE-29 RS 51.191 27.830 De Souza and Cop (2010) PR-CT-29 PR 50.033 25.541 Volcov (2011)
RS-PE-31 RS 51.178 27.843 Ribeiro and Ribeiro (1985) Rio Pardo 01 RS 52.540 29.760 Ribeiro (1991)
SC-AB-96 SC 51.049 27.632 De Masi (2005) Rio Pardo 06 RS 52.676 29.560 Ribeiro (1991)
SC-AG-100 SC 51.180 27.762 Mller (2008) Rio Pardo 11 RS 52.646 29.556 Ribeiro (1991)
SC-AG-108 SC 51.118 27.717 Mller (2008) Rio Pardo 14 RS 52.568 29.489 Ribeiro (1991)
SC-AG-112 SC 51.111 27.696 Herberts and Mller Rio Pardo 20 RS 52.538 29.484 Ribeiro (1991)
(2007) Rio Pardo 23 RS 52.507 29.318 Ribeiro (1991)
SC-AG-114 SC 51.109 27.717 Herberts and Mller Rio Pardo 25 RS 52.476 29.303 Ribeiro (1991)
(2007) Rio Pardo 47 RS 52.522 29.408 Ribeiro (1991)
SC-AG-116 SC 51.119 27.706 Herberts and Mller Rio Pardo 55 RS 52.553 29.637 Ribeiro (1991)
(2007) RS-37/127 RS 50.995 29.207 Schmitz et al. (1988)
SC-AG-12 SC 51.023 27.662 De Masi (2005) RS-AN-03 RS 50.424 28.673 Cop (2006)
SC-AG-75 SC 51.066 27.660 De Masi (2005) RS-LC-80 RS 50.330 30.383 Rogge (2005)
SC-AG-77 SC 51.086 27.638 De Masi (2005) RS-LC-81 RS 50.332 30.383 Rogge (2005)
SC-AG-95 SC 51.174 27.768 Mller (2008) RS-LC-82 RS 50.335 30.388 Rogge (2005)
SC-AG-98 SC 51.179 27.761 Mller (2008) RS-LN-16 RS 50.221 29.921 Wagner (2004)
SC-AG-99 SC 51.169 27.761 Mller (2008) RS-LN-295 RS 49.840 29.466 Rogge and Schmitz (2010)
SC-CL-37 SC 50.388 27.471 Reis (1980) Tamboara Phase PR 51.389 23.909 Chmyz (1971)
SC-CL-74 SC 50.643 27.565 Beber (2013) Xaxim Phase SC 51.958 27.352 Piazza (1969)
SC-CL-88 SC 50.684 27.499 Beber (2013)
SC-CL-9 SC 50.103 27.858 Reis (1980) Abbreviations: RS = Rio Grande do Sul; SC = Santa Catarina; PR = Paran; SP = So
SC-CL-94 SC 50.591 27.645 Schmitz et al. (2010) Paulo; MIS = Misiones, Argentina.
SC-CL-95 SC 50.709 27.475 Beber (2013)
SC-CR-06 SC 51.206 27.643 De Masi (2005) 7701215) they began their expansion upstream, settling around
SC-UP-414 SC 51.005 27.412 Naue et al. (1989)
the modern municipality of Itapiranga, where extensive exchange
SC-UP-441 SC 51.126 27.650 Naue et al. (1989)
SC-UP-446 SC 51.019 27.843 Naue et al. (1989) of individuals, objects and information occurred with the pre-
SP-IP-8 SP 49.606 23.266 Chmyz (1969) established southern proto-J groups. By 900 50 B.P. (Cal A.D.
Urubici 21 SC 49.577 27.990 Corteletti (2012) 10451220), the Tupi-Guarani were already settled less than
Usina Velha SC 51.168 27.539 Rohr (1981)
30 km from the confluence of the Canoas and Pelotas rivers. Using
Warmeling 2 SC 49.514 28.019 Corteletti (2012)
the median of the dates as a proxy, we can estimate that the Tupi-
Abbreviations: RS = Rio Grande do Sul; SC = Santa Catarina; PR = Paran; SP = So Guarani expansion along the Upper Uruguay occurred at a rate of
Paulo; MIS = Misiones, Argentina. 1 km per year. The southern proto-J groups established upstream
from the confluence that forms the Uruguay River might have per-
ceived such a wave of advance as potentially threatening, and
and enclosure complexes with the most elaborate architecture and chose not to interact with the outsiders, unlike their downstream
the earliest dates. Last, but not least, we would like to call attention neighbors. We suggest that, in this agitated social scenario, a crisis
to the fact that river confluences were important stages for novel cult (La Barre, 1971) emerged focused on the burial rites of moiety
cultural developments, multi-ethnic social formations, and the leaders, and having as its material correlate the new ceremonial
forging of new identities across the globe and throughout prehis- apparatus represented by funerary mound and enclosure com-
tory (Bernardini, 2004; Bradley, 1998, 2000; Pauketat, 2007; plexes. At the same time, the cremation rites, funerary and post-
Ruby et al., 2005). funerary feasting events, and unprecedented collective effort
We argue that the rapid expansion of the Tupi-Guarani along involved in the raising of the monuments can also be interpreted
the upper course of the Uruguay River after a millennium of sta- as forms of lavish displays that signaled the capacity of labor mobi-
sis in its lower course was an event of major consequences for lization of the local groups to the outsiders (Ames, 2010; Boone,
the southern proto-J groups established to the east of the conflu- 2000; Neiman, 1997). Borrowing the words of Tom Dillehay
ence zone. The dates of Tupi-Guarani sites show a rapid pace of (1992), we can say that mound and enclosure complexes sent a
expansion along the Upper Uruguay: by 1070 100 B.P. (Cal A.D. powerful message to keep outsiders out.
206 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196212
Fig. 4. Kernel density map of mound and enclosure complexes (MECs) and sites with evidences of interaction between southern proto-J and Tupi-Guarani groups, using a
search radius of 30 km. Also shown is the sampling grid of 30  30 km cells. 3D view shown on the right.
Table 3
Spearmann correlation coefficients for density of mound and enclosure complexes
and density of interaction sites. All results are significant at the 0.01 level.
Sampling grid cell size
20  20 km 30  30 km 40  40 km
Kernel density search radius
20 km .786 .773 .745
30 km .741 .72 .686
40 km .725 .689 .655
Let us now examine the internal consequences for the southern
proto-J political organization. Given the compelling evidence that
mound and enclosure complexes represent cemeteries for moiety
leaders (De Masi, 2009; Iriarte et al., 2013), we believe that the pro-
liferation of those monuments at the turn of the second millen-
nium A.D. also represented the materialization of new forms of
authority inscribed in a political landscape (Dillehay, 2007;
Pauketat, 2007; Smith, 2003). In other words, we believe that the
consolidation of hereditary leadership occurred, among other fac-
tors, as an unforeseen consequence of new strategies designed to
repel the Tupi-Guarani invaders. Prospective leaders would have
found the opportunity to further accumulate authority in the mil-
itary and religious spheres of power (Earle, 1991, 1997; Yoffee,
1993) by leading warfare against the outsiders and by having their
ancestors celebrated in the new ceremonial apparatus of the
mound and enclosure complexes. Intensifying conflict might have
reinforced the power of war leaders, but it is the new monumental
funerary architecture and burial rituals that, we argue, emerged
as part of a crisis cult amidst the Tupi-Guarani advance that
would have provided them with the supernatural legitimation of
power that is such a fundamental component of the transition to
institutionalized inequality, and that many prospective leaders fail
to achieve (Aldenderfer, 2010).
This interpretation finds support in the numerous information
about the southern J chiefdoms described in historical accounts
(Becker, 1976; Fernandes, 2004; Mabilde, 1897, 1899;
Tommasino, 1995), and sheds light on many of the features of
the historical chiefdoms. Particularly in the case of the Kaingang,
mounds were an important component of the political landscape:
hereditary chiefs were still buried in mounds until the 19th cen-
tury (Mabilde, 1897, 1899). Interestingly, historical accounts men-
tion mound cemeteries of chiefly lineages side by side with
collective burials of warriors who died in battle against foreign
groups (Mabilde, 1983). As is common among other middle-
range societies in the Americas (Feinman and Neitzel, 1984), wag-
ing war was one of the main attributes of the Kaingang chiefs, and
in historical times warfare was endemic among competing chiefs
and against foreigners the Portuguese and the Xokleng
(Mabilde, 1897, 1899). Organized warfare, especially against out-
siders in times of stress, circumscription and crisis, is known to
play a major role in the consolidation of hereditary leadership in
tribal and chiefly societies (Redmond, 1994), and the Tupi-
Guarani menace might have provided just such an opportunity
for southern proto-J prospective leaders to seize power.
Before moving on to the conclusion, we would like to point out
that the southern proto-J mound and enclosure complexes are not
the earliest expressions of monumentality in southern Brazil. On
the adjacent Atlantic coast, shell mounds of monumental propor-
tions known as sambaquis flourished during the mid Holocene with
a peak between 4000 and 2000 B.P. (DeBlasis et al., 2007; Gaspar
et al., 2008; Fish et al., 2000, 2010, 2013). This earlier tradition is
an interesting case of comparison: beyond their chronological
precedence, the sambaquis present distinct funerary practices and
construction processes, and appear to have emerged in a different
social environment. The largest sambaquis can reach up to 70 m
height and are composed of thick constructive shell strata alter-
nated with thin organic layers containing numerous burials and
features (DeBlasis et al., 2007; Gaspar et al., 2008; Fish et al.,
2000, 2010, 2013; Villagran, 2014). Long viewed as campsite mid-
dens of mobile fishers and gatherers, the sambaquis are now inter-
preted as intentionally built funerary and feasting arenas.
 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196212 207

Table 4
Dates for mound and enclosure complexes.

Site name RCYBP Cal AD (2-sigma) Context Reference

RS-PE-31 110 40 (Beta 276193) 1685. . . Mound Iriarte et al. (2013)
Posto Fiscal 200 30 (Beta 309038) 1655. . . Off-mound Iriarte et al. (2013)
SC-CR-06 220 40 (Beta 190312) 1640. . . NI De Masi (2005)
Abreu & Garcia 230 30 (Beta 395740) 16401880 Burial This work
Abreu & Garcia 270 30 (Beta 395743) 15101805 Burial This work
Abreu & Garcia 300 30 (Beta 414096) 15001795 Mound hearth This work
SC-AG-108 310 40 (Beta 226125) 14901800 Burial Mller (2008)
Abreu & Garcia 330 20 (UGAMS 19003) 15001650 Burial This work
Posto Fiscal 330 30 (Beta 304479) 14951655 Mound Iriarte et al. (2013)
RS-PE-293 340 40 (Beta 242860) 14751655 Burial De Souza and Cop (2010)
RS-PE-21 350 40 (Beta 242868) 14601650 Burial De Souza and Cop (2010)
Abreu & Garcia 360 30 (Beta 395741) 14801645 Burial This work
SC-AB-96 360 40 (Beta 190303) 14601645 Burial De Masi (2005)
SC-AG-100 370 30 (Beta 226124) 14601640 Burial Mller (2008)
Posto Fiscal 370 30 (Beta 309037) 14601640 Mound Iriarte et al. (2013)
Abreu & Garcia 370 70 (Beta 395744) 14351795 Burial This work
Abreu & Garcia 400 30 (Beta 395742) 14501630 Burial This work
SC-AG-77 420 40 (Beta 190311) 14401630 NI De Masi (2005)
SC-AG-12 430 40 (Beta 185442) 14351630 Burial De Masi (2005)
SC-AG-12 470 40 (Beta 185444) 14051620 Burial De Masi (2005)
PM01 480 60 (Beta 221417) 13951630 Enclosure Iriarte et al. (2008)
RS-PE-293 490 40 (Beta 242869) 14001610 Burial De Souza and Cop (2010)
SC-AG-98 560 50 (Beta 175188) 13151460 Burial Mller (2008)
SC-AG-12 600 40 (Beta 190304) 13101445 Hearth De Masi (2005)
PR UV 11 680 70 (SI 1010) 12301430 NI Chmyz (1968)
SC-AG-12 690 40 (Beta 185443) 12851395 NI De Masi (2005)
PM01 720 40 (Beta 237105) 12701395 Enclosure Iriarte et al. (2008)
PM01 760 40 (Beta 237106) 12201385 Enclosure Iriarte et al. (2008)
PM01 760 60 (Beta 221418) 12101395 Enclosure Iriarte et al. (2008)
SC-CL-94 770 40 (Beta 275576) 12201385 Mound Schmitz et al. (2010)
SC-AG-75 980 40 (Beta 190309) 10201190 Mound De Masi (2005)
Posto Fiscal 1070 40 (Beta 303594) 8951150 Enclosure Iriarte et al. (2013)

Table 5
Dates for Tupiguarani sites in the Upper Uruguay River.

Site name RCYBP Cal AD (2-sigma) Reference

RS-VZ-41 225 50 (SI 701) 1630. . . Miller (1969) and Stuckenrath and Mielke (1973)
SC-U-54 250 90 (SI 546) 1495. . . Piazza (1969) and Stuckenrath and Mielke (1972)
SC-U-368 420 60 (Beta 118376) 14351640 Noelli (1999a)
SC-VX-5 490 70 (SI 548) 13251630 Piazza (1969) and Stuckenrath and Mielke (1972)
SC-U-55 510 70 (SI 547) 13151625 Piazza (1969) and Stuckenrath and Mielke (1972)
SC-U-368 530 70 (Beta 118375) 13001625 Noelli (1999a)
SC-VP-38 590 100 (SI 826) 12301625 Miller (1971) and Stuckenrath and Mielke (1973)
SC-U-55 620 80 (SI 550) 12751455 Piazza (1969) and Stuckenrath and Mielke (1972)
SC-U-53 770 100 (SI 439) 10451420 Brochado et al. (1969)
SC-U-71 900 50 (Beta 118377) 10451275 Noelli (1999a)
SC-U-69 1070 100 (SI 549) 7701215 Piazza (1969) and Stuckenrath and Mielke (1972)

Micromorphological analyses have demonstrated that the shell
layers are intentionally accumulated, composed of reworked mid-
dens recurrently deposited in basketloads to cover funerary areas
(Villagran, 2014). A projection based on the number of burials
found in block excavations at these sites suggests a potential num-
ber of over 40,000 individuals interred over a period of almost
800 years of site construction for the largest shell mounds (Fish
et al., 2000). The burials, located in the organic thin layers, show
little differentiation. They are clustered in groups surrounded by
postholes, possibly representing small funerary areas for affinity
groups, and are accompanied by feasting remains (DeBlasis et al.,
2007; Gaspar et al., 2008; Klokler et al., 2010). This pattern strongly
contrasts with the short lived, more exclusive episodes of inter-
ment of a single or a few individuals at the southern proto-J
mounds. GIS analyses have shown that sambaquis are intervisible
and share largely overlapping catchment areas with a lagoon as
their epicenter, revealing a social landscape of shared territories
punctuated by highly visible monuments to the ancestors
(DeBlasis et al., 2007; Gaspar et al., 2008). Interestingly, the skele-
tal remains of individuals buried in sambaquis exhibit surprisingly
few indicators of violence (Lessa and Gaspar, 2014). In summary,
the largest sambaquis are now seen as long lived ceremonial cen-
ters dedicated to the cult of ancestors by territorially stable groups
living on the coast; their construction, rather than resulting from
the mere accumulation of refuse by nomadic fishers, was inten-
tional and embedded in ritual practices (DeBlasis et al., 2007;
Gaspar et al., 2008; Fish et al., 2000, 2010, 2013).
Thus, 5000 years before the emergence of the southern proto-J
mound and enclosure complexes in the highlands, the Atlantic
coast was dotted by monuments that spoke of a very different
social environment, one of sharing, relative peace, and collective
remembrance of group ancestors. Therefore, we stress that costly
signaling, materialization of authority, and resistance to outsiders
all relevant to explain the development southern proto-J funer-
ary mounds are not necessarily found everywhere where monu-
ments emerged. As the sambaqui example demonstrates, a case by
208 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196212

Fig. 5. Calibrated dates for mound and enclosure complexes (yellow) east of the CanoasPelotas confluence and for Tupi-Guarani sites (red) in the Upper Uruguay River. (For
interpretation of the references to color in this figure legend, the reader is referred to the web version of this article.)
 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196212 209

Fig. 6. Tupi-Guarani sites along the Upper Uruguay River and mound and enclosure complexes to the east of the CanoasPelotas confluence. Also shown are the radiocarbon
dates for the earliest sites.

case analysis is needed to account for all the social processes Uruguay River, interacting intensively with the southern proto-J
behind the appearance of large scale architecture. groups along the way (De Masi and Artusi, 1985; Rogge, 2005;
Schmitz and Becker, 1968) but never succeeded in expanding their
territories beyond the confluence zone. A key element in the resis-
6. Conclusion
tance offered by the local groups was the development of a highly
monumentalized landscape that signaled their capacity of mobi-
Archaeologists working in lowland South America are starting
lization and materialized the emergence of new forms of authority
to shed new light on past population displacements, contact and
in the effort to repel the invaders: chiefly lines inscribed in the
conflict in relation to processes of ethnogenesis (Heckenberger,
mounded landscape that remained so until historical times.
2005; Politis and Bonomo, 2012), the construction of landscapes
Our focus was on the CanoasPelotas basin due to the early
(Moraes and Neves, 2012; Neves, 2011; Neves et al., 2014;
dates and quantity of data available, but we recognize that similar
Schaan, 2011) and the consolidation of new forms of authority
processes must have been in place simultaneously or later in other
(Dillehay, 2007). Within that context, the southern Brazilian high-
regions of the southern Brazilian highlands where isolated south-
lands have proven to be one of the most fruitful cases for debating
ern proto-J monuments were recorded. Although out of the scope
the emergence of monumental landscapes hand in hand with the
of this study, it is likely that the Tupi-Guarani advance has also
rise of complex, regionally organized polities capable of resisting
provoked parallel reactions by other pre-established groups of
outsiders. In the introduction, we mentioned the concept, elabo-
the Rio de La Plata basin. With this article, we encourage research-
rated by Vandkilde (2007), of macro-regional phases of conjunc-
ers throughout lowland South America to consider the impact of
ture. Our data allowed us to conclude that the turn of the
population displacements, conflict and the negotiation of identities
second millennium in southern Brazil can be considered one of
between outsiders and locals in the emergence of new traditions
such phases that is, a hot period where multiple influences
and, ultimately, the construction of contested landscapes.
met, interacted, and resisted each other, giving origin to a set of
unprecedented social developments.
Acknowledgments
In this article, we examined the development of a new form of
funerary monument, the mound and enclosure complexes of the
The ideas of this article stem from years of research in the
southern proto-J groups, in relation to a specific historical event:
southern Brazilian highlands and were further developed in the
the rapid expansion of the Tupi-Guarani groups from their home-
context of AHRC-FAPESP project J Landscapes of southern Brazil:
land in distant southwest Amazon into the southern Brazilian
Ecology, History and Power in a Transitional Landscape during the
highlands. We demonstrated a chronological coincidence between
Late Holocene. JGS and RC were funded by CAPES, Ministry of Edu-
the first incursions of the Tupi-Guarani into the southern Brazilian
cation, Brazil. We thank the anonymous reviewers for their helpful
highlands and the construction of mound and enclosure complexes
comments.
by the local groups. Our results show that the areas where this type
of monument proliferated were those where the local groups chose
not to interact with the outsiders. This is evident in the area with References
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