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The struggle is real

Nov. 03, 2016 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

I find it deeply illogical and extremely disgusting how some commentators (such as the Inquirers
Rina Jimenez-David) have gleefully taken the violent dispersal of the Lakbayan of National Minorities at
the United States Embassy in Manila several days ago to stick their tongues out at the protest
participants composed of indigenous peoples, Moro minorities, poor peasants, and their allies from the
urban sector. They cloak such a crude objective with supposedly lofty analyses of the relations between
the national democratic movement and the Duterte administration.

Their premise: The Left does not protest the recent cases of unsolved killings that have been linked to
the Philippine war on drugs. Their conclusion: Buti nga (Good on them), they were violently dispersed
with water cannons, tear gas, and a rampaging police van. Gives them a dose of their own selective
human rights medicine.

How on earth does that make sense? Even from a purely defend-human-rights-as-such perspective
(which these people fancy themselves to hold), how on earth does that make sense?

Let me posit that the Left is actually the only organized force that is struggling to address EJKs as
holistically as possible. Why? First is a matter of definition: theirs is the most expansive, which covers
not just the drug-related killings, but all unjustified killings perpetrated by state forces. I would even
think that the reason why the phrase extra-judicial killings has (unfortunately) such currency in the
Philippine context is because of the Left, when a new term had to be found to refer to the systematic
murders of activists, and their family members and supporters throughout the post-EDSA regimes.

Second is operational. Jimenez-David says it herself: denunciations against recent drug-related EJKs
outside the rubric of the Left have been paltry and lukewarm. I would agree with her there; but why
demand massive rallies and flag-waving only from the Left? Perhaps she acknowledges that the extent
of political engagement the so-called yellow forces are capable of is merely tweeting and posting on
Facebook.

What she does not acknowledge is that the Left has been fighting against EJKs on all fronts, which, yes,
includes tweeting and posting on Facebook, but goes beyond this. Condemnation of EJKs through
forums and candle-lighting have taken place in Left bulwarks like UP Diliman and the University Belt,
helped organized by groups such as Kabataan Parylist and Anakbayan. Makabayan solons have filed
resolutions and made public pronouncements against EJKs. Former Bayan Muna Congressman Teddy
Casino has written much about EJKs; he provides a good contextualization here. Even the New Peoples
Army (here and here) have sought to lead by example by focusing instead on its established system of
dealing with criminals in Red Areas by working to reform those involved in low level drug use and trade,
as can be seen in the recent releases of POWs.

Of course, the most comprehensive way to address all this is by going to the roots of these social ills,
which is what the peace talks are all about. Giving deep support to the success of the present GRP-NDF
peace talks is the more expansive frame to address the drug problem and EJKs.

But none of these matter for persons who would forget their own principles the moment any
opportunity, no matter how slim, to discredit the national democratic movement presents itself (a self-
proclaimed womens rights advocate and no mention at all of the policeman pulling the hair of a
Manobo woman? Tsk tsk). It is clear, then, that such commentaries only betray a deeply reactionary
belief.

Just because the Left chose a different protest theme aside from the one which Jimenez-David and
friends would wish to impose upon them (and everyone else), the stand and motivation of the Lakbayan
participants were thus questioned. Here we see tottered out that cockroach-like refrain (because it
refuses to die) that the indigenous peoples were only manipulated. They question, why would they be
angry at the US Embassy? What do they know of imperialism from their far flung mountain tops?

My goodness, I can only just roll my eyes. Alright, fine, anyone with a formal educational attainment
lower than yours are automatically sheep who can be herded around at whim. And yes, that is really
what the indigenous peoples are like: they squat around contentedly in front of their nipa huts dressed
in nothing but g-strings, docilely going about their day, and they hide amongst the trees at the first sign
of outsiders because that is how shy and gentle they are.

This simplistic and condescending approach is likewise laid down upon the Left as a whole, compounded
by the damned-if-you-do, damned-if-you-dont pontificating of the closed-minded. If the Left does not
maximize parliamentary channels, they are unhappy. If the Left does maximize parliamentary channels,
they are still unhappy. If the Left does not participate in mainstream government, they are unhappy. If
the Left does participate in mainstream government, they are still unhappy. They are unhappy, whether
the Left engages in protest or not. Why are they protesting this and not that? They ask. But they are
revealed to be caught up in their own contradiction if we instead ask, why is the Left still protesting at
all? If the Left really has been coopted, why would they still mobilize in shows of force (rallies and camp-
outs) that are traditionally regarded as oppositional to the status quo? If the Duterte administration is
really playing footsies with the Left, why would his own police troops act thusly?

The answers to these questions do not just validate the current position of the Left, but the continuing
significance of struggle grounded on principled analyses.
The violent US Embassy dispersal shows that the bourgeois State, no matter how accommodating it may
seem, will, at the end of the day, revert back to its reactionary essence to preserve the existing state of
affairs. Lenins State and Revolution had, a year shy of a century ago, already poetically described why:
The old state machine [is] bound by thousands of threads to the bourgeoisie [and Capital-driven
economy] and permeated through and through with routine and inertia Not even Digong, now as
President and no matter how powerful that position may be, can singlehandedly change that.

This also shows the utter weakness of the mantra of the moderate of changing the system from
within; even with all the opportunities the Dutere administration has opened to the Left, they are
under no illusion that genuine, long-term change can be so easily achieved.

Many critics of the social democrat persuasion should already have learned these lessons under the BS
Aquino regime, when, after being given government positions they all but abandoned mass organizing
and mobilizations (seriously, do you remember any Akbayan-led rally of any significance, and violently
dispersed, at that?). Again, to go back to good ol Lenin: change will not come simply with a new group
commanding, governing the old [State] machine, with its routines and inertia, but by replacing that
with a new machine, that is, new (revolutionary) routines, habits, and threads or networks to forces
other than Capital.

It is also incorrect to say that the condemnation of the Left of the dispersal sprang from some sort of
disbelief along the lines of I thought we were friends, how can you do that to me directed to the police
that kind of analysis is the height of pragmatism, political naivet, and jaded acceptance of the
aforementioned inertia. The condemnation springs, quite simply, from the fact that it must be
condemned: the purposeful and repeated running over of civilians by a duty-sworn police officer, the
yanking of a woman protesters hair and head backward as she was cowering inside a jeepney, the
dragging of an unarmed jeepney driver from his vehicle and beating him bloody and senseless these
are excessive, abusive, and as principle dictates, just plain wrong. The struggle, then, is real, and the
principles remain the same.

Something old, something new

Oct. 18, 2016 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

In all my pieces for Davao Today, I try my utmost to give a different take, or be able to say something
new, about the issue at hand. If I didnt write about a topic, chances are someone somewhere had
already said what I think should be said. So, I would normally just sit back and let things be just to lessen
the textual bulk to which many of us are subjected to in the everyday.
Not this time. This time, what I have to say has been said a million times over, and it has likewise been
ignored a million times over, especially by the very people who should be hearing and understanding
this message.

A few months ago, the UP Mindanao community suffered an ugly spate of violations against some of our
female students. The suspects were strangers habal-habal drivers or an unknown man who tried to
break into a boarding house. Among the responses of school and local government authorities was to
conduct students assemblies and fora to discuss safety and prevention of crimes against women and
young girls.

Though well-intentioned, these public discussions were still rife with archaic notions of gender roles and
causes of sex crimes. In one forum, there was a palpable gasp from the audience when an official said
that dressing sexy would invite potential predators. What was notable for me was that the
audience, which was made up almost completely of UP Mindanao students, was aware (and unabashed)
enough to make their disagreement known with regard to that pronouncement. The University Student
Council and student groups Gabriela-Youth, Pi Sigma-Pi Sigma Delta, and Beta Sigma Fraternity and
Sorority, perhaps at seeing how such ways of thinking ultimately did not help the problem it sought to
solve, initiated another educative forum, this time, on rape culture and how to combat it.

The speaker was Ms. Jeanette Laurel-Ampog of Talikala, Inc. an NGO that reaches out to prostituted
women and girls to provide them with counselling, assistance, and educational support to break the
cycle of exploitation in which they are caught. No other better speaker indeed, because working with
individuals who have been forced into the sex trade shatters many of the stereotypes about not just
prostitution, but about relations between men and women in the Philippine context.

To begin with Ms. Laurel-Ampog (who is a long time womens advocate and a mother of one of our
Anthropology graduates) clarified that there is no such thing as attempted rape. Even without
penetration, the mere touching of organs already constitutes rape. The lack of penetration therefore
cannot be used as an excuse for a lesser charge. Also, though I already knew that a large number of
rapes happened between persons who already knew each other (family members, friends, romantic
partners), I didnt know that the numbers were substantially disproportionate: less than ten percent are
what can be called blitz rapes, meaning surprise attacks by a complete stranger on an unsuspecting
victim.

This could be more skewed still given the fact that violations between people who know each other (like
incest, date rapes and marital rapes) go largely unreported for various reasons, such as shame, strong
discouragement from other family members (why report your lecherous padre de familia, or
breadwinner if it means going hungry?), and even confusion by victims (he is my boyfriend, we love each
other, he told me he would stand by me no matter what).

The problem is, the blitz rape is the kind of rape that pervades the news, popular media, and
common thinking in general. This then gives rise to the notion that, like other blitz crimes like petty
theft or getting mugged on the street, the onus is placed on potential victims to stop flashing their fancy
cell phones (or legs) in public lest they invite the crime that would befall them.

Unfortunately, this is exactly how crimes against women and girls are often framed including during
the occasions they were discussed in UP Mindanao in the aftermath of those incidents. What results
then are simplistic admonitions against wearing shorts and going out after dark, which opens the door
to victim-blaming a-plenty: a womans own clothing and her own behavior are significant factors leading
to if not the actual cause of her being attacked.

But rape isnt as simple as being unable to control natural urges (i.e., when a man sees bare legs,
naturally he will be aroused). Besides, this way of thinking also devalues men into being portrayed as
unthinking deviants. As Ms. Laurel-Ampog reminds us, sex crimes are crimes of power. They are
committed by persons who wish to demonstrate their superiority over their victims. They are related to
other power relations in an unequal society. Reducing these incidents to urges and natural behavior
obfuscates the historical roots of patriarchy, or the present dominance of a commodified (and
commodifying) way of life.

I was asked to be a reactor at that forum, although to be honest, I could only react to agree with the
resource speaker. The thing is, though I did learn a couple of new facts, I already knew most of what she
shared at that forum through reading reliable articles, talking to and working with gender advocates,
and sharing experiences with fellow women. These are the facts that will be gathered by those who
have dared to ask why women are told not to stay out late at night while men are excused for
behaviours that make it difficult for women to go out at night to begin with. These are the answers that
any person of any gender who has consciously worked to make him/herself aware will know once they
have seen the need to explain and change the unequal conditions they see pervading society. These
are already there if only we care to open our minds and reexamine old beliefs and change stereotyped
notions.

During this trying period I have seen many UP Mindanao students and younger faculty demonstrate a
much higher level of awareness and opinion-making based upon sound evidence and a better grasp of
progressive gender discourse than their supposedly authoritative elders. What I think this means is that
after many repetitionsand strugglesthe liberative discourse on gender has finally gained strong
roots among the young. The generational divergence that seems to be showing at present signals hope:
out of something old is emerging something new.
Ubonay of Pantaron

Mar. 12, 2017 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

A few days ago I readily accepted an invitation to serve as host of the special Davao screening of the
independent film Tu Pug Imatuy, or A Right to Kill by Mindanawon director Arbi Barbarona. An entry
in famed director Brillante Mendozas Sinag Pilipinas Film Festival, the story follows a Manobo family
ripped apart by the sudden entrance of military forces into their community.

The main characters are Dawin and Ubonay, a Manobo couple who are forcibly taken by soldiers and
used as guides in their pursuit of rebels. A secondary storyline follows Dawin and Ubonays children,
Langit and Ilyan, who struggle to return to their village without their parents to await has finally become
of them. As both pairs move across their ancestral territory, we too travel across the beautifully shot
landscape, which contrasts sharply with the ugly torture the main characters go through.

The film, at the very end, includes a short clip of the real-life Ubonay, the inspiration for the films
storyline. The real Ubonay, a Manobo woman originally from Bukidnon, was in fact kidnapped and
forced to act as a guide for the military for several days, during which her hands and feet were bound,
she was fed only leftovers, and she even urinated on herself because her tied hands couldnt undo her
clothing.

Ubonays kidnapping happened in the days leading up to the lumad (indigenous peoples) evacuation
crisis, or bakwit, in April 2014. It may be remembered that more than a thousand Pantaron Manobos,
mostly from villages in the mountains of Talaingod, Davao del Norte, evacuated to Davao City for a
month, to escape the intense militarization in their areas.

We were able to interview Ubonay while she and her husband tried to recover from the double trauma
of her abduction and the displacement of their community. While A Right to Kill took artistic liberties
to depict a harrowing experience for Dawin and the onscreen Ubonay, what happened in real life was no
less brutal than fiction.

Ubnay narrated that she had run into the soldiers somewhere near the interior village of Nalubas one
day at around eight in the morning. She indicated the time by pointing to the sky as to where the sun
was positioned; this was her way of keeping track of time and telling us when certain events of her
captivity happened. When she encountered the soldiers, she immediately held her hands up. One of
them then immediately ordered her to sit down, while another older soldier ordered that her hands and
feet be tied. For the next more than twenty-four hours she stayed put where she first sat, with no food
or drink, while soldiers repeatedly asked her where the NPA were, and where Datu Guibang Apoga the
leader of the Salugpungan Ta Tanu Igkanugon organization was hiding.
Not being proficient in spoken Bisaya, we asked her how she was able to communicate with her captors.
Among the soldiers was a young Manobo who was a CAFGU, the auxiliary personnel employed by the
Armed Forces, who helped translate her words to the soldiers. It was this same lad who actually gave
her some of the leftover food only around noon on the second day of her captivity.

Ubonay insisted that she did not know where the NPA or Datu Guibang were. The soldiers were
persistent that she should know, since her village was a member of the Salugpungan. They even offered
her some cash if only she would tell. During a short respite in the questioning, the Manobo CAFGU
furtively told her, Nay (Mother), dont give just any answer, the soldiers might do something to you,
(In the Bisaya from our translator: Nay, ayaw ug patakag sulti kay basig unsaon ka sa sundalo).

After a particularly strong rain shower that soaked her clothes through, she was given an old fatigue
jacket and ordered to change her clothes. As she was changing the soldiers made fun of her body and
cruelly joked that she must have already had many children. Moreover, they laughed at the tattoos that
encircled her belly, making her painfully aware that, in the society these soldiers represented, not only
was she lowly regarded as a woman, but also as a lumad.

The constant fear throughout her ordeal made Ubonay forget to be hungry, but it did not make her
immune from the cold of the wind and rains that fell exceptionally heavily in the last days of March.
From her interview it was the deepest affront not to have been provided shelter by the soldiers. When
she tried to seek shade near one of the hammocks, she was rudely shooed away. This is what made me
cry, she recounts. She would cry and be unable to sleep because of the rain and the cold; at the end of
one interview session we recorded her, almost talking to herself, uttering her disbelief: Wa pad atup ko.
They did not even give me a roof.

When Ubonay first set out on that fateful day, she had her pet dog with her. When she was captured,
the dog refused to leave her. It followed her and the soldiers, trailing a little ways behind them, as they
wound their way across the Pantaron. One evening, during an especially heavy downpour, the soldiers
forget to bind her feet. Because of the strong rain, she was able to inch her way away from the sleeping
soldiers. Her dog was there to greet her, and guide her to freedom.

Ubonay says she would not have been able to escape if not for her dog. The Pantaron can be
disorienting even for a Manobo like her, and was more so because of the darkness of the night and the
trauma she had just suffered. She trustingly followed her dog until they reached a spot in the mountain
that was familiar, but they had to cross a roaring river that was swollen from the rains. Not having any
choice but to swim through it to get away from her captors, Ubonay and her dog dove in. She made it,
her dog did not.
The story of Ubonay, be it that from real-life or from fiction, represents the story of many other
indigenous women who have suffered the direct violence of rape, assault, kidnapping, and
militarization, as well as the structural violence of hunger, ill health, illiteracy, and the hopeless
uncertainty about the future of their children.

A tale of two tattoos

Dec. 30, 2015 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

If you cock your head at a certain angle, they sound just like the incessant buzz of cicadas, and if you
close your eyes you could almost imagine that you were on the lower Pantaron on that balmy Friday
evening with just the right amount of humidity and drizzle.

But the buzz isnt those of nocturnal insects but of the dozens of tattoo artists in the act of creating their
art for the December 18 Patik Para sa Lumad tattoo competition at the Matina Town Square. The
competitions theme revolved around the struggle of indigenous peoples. I was invited by the
organizers to give a talk about the traditional Manobo tattoo called the pangotoeb, and it was
unfortunate that the organizers werent able to secure a projector for a talk on such a visual topic. But
one must ford on, and I was happy that I did, for some of the enthusiasts (those who werent in the
middle of getting a tattoo, of course) approached me afterwards to express interest and ask more
questions.

If it had been the best of circumstances I would have begun my talk that evening with the story of
Ubonay, the Manobo woman who had been taken against her will and forced to act as a guide by
intruding military personnel at the start of the Manobo bakwit crisis in early 2014. After she escaped
and rejoined her fellow Pantaron Manobos in the massive bakwit at the UCCP Haran (which lasted the
whole month of April of that year), we were able to interview her about her traumatic experience.
Though she spoke only Manobo (we used an interpreter), she was clearly able to convey what she went
through and how she felt during those days. Of all the details she narrated, it was the role her tattoos
played in her experience that stood out.

Like many Manobo women her age, Ubonay has tattoos on both her forearms and her abdomen. These
became the object of surprise and mockery when, in the middle of her captivity, the soldiers gave her an
old army jacket to put on because the blouse that she had had on for days was constantly wet because
of the intermittent mountain rain. Her forearm tattoos are not as stark, for her arms are of a darker
tone from being exposed more to sunlight. But the thick band of her abdomen tattoos (which are partly
visible if she wears the traditional blouse that ends at the midriff) are in higher contrast because of the
lighter hue of the skin at that location. This must have caused the exclamation of the soldiers around
her who took in the sight of her tattooed body as she was made to change her clothes in front of them.
When she took off her blouse, she said that the soldiers had pointed at her and said that she was a
karaan nu otow, literally, an ancient person or a person belonging to olden times. During our
interview, Ubonay was fuming and incredulous. She said, would you look at that, and yet they said that I
was an NPA rebel? They called me a karaan nu otow, yes, unschooled and unlearned, so why did they
abduct me?

At that moment, Ubonay became aware of her tattoos in a way that she had never been before: it was
no longer a mark of pride or identity, but a mark of otherness, of belonging to a marginalized way of
life that was doomed to extinction with the onslaught of the dominant culture, which, at that moment,
was represented by the soldiers who kidnapped her.

But nevertheless, Ubonay was still able to deliver her discursive punch by, unexpectedly enough,
describing herself as unschooled and illiterate (in Bisaya) (waru ama naka-eskwela waru aman
makasabot to kinahiyan now). Admitting her own ignorance goes against the grain of conventional
recognitions of indigenous ways of life that allow them to be celebrated (for example, in mass media,
museum exhibitions, various appropriations, and yes, even body art) while minimizing, or even negating,
the corrosion that are ultimately rooted in structure (for example, militarization and the class and
imperialist interests that this protects). Ubonay and her tattoos therefore stand as a crucial reflection
point for questions that all cultural workers must face.

After my talk and as I made my way down the stage I noticed that there was gap in the organizers
cordon where a group of young men had converged, craning their necks to see better in the venue at
the various works being done. These young men werent part of the typical MTS weekend crowd, but
they were construction workers, presumably from the building that was being put up just beside the
event venue, and presumably again their workday had already ended, but they eagerly took the time to
check out the event anyway, even if only through the fencing.

I observed that none of those young men had a tattoo (none that were visible anyway), and I
remembered a conversation I had with one of the hired hands at an archaeological excavation in a far-
flung province many years ago. The young man had politely paid a compliment to my tattoos, so I, in
turn, also inquired if he had one. Oh no, Maam, he replied, though he would have wanted to get one.
Why not then, I asked, was it because he thought it was painful? Its not that either, he said. If I get a
tattoo, I would seriously jeopardize my chances of employment, he explained. Many of the jobs that
were open to him low-skilled or unskilled jobs given his limited credentials, such as decent
construction work or waiting at tables or counters in food outlets wouldnt hire someone with tattoos.
Some companies even conducted tattoo checks, he claimed, even at areas of the body that werent
visible anyway if all you did was hand out burgers.
Previously knowing about absurd and exploitative requirements some unskilled employees have to
undergo (including humiliating body checks for female workers, ostensibly to prevent shop-lifting, for
example), I wasnt the least bit surprised. But what did strike me was that there was this whole other
aspect to tattoo discrimination, in this case, the discrimination that prevented one from getting a tattoo
at all.

Let me just say that getting a tattoo is a wonderful experience it introduces you to new sensations (not
just pain) that makes you attuned to your body in ways that may not be possible through other means.
It makes you get to know yourself, physically and mentally, and helps you appreciate more to be a (pace
Heidegger) a body of a being in the world. (No wonder almost all cultures, civilizations, even religions,
developed some similar form of body modification.) I think then that if one, after examining his or her
heart of hearts, wholly decides to get a tattoo, then he or she must be allowed to do so.

One thing that may prevent this, of course, is the prevailing negative regard for tattoos, the
discrimination that tattoo artists and visibly tattooed persons are campaigning against in their own
ways. Of course, this is simpler in some circumstances than others. Reflecting upon my own
experience, its easier if one has a white-collar job, came from a rather unconventional discipline
(anthropology), and taught in a secular, public university known for fostering open minds. It may also be
easier if one came from a relatively liberal background such as the middle class, where a young man or
woman may actually have a choice to become a singer, or a band member, or an artiste, or a writer, or
whatever creative ambitions he/she may have. It is simpler, further, if one has the claim to have
graduated from aforementioned secular, public university, then enters and becomes enclothed in a
respectable profession where body art does not automatically mean having gone to Muntinlupa (and
may even be considered cool).

This was what I thought during that conversation a long time ago, and which I remembered again at the
Patik Para sa Lumad event. Having a tattoo (awe-inspiring as it is) has become a privilege not in the
esoteric sense but in the wholly political economic one.

There is an indubitable class dimension to tattoo discrimination, and I dont mean the kind that
someone like me goes through (I am already lucky enough to have my tattoos). What I mean is the
denial of autonomy over ones body to modify it as one sees fit, a denial which, unsurprisingly, goes
hand-in-hand with other oppressions of the body in the name of profit and capital: body searches,
demeaning and harmful uniforms and body movements (like a mall making all the employees dance in
unison, with the women in heels), hours and conditions that are detrimental to body and health,
absence of services to respond to these risks, the list goes on.

And these are the lessons from a tale of two tattoos, or, more accurately, a tale of one tattoo, and a tale
of none-tattoo.
Bai (Part I)

Apr. 20, 2015 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

She had been lying down on a mat in the corner of the one-room hut that could be reached only after a
precarious uphill motorcycle ride on rocky terrain and a twenty-minute trek on foot, somewhere near
the headwaters of the Davao River. As we were introducing ourselves, the lady known as Bai Bibiaon
begins looking through a small, battered handbag. She brings out a fistful of tikos, the woven leglets
many lumad wear below the knee joint, and slowly begins unravelling them. It crosses my mind if it was
possible that Bibiaon couldnt be anymore affected by our presence, and preferred to busy herself with
something else. But her fingers extricate one tikos among the many she had, which she holds out to me.
Testing daw, our guide, JP, says. Oh, on me? I ask. Bibiaon nods; she is giving me a tikos to try out
for myself. I take it from her and pull my leggings up past the knee. I gingerly pass my foot through the
tikos, slowly bringing it up my leg where it stops at mid-calf, too tight a fit to continue. Ay, dakul gyud
diay, (Oh, your leg is too big!) JP exclaims, laughing, and even Bibiaon smiles.

I take off the tikos, mildly embarrassed. Ever the practical woman, Bibiaon takes the tikos from me,
places it back in her bag, and then peers back at us. She has moved on, and is patiently waiting to hear
why we had come. I didnt even have time to realize that I still should have asked her if I could have the
tikos, even if it didnt fit my big leg.

And this is how I met the greatest (and perhaps only) woman leader of the Pantaron Manobos in recent
times. Bai Bibiaon, a Matigsalug, could be anywhere between sixty to seventy years old, but there is not
a single white or graying strand of hair on her head. She had the grave dignity of someone who had
never allowed herself to feel low or insecure. At first it was intimidating until you understand that this is
a person who knows how to be compassionate, as well as fierce, and was unafraid to toggle from one to
the other as she sees fit. The banig, or mat, she sat on is well-worn and her quarters small, but she filled
it with a serene and serious countenance as a benevolent ruler in her throne room, or a holy man in a
temple. Sitting on that floor she appeared to be taller than anyone else in the room.

We explained that we were there for both academic and political reasons (in this line of work, the
political and the intellectual cannot be extricated from each other, and we believe that neither should
they be), and we wanted to talk to her and ask if she would be willing to come with us back to Davao
City. As an elder, she is a trove of insights and information about her people, their lifeways, and their
struggles. As a leader, her presence was needed at that time in Davao City because of the second wave
of bakwit of Manobos after the relentless militarization of their communities since late last year. Her
real name is Abiok Bigkay, but she is better known by the honorific Bai Bibiaon, bestowed upon her by
her people as a sign of the highest respect and recognition of her sense of justice and fearlessness.

When she finally arrived here in Davao City, her presence ignited the weary evacuees camped at the
UCCP compound. It was so palpable among the often-solemn Manobos that it took even me by
surprise. The second they saw her, their faces instantly lit up with wide grins, their arms spread open,
welcoming her all at the same time they were immediately inspired, galvanized, their resolve made
whole again.

While she was here in Davao we let her narrate the story of her life, a technique that anthropologists
call collecting a life history. Anthropologists do this in order to know more about the perceptions and
motivations of individuals within the wider sphere of their community, and how they make sense of and
contribute to the historical developments their people have undergone. It is important that life histories
be in their own words, so that when they are published it really is the voice of the person that is heard.
Needless to say, it is quite a process, and more so since Bai Bibiaon spoke only Manobo. But
nevertheless, it is apparent, even with just merely the outline of her life, what an extraordinary woman
she is.

We pinpointed her year of birth to somewhere in the vicinity of 1942, for she says that her family had
moved to the interior of the Pantaron mountain range because of the arrival of the Japanese. With her
mother as a role model, Bibiaon from an early age did not feel boxed in by her gender, though leaders
among the Manobo are more frequently male. Her father was what she called a taladagon nu utow,
roughly equivalent to recluse but without the negative undertones: he was a man who simply
preferred the company of the mountains than other people. It was her mother who took charge of the
public sphere. She was already known as a Bibiaon (in Bisaya, a tagahusay), a fair arbitrator who settled
conflicts and dispensed advice. In addition to that, she was also a potter and a tattoo artist of the
traditional Manobo tattoo called pangotoeb. Anthropological studies will tell you that such specialized
roles were certainly related to gender and social relations. Ethnoarchaeologists (such as Bill Longacre
who worked in the province of Kalinga) have shown that before pottery began to be mass produced for
the market, it was a female expertise that could earn them their communitys high regard. Our own
research has shown that tattooing for the Manobo is the domain of women, with more women tattoo
artists and tattoo recipients. These are realms where women could assert control over material and
cultural production.

Moreover, for a people who only needed a minimal suite of skills to live (like planting and gathering and
hunting), and where practically everybody had those skills, tattooing and potting were exceptional
bodies of knowledge to have and to practice. And in egalitarian societies where leadership wasnt
determined by wealth or pedigree, such skills could earn the respect and recognition of a wide network
of people, even beyond ones home village.

Bai Bibiaon grew up with a strong woman-leader for a mother and a father who kept her in touch with
her Pantaron roots. For her and her brothers, the forest was a playground. They built small huts,
sardine tins substituted for dolls. They caught eels and crabs in the rivers, they practiced hunting and
setting traps (she recalled getting in trouble after one of their traps caught a neighbors chicken). At
home her mother taught her how to tattoo and to make pots out of clay, how to weave mats and
clothing out of plant materials, as well as the binokol bracelet made out of the plant sat, a medicinal
species that grew only in the interior Pantaron, and that we havent been able to scientifically identify.

More importantly, she would accompany her mother when her wisdom as tagahusay was needed by a
neighboring family or village. When she became a young woman, her mother gradually gave her more
tagahusay responsibilities, setting the scene for her daughter to be a Bibiaon in her own right.

Bai (Part II)

May. 04, 2015 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

Bibiaon remembers a childhood and early adulthood of relative ease. Accepting the role of tagahusay
(arbiter) early on was not difficult, for problems were rare and conflicts could easily be settled.
Everyday life consisted of gathering food from their farms and crafting daily needed objects such as
clothing. What they couldnt make themselves they obtained by trade. Bibiaon remembers a young
Tagabawa who came into their domain bringing a much-sought-after item salt which, in turn, came
from Muslim traders living on the coast. As Bibiaon tells it, this young man would become one of the
greatest leaders of the Tagabawa Bagobos in recent times Datu Tomas Ito, a staunch opponent of the
Philippine National Oil Company (PNOC) geothermal plant that was placed within their domain at the
foot of Mt. Apo in 1989.

By the early 1970s Bai Bibiaon must have already been a well-known tagahusay and must have already
possessed a certain level of prestige, for when Datu Lorenzo Gawilan launched his uprising, he invited
her and her brothers to join him. Datu Gawilan, a fellow Matigsalug Manobo, decided to take up arms
after settlers and government soldiers began taking over the Simod Valley in Bukidnon.

According to Irina Wenks study, the uprising was violent but brief, lasting but a few months in 1975.
The Marcos government granted Gawilans demand to remove the settlers, and his surrender to no less
than Marcos himself in Malacaang was a media coup designed to show the dictatorships benevolence
towards cultural minorities. The Simod Valley then became the first strategic hamlet in Bukidnon
administered by the notorious PANAMIN under Manuel Elizalde, Jr., and is now known as Sinuda.

This account would explain the prominence of the Gawilans in Sinuda in any historical study of the
Matigsalug. What did not make it into the written documents was what happened to the other baganis
that joined Gawilans uprising, including Bibiaon and her brothers. Bibiaon proudly says that they did
not join that thing they called surrender (Waru koy man nigduma tog ngaran og surrender, waru koy
surrender). Instead, they withdrew back into the Pantaron mountain range, their traditional refuge,
where, though life was harder, they were able to genuinely maintain their way of life. For Bai Bibiaon,
this meant continuing as a tagahusay, but this time, with a group of other women who formed a sort of
jury that heard cases of grave import (this appears to be a singular phenomenon in lumad legal
anthropology and political history).

Sometime during this decade, Bai Bibiaon recounted the curious story of how she met a group of non-
Manobos in the mountains who called themselves Ki-im and who said that they were there to help the
poor. Bibiaon must have met some of the first New Peoples Army guerillas deployed to organize
Mindanao, some from as far away as Luzon, for she recalls that some spoke only Tagalog. In a moment
of wild (historical) imagination, we thought that maybe she had even met the poet Eman Lacaba, who
was martyred in Davao Oriental in 1976; we scrambled around for his book of writings that bore his
photograph and showed it to her. Bai Bibiaon, unperturbed by the crescendoing anticipation, simply
said no, he wasnt one of them.

After Gawilan, a succession of other bagani rose to head their defense of their territory and way of life.
While some would weaken, others would stay resolved, such as Bibiaon and her brothers, especially
after one of her brothers was killed by men associated with the PANAMIN.

But beyond this personal grievance, Bibiaon was early on already aware, at some level, of the dynamics
between her people (those within her immediate sphere of influence), other Matigsalug (like the
Gawilans), outsiders with corporate interests, and the government. She distinguished between having a
shaky conviction vulnerable to compromise (waru natooni ton barug), and a firm, exact stand (insakto
won no kabarugan) namely, that of never giving away your homeland (kono ipamohoy ka ingod).

This principle she had in common with others who would soon approach her to form a united alliance in
defense of the Manobo ancestral domain. Sometime in 1994, the wife of Datu Guibang Apoga sought
her out to entreat her to support her husband, then already a wanted man after he launched a
pangayaw against the logging company Alcantara and Sons or Alsons. Alsons had been encroaching on
their lands under the governments (thru the Department of Environment and Natural Resources
[DENR]) Industrial Forest Management Agreement (IFMA). Datu Guibang hails from the Langilan River,
and along with other datus representing dozens of other villages across different river systems, he took
up arms (their traditional bangkaw or spear, kalasag or shield, and lit-ag, traps and snares) to actively
drive away the men and machines that have come to cut their trees and take over their land.

The two leaders then secretly met, and an alliance was forged in defense of their territory. By this time
environmental NGOs, support groups, and other concerned individuals, many of whom also tried in vain
to stop the PNOC geothermal plant from punching holes in Mt. Apo along with Tomas Ito, have begun to
take up Guibangs cause. They linked with Bibiaon and other lumad leaders who were not forced into
hiding, and they were able to raise the issue of Alcantara and Sons environmental trespass at the
national level. This legal and extra-legal struggle would count as one of the genuine lumad victories
where the company-aggressor was actually forced to pull out of the indigenous domain, and it resulted
in the formation of the Salugpungan Ta Tanu Igkanugon, today the primary organization for self-
determination not just of the Matiglangilan or Matigsalug Manobos, but of many other groups that call
the Pantaron their homeland.

These are just but snippets of Bai Bibiaons extraordinary life, and there are dozens of lessons and
insights that could be drawn, but I would just like to highlight three that we extrapolated from our hours
of interviews that I consider to be urgent.

The first relates to the consistent trend of State-supported indigenous communities (especially those in
conflict areas) to assert a certain kind of indiginism that called for complete autonomy from each other
(or, in the more impactful Tagalog, walang pakialaman). This was starkly shown during the last dialogue
here in Davao with Mayor Duterte and between the Armed Forces of the Philippines and datus from
militarized IP communities, of which I had written about before (see Thoughts During a Dialogue ).
The tribal leaders on the AFPs side insisted upon to each his own as their version of self-
determination. I have already argued that this is the logic not of the lumad, but of the State, for lumad
history and experience have shown a long train of connections and linkages, of cooperation during times
of peace (Tomas Ito and other Tagabawas trading with the Matigsalug) and times of war (Guibang Apoga
seeking an alliance with Bibiaon). In one panubad-tubad, or prayer, we heard Bai Bibiaon utter, she
invoked both the Pantaron and Apo Sandawa, domains of many different groups united in the great
effort to retain their cultural integrity since the arrival of colonizers until today. To each his own
simply does not make any sense, and benefits only those in hegemonic positions through the creation of
paramilitary monsters like the Alamara and the consecration of tribal dealers (as opposed to leaders)
who are squarely under their influence and in their pocket.

The second is the formula that Bai Bibiaon and her kin came up with in response to these active
attempts of the State to coopt them. She distinguished between a shaky and a firm stand, and they
chose the virtue of uncompromising struggle. In a verbal aside that we unwittingly recorded, she
advised Teody, our long-time interpreter and a young lumad leader from Talaingod: Never mind if you
do not have full knowledge of things, as long as you make a firm stand, (balagad ku kag pakasabot,
basta koykow insakto won no kabaruganan).

This is a very important line for our present information-obsessed world: one does not accumulate
knowledge about the state of the world, and then only afterwards resolve to stand for equality and
human liberation. What tends to happen in that one simply goes on and on, seduced (or overwhelmed)
by an infinity of information, which stunts action.

In the headlines and other historical instances, these are manifested when issues are framed under
what are the guarantees of winning or losing (think of the ilustrados and the fence-sitting elite during
the Philippine Revolution, or of the Department of Foreign Affairs when they told Mary Jane Velosos
mother Celia that she better just accept her daughters fate), and in a world where many of my students
say that they will study first then serve the people later, this is but the strongest admonishment of
people and circumstances that choose to play safe (or, lets do a survey first).

For Bai Bibiaon, the only way to generate liberative knowledge and ideas is in the course of her and her
peoples struggle. The firm political decision that equality and liberation is what makes humans human
comes first, and only after that can one love having true knowledge of the world. This is progressive
thinking to the highest degree, formulated not via a studied reading of classical political tomes, but from
actual lived experience.

Indeed (and this is third), progressive forces can learn so much by listening to Bai Bibiaons (and others
like her) own words. To give just one example, throughout our interviews, her poetics and her
rootedness in her culture was reflected in her repeated use of the house metaphor, of building a new
society the way one would build a house not by oneself but through collective work by family
members and village mates (she tells Teody, you cannot carry the post for the house by yourself [kono
pakakaya ogtiang tu guod]). Such an image will no doubt echo not just among indigenous peoples, but
among the other basic sectors that must be organized: peasants, workers, even the petite-bourgeoisie
in the cities who, at the very least, are commonly faced with high rents and even the possibility of
homelessness. To immediately label indigenous culture as unscientific and backward is the result of a
facile understanding of dialectics, and shuts out such a rich trove of concepts and ideas and even beliefs
that can make our struggle for a better life so much more meaningful and resonant.

Ingrata and the culture of subservience

May. 11, 2015 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

It was the best of times, it was the worst of times this would be a very apt description of the Mary Jane
Veloso episode. It was the worst of times for Mary Jane and her family, of course, for obvious reasons.
On the other hand, up until that fateful reprieve, the best shone out of Filipinos here and abroad as we
were able to unite ourselves and mobilize others to Mary Janes cause.

Make no mistake about it (and, cmon, give yourselves a little credit), it was the mass movement that
rallied around Mary Jane that was decisive at that moment. Of course, one can be legalistic about it and
say that it was a suddenly arising police/judicial matter (namely, the surrender of Mary Janes alleged
recruiter) that necessitated the granting of a stay, but let us not be that nave to give this more worth
than what it really is: a procedural loophole the States of Indonesia and the Philippines needed in order
to save face (legalistic entities that they are) when confronted by such a glaring injustice that was made
possible by their respective bureaucratic set-ups.
At the end of the day it was a political decision that was precipitated by political pressure from ordinary
people who had been politicized by the issue. If not for the massive, worldwide, pe ople-powered
campaign, how can we believe that Noynoy Aquino would even bother (nay, break protocol! cry his yes-
men) with this one woman, a convicted drug mule at that? (Come to think of it, Ive never seen Noynoy
Aquino go out of his way to reach out directly to his poorer constituents, have you? Not Jennifer Laude
and her family, not the famers in his own backyard of Hacienda Luisita, and he totally skipped out on the
Mamasapano 44, who were his own men.)

The stay of execution of Mary Jane Veloso was a resounding victory of the peoples movement, and it
must not be given away.

It was the best of times, it was the worst of times unfortunately, the latter has overtaken the former,
and is now the dominant flavor of the issue. There is currently a vilification operation against Celia
Veloso, Mary Janes mother, who has been passionately decrying the governments neglect of her
daughters case for the past five years. Their battle cry is Ingrata!, and it has been a moralistic free-
for-all in the social media and even in a new low, after they killed Mary Jane in their headlines a
supposedly respectable broadsheet such as the Philippine Daily Inquirer.

I dont hear the term Ingrata often (walang utang na loob sounds more common), and thus, as a word,
it sounds more virulent, amusingly malicious and specialized, in the sense that it evokes a landlady
caricature (played with much relish by, say, someone of Rosemarie Gil-calibre), on a hacienda patio,
furiously fanning herself and using the same fan to periodically hit some hapless servant girl, or
daughter of a farmer-tenant, over some measly fault.

What it conjures up are the feudal relations rooted in the unequal access primarily to land that was first
introduced by Spanish colonizers, first via the encomienda, followed by the friar estates, then later,
haciendas privately owned by families. The unequal relations between master and serf is mainly
characterized by the idea that it was only at the behest of the former that the latter are allowed to use
resources (such as land, waterways, and everything that grew and lived in them) and are thus able to
live, for which the serf must be eternally grateful and obligated to serve the former.

For example, the root word of encomienda is encomendar, which means to take care of the indios
came under the encomenderos care to be Christianized and educated; in return he collects taxes and
demand labor and other favors. While the crucial difference between an encomienda and a hacienda is
that the latter is private property, Francisco and Arriola in A History of the Burgis describe latter-day
feudal relationships in haciendas in similar terms as the agreement that the landlord has sole right to
the land and that the tenants privilege to work for it for a small share of the crop stems from the
landlords largesse and/or sufferance, (emphasis is mine).
These relations are disguised to be co-dependent and harmonious (calling tenants kasama or katiwala,
for example), but in truth they are designed for maximum exploitation by holding hostage not just the
stomachs, but the hearts and minds of those in the inferior position. The feudal relations that have
been the lot of majority of Filipinos for centuries has historically resulted in the massive economic
inequalities and the asymmetrical distribution of power we see until today.

Behaviorally, it has bred a culture of subservience that has been very hard to shake off, even after many
Filipinos have moved away from unequal land-based production under the watchful eye of the
panginoong may lupa. Why do you think it is so hard to form unions in workplaces? That a housemaid
(kasambahay) rights law was enacted only a few years ago? That OFWs endure no matter how badly
they are treated or how much they miss their family? That the company boss expects to be fawned over
and personal favors granted without extra compensation or overtime pay for his employees? That some
schools can get away with severely curtailing student councils and organs (or doing away with them
completely)? That we fall all over ourselves in courtesy and hospitality when a foreigner comesvisiting?
Or why all the presidents this country (supposedly sovereign) has ever had have always been beholden
to some other foreign superpower like the US?

It was no wonder that Christianity fit so well with this ethos, with its themes of suffering, begging, and
thanking the Lord, which was maximized by Spanish and American colonizers. In the Mary Jane Veloso
case Ive seen what I assume to be conservative Christians assert that the reprieve was a miracle in the
purest sense, that only, and only, Gods will was able to save her (never mind that thousands of
Christians and non-Christians the world over actually used their God-given free will to take action).

And this is the very nature of the vicious attack against Celia Veloso. Calling her Ingrata and pressing
that the Velosos have a large utang na loob debt to pay reflects that as if it was the Veloso familys
prized privilege that the lord-on-high Noynoywould deign to stoop down to walk among mere mortals.
This exposes a very-much-alive culture of subservience among a bourgeois populace that, no matter
how hard it fancies itself to be modern (even postmodern), is still squarely in the clutches of feudal
thought and culture. (To wit: all those supposed liberals in the academe, the entertainment industry
and media practitioners, whose access to Twitter and other technologies notwithstanding are quite
clearly stuck in medieval times.)

It is paradoxical that it is the family of Mary Jane Veloso (who is just one generation removed from
landlord-tenant relations her father was a farmer in no less than the Cojuangco-Aquinos Hacienda
Luisita) that has shown the most progressive mindset and spirit in their fight for their daughters life.
They have taken a personal grievance, and have asserted that the personal is political, and have
fearlessly demanded justice, not just for themselves, but for others in the same position.
As a final note, anthropologists will tell you that some cultures, especially those that have maintained a
high degree of egalitarianism, lack a term for thank you. It does not mean that they are immoral or
amoral, but because already having a good sense of what is correct and proper and actually carrying it
out need no explicit acknowledgement or special recognition. It is simply the right thing to do.

Whats the Fuss About the Yaya Meal?

Apr. 12, 2015 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

But of course I couldnt let such a culturally and politically fascinating trending topic like the Balesin Yaya
meals pass by without comment.

Many of us would be familiar with this by now: beauty queen Maggie Wilson-Consunji began it all by
putting the off-menu Yaya meal on the public platter. Indeed, the public was quick to consume, and
immediately declared it unpalatable.

The Yaya meal was deemed discriminatory, it reeked of distasteful elitism. A Yaya meal cost two
hundred pesos, in a place where a meal could cost a thousand. Balesin CEO Mike Asperin defended the
Yaya meal option, saying that their patrons could opt not to avail it, but this seemed to make it even
easier to attack the exclusive resort. For many people, Asperin missed the point, being the question of
why the resort and its members would think up of that option in the first place.

Other defenders have spoken up, and apparently, this is a practice of many exclusive resorts. It wasnt
that the Yaya meal cost considerably less or was made of less exotic ingredients, but that these were
meals that were familiar to the Yayas who, more often than not, did not grow up on Angus beef or
salmon steak. Thus, it was an adaptive policy that was a win-win for both club members and their help.

And this is where the cultural teasing out comes in. Behaviors are created often in response to needs,
and they catch on and are maintained if they are in harmony with the values of the collective entity in
which it arises. Yaya meals and other adaptations in exclusive, elite spaces are bewildering and even
offensive to many simply because, well, the many cannot access any of those exclusive and elite spaces
(just try memorizing the rules governing fork and knife placement in fine-dining those that signal the
waiter to come to your table, when you are finished with your meal, when you are resting while eating
and there are even the American and Continental styles!), rendering such as inane frivolities aptly
captured by the meme and hashtag #firstworldproblems. On the other hand, this makes you wonder
what values are expressed and maintained with such practices.

If there is a clash of cultures, then culture must also provide the solution, yes? There are those who say
that all that is needed is a little GMRC (Good Manners and Right Conduct). As long as we treat our
Yayas, maids, and drivers well, like family members, have them eat the same food, speak to them with
kind words, then all is right with the world. Besides, in the spirit of pluralism and cultural relativism,
shant we let everyone have the cake they were served at birth and eat it too?

Lets enter into the politics of this issue with another clash of cultures story. I remember my Irish
brother-in-laws first visit to this country and his surprise at how almost all the Filipino households he
saw had a maid (or two). In his experience, he grew up without househelp, the family members did
their own chores, struggled to raise their own children, and, once you moved out of the house, you
learned to do all these things by yourself. He was as proud about not having grown up with servants the
way many Filipinos are proud about keeping a gaggle of them at home.

The paradox that a higher proportion of people in underdeveloped nations have maids than in
developed nations was explained by Ha-Joon Chang in his book 23 Things They Dont Tell You About
Capitalism. He says that, in rich countries, where education and skills levels have increased with
increased levels of education, the relative price of labor has risen as well. Yaya duties here in the
Philippines probably costs somewhere between a few and several thousand pesos a month. Yaya duties
in the US would cost more than P35,000 a week*! And this is just for taking care of children and
cleaning the house, no cooking or laundry or errand-running or dog-walking or car-washing or other
tasks often carelessly passed on to the househelp.

What Chang didnt emphasize was the flipside of this scenario: a population that is poorly educated,
and with low skill levels, really do not have a choice when it comes to employment (college graduates
looking for jobs struggle enough, what more those who cannot even compete?). Their labor, their time,
and their bodies will continue to be bought at ever decreasing rates. Multiply that across the nation and
by generations and you have the proverbial ever-widening gap between rich and poor.

The Department of Labor and Employment has stepped in to say that Yaya meals do not violate labor
codes, but (as consuelo de bobo) that it does rob Yayas of their dignity. Labor Secretary Rosa linda
Baldoz said that this reflects a socio-cultural reality where maids are considered to be a grade lower
than ordinary citizens, a reality that implies class segregation (well, if we dig under this reality, well
find the DFA and DOLEs labor export policy, the latters recalcitrance in raising the minimum wage,
DepEds K to 12, all designed to keep skills and the cost of labor to a minimum, but thats a discussion
for another day).

The Yaya meal and the controversy it stirred up made the cracks and contradictions in the system very
evident. It is what Lacan and Zizek would call the Signifier of the Barred Other. We all know, at some
level, that the system is flawed, but we have invented ways (cultural, behavioral, ideological, what-have-
you) to live and function as if those flaws did not exist, or as if they were only natural in this world. But,
every now and then, something like the Yaya meal pops up and bares that not only is the system is
flawed, but that it is degradingly and fatally so.

And this is the trouble with policy makers and GMRC champions. Their recognition of the problem is still
squarely framed towards the maintenance of that flawed system, still anchored in the idea of the
harmony of classes, of class reconciliation and peaceful coexistence. It is watered down, an analysis
based upon peering down from their mansions or penthouses, a view that, literally and metaphorically,
only their affluence can afford. The Yaya meal merely implies class segregation? It is the very
exemplar of it! It reflects a socio-cultural reality? Then demand the impossible, change that social
reality!

If we are going to make a fuss about the Yaya meal, then we should make a fuss about the class
contradictions seething underneath it.

Rules, Regulations, and Proper Venues

Apr. 03, 2015 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

For UP this may still be the mid-semester, but for the rest of the Philippines it is already the season for
graduations and finishing the academic year.

I was reminded of this fact when, one morning, I caught a quick feature on a local morning talk show
about a commencement ceremony in a private school in Quezon City that has recently stirred up
controversy. The salutatorian, later revealed to beKrisel Mallari of the Sto. Nino Parochial School, had,
through her welcome address, very publicly called the school to task for allegedly giving valedictorian
honors to a student who did not deserve it; it was implicit that it should have been her instead of the
other girl. Her speech was promptly cut off by teachers.

The reactions of members of the public to a viral event very often tell us more about our society in
general, than the viral event itself. The shows hosts (there were three of them) were very quick to
castigate the salutatorian and her actions, yammering away all at the same time, in usual talk show host
fashion, about how the student had done wrong, that sure, they believe in free speech, but this was
unbecoming, that she had shamed her school, and that couldnt she have looked for the proper venue
to air out her complaints, besides, look, theDepEd has all these rules and regulations about how private
schools should be run.

I did not hear the salutatorians speech, and I have no way to say if her complaints are valid or not, but
there and then I wanted to find her and shake her hand.
If only to slap the public awake every now and then, this girl deserves our congratulations. Indeed, I first
heard of this incident in a context that was quite related. In my Philippine Institutions 100 class we were
considering a passage that Jose Rizal wrote in his annotations of the Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas: This
is the eternal division that is found everywhere, in all kingdoms and republics: the ruling class,
productive class and servant class; head, body and feet. I use this passage as a take-off for a discussion
about class and social stratification, and how these are manifested in Philippine society, both in the past
and present.

I asked the class: Rizal could very well have said this without batting an eyelash, given that he belonged
to an affluent portionof society, but what do you suppose members of the lowest class would say? One
student answered that they would probably want change, but that the pervasive attitude nowadays was
that of dawat-dawat, or to just accept the way things are, lest one be labeled as a troublemaker.
Another student then raised her hand and said, Well, what about that salutatorian who gave that
speech? Unlike the talks show hosts, most the students nodded and expressed at least mild
admiration, and not condemnation. Not a one made a fuss about the proper venue or rules and
regulations, and I gave a grateful internal sigh of relief that there may still be hope for UP and the
Philippines yet.

This is not unlike the controversial visit of DBM Secretary Butch Abad to UP Diliman some time back that
was met with protests, after which no less than UP President Alfredo Pascualordered an investigation
into the matter in accordance with the Universitys rules.

The so-called rule of law was a bogey raised as, first, a clearattempt to scare students to toe the line,
and second, in order to legitimize Pascuals moves to intimidate. This invocation ofrules, regulations,
and proper venues serve not so much to createa just or equitable society than a subservient one.

People who use rules, regulations and proper venues for narrow interests and at their convenience,
while selectively turning a blind eye when it suits them (calling for fire and brimstone to fall upon a
gaggle of hooligans while keeping mum about the more despicable target of that hooliganism? Tsk,
tsk!) is but one of the groups of persons who fetishize these rules and regulations.

The second group can do so simply because they can afford it. There are those among us who, because
of their social station, find that proper venues are open, accessible, and sometimes actually work! To
transgress these lines are acts that belong to the realm of the poor and the desperate, two things that,
fortunately for these people, they have never been. Like Rizal, they too would probably not bat an
eyelash at the eternal division of classes, that is found everywhere, in all kingdoms and republics.
From there an unforgiving bureaucratization is just a hairs breadth away. Just one example: go and ask
any government employee who is right now wrestling with the Performance Based Bonus, the Strategic
Performance Management System, and other evaluation mechanisms that reduce performance to crude
ranking and bald competition, coupled with a great deal of forms and formulas that must be followed
down through to the last decimal place. The monetization of creativity and the other impulses that
make us human does not make sense to me, but it must make proper sense to the number crunchers
behind this neoliberal push.

Ironically enough, people who insist (to the death!) on the rule of rules must either be uncreative, or
quite lazy. After all, if there is already a fixed set of statements by which we are prescribed to live by,
then why question anything else? Why wonder about how things turn out? Why expend brain cells
when the manual already tells you what to do and how to behave? The rules are supposed to work, are
they not, and the reason why some things dont turn out well is probably because somebody
somewhere forgot to cross her ts or dot her is or pass the proper paperwork in the first place.

The apologists of socialized tuition are firm believers of this, saying that simplifying the process and
turning UPs STFAP into STS will cure the malady Kristel Tejada just happened to miss the deadline on
some requirements.

Right now I cannot say for sure what will come of the Ms. Mallaris grievance: will she get the justice
that she wants or will it be revealed that it is utterly baseless. Nevertheless, her speech and the
reactions of the public are occasions to mull over how we look at rules, regulations and proper venues.
And beyond this, it is also an occasion to mull over how we can challenge them, stir up a little trouble
like that salutatorian and UP Dilimans hooligans, and break them apart and change them once they
begin working against the interests of the majority, once they begin to be used to subjugate than to
benefit, once we discern that the numbered rules and neat regulations exist fornothing more than for
the system to remain, in Kafkas words, more rigid, more vigilant, more severe, more ruthless.

Acting Up (UP)

Oct. 02, 2014 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

Theres been a little hullabaloo in my favorite unibersidad lately. A few weeks ago, Department of
Budget and Management Secretary Butch Abad, exiting from a forum at the UP School of Economics,
was met with a vigorous protest by activist students and teachers. Their call was to make Abad, and all
those associated with the unconstitutional Disbursement Acceleration Program, accountable.

Many, foremost from the School of Economics itself, were quick to react to the incident. It was called
violence against Abad, an outright attack, abusive, and, in what appears to be the trending term
that the protesters have themselves gleefully appropriated, the acts of hooligans.
Two things, before we get swept away by emotion and etiquette.

First, whether you agree or not with how the activists manifested their anger is one thing. But a more
fundamental question to ask ones self (for this bears upon the aforementioned) is if there are truly
neutral venues for dialogue.

This is what Abad and friends, including those at the School of Economics, are banking upon for two
reasons. First, that Abad can come to the UP, defend the DAP and their other policies, and come away
unscathed by any negative feedback (in whatever form) because hey, this was just a dialogue and he is
just exercising his freedom of speech. Second, the assertion of venues for neutral dialogue is needed by
the SoE because it needs to save face for the treatment their guest received by claiming that the protest
isnt part of UP spirit, UP is only all about the free traffic in diverse ideas and, well, apparently nothing
else.

Holding the free traffic in diverse ideas as a neutral phenomenon and fetishizingly sacrosanct, I think,
sets a potentially dangerous example to the people whose mind we are supposed to be molding. What
we may end up with are students who stubbornly cling to ideas, no matter how erroneous or backward,
all in the name of free traffic. Worse, they may end up fearing or resenting debate and correction,
asserting that as the universitys lifeblood, their free traffic must not be fettered, in the same way
that Abad was granted free passage.

Of course we need to openly discuss, and indeed debate, ideas. But is that the end all and be all of a
university, especially UP, which is supposed to be the National University whose commitment is for
national development and to the needs and aspirations of the Filipino people?

In any case, is there really still any room for debate regarding the DAP (which Abad reportedly talked
about in the SoE forum)? I dont think there is, for many of our fellow citizens who have been shocked
and continue to be sickened by the pervasive and uninhibited corruption inherent in the pork barrel
system. There certainly isnt any for the Supreme Court. So why echo Abads defenders who keep
saying that oh, hey, cmon, he just wants to have his say.

Second, the statements of many of these defenders, especially those written on blogs and as opinions
by commentators, felt to me like they were talking down to a bunch of kids who were acting up. The
youth of those involved has, on purpose or not, played a role in how they have been castigated,
complete with shame-on-yous and finger-wagging. That the protest also bogged down to violent mob
rule was a picture almost immediately lapped up, not least by the media; it was a picture that made
sense, that, as if by virtue of their youthful energy, of course they will immediately turn physically nasty
with nary a thought.

That the youth are full of vim and vigour, passion and exuberance, and arthritis-free joints and painless
backs is something that the old guards can readily concede. But that the youth can actually think for
themselves, study, decide and act out of their own volition is something thats a little too hard for them
to swallow. Otherwise, why imply that some of the protesters were misled, or that the protesters
stance lacked evidence-based and reasoned arguments? One columnist even expressed disbelief that
these were even UP students, implying two things at the same time: that UP students are either
impotent or apathetic, or both; and that non-UP outsiders automatically turn violent every chance
they get. Needless to say, both assumptions can be described as anywhere in between a great
disservice to or fatuous stereotypes of the groups being pertained.

Are young people who can analyze, decide on their own and act with conviction so threatening that the
bogey that they are trampling on the free traffic of ideas needs to be raised to keep them in line? So
who is trampling on the free traffic of ideas now?

In any case, this is no new thing as this is played out every day in Philippine education. Every semester I
get some students (not all, thank god) who can memorize but not analyze, who are grade-conscious but
not socially conscious, who can repeat word-for-word what I said in the classroom but cant theorize
about events outside of it. And Ive noticed that their numbers have been increasing. I get exasperated,
yes, but I keep in mind that these are the products we get with a system that rewards conformity and
suppresses critique. This is what we get when we applaud the free traffic of ideas only, but step back
in horror when our youth actually choose to do something about it.

When we set an example to students to have ideas, but not dangerous ones; to act, but dont step on
any genteel toes; when we shame those who end up doing the latter; when we admonish them to keep
within the polite bounds of a dinner party or a social hall (parliamentary rules whenever applicable), and
we reify these as if these are the only arenas where history is made, then we would have failed in
molding the next generation to be instruments of genuine change.

Instead, we should encourage, nay, push, our students to realize the potential of their own thoughts and
actions, to go beyond their comfort zones and cum-laude standings, and to imagine a radically different
and better world that is achieved not by shaming down, but by speaking and more importantly,
acting up.
Recourses

Sep. 12, 2014 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

The reaction to the pork barrel scandal and the subsequent declaration of PDAF as unconstitutional was
swift. Many immediately stood up to condemn it, and, despite eleventh-hour efforts by Noynoy Aquino
to soothe the people by abolishing the PDAF, the Million People March in August of last year
demonstrated that the citizenry will not be quelled. Even still, there were still those who had doubts,
especially those who had been beneficiaries of the Congressional pork through scholarships, medical
assistance, and the like.

But, of all the questions that arose in the aftermath of the unconstitutionality of the PDAF, this was the
simplest to answer. Why? Because this only entailed the simple reminder that the money these
Congressmen were doling out actually is not theirs, but the peoples. The names of politicians attached
to these packages are, at the very least, misleading, because they are ultimately sourced from public
funds filled in by tax payers money.

But beyond this reminder is the more relevant question of why this practice in Philippine politics
persists. It does so only to ensure the political survival of our officials by playing on the voters
sentiments and insecurities. No money for hospital bills? Cant go to school? Jobless? Heres
Congressman so-and-so to the rescue. The result is a population under Congressman so-and-sos
thumb, beholden and ensured to vote for him or his family members for elections to come.

Another common opinion about the pork barrel and corruption in general that crops up is one Ive
mentioned in an earlier column, and that is the idea that the only thing we can do is to start small:
teaching children good values, focusing on the local community, etc. Ive never really been able to
shake off this sense of unease whenever someone utters this. Im not saying that we should stop
teaching our children well but, shouldnt we ask, is this the proper response to what is clearly a systemic
problem?

Ive noticed that this outlook often comes from members of the disenfranchised, powerless sectors, and
this powerlessness shows. How would you feel if, after struggling for most your life, toeing the line and
seeing presidents come and go, you still found yourself in the same place? Can you be blamed for
choosing to focus on what you think they can most influence, such as your children, other kin,
neighbors, etc.? In a society where every day is a struggle to simply survive, you learn to hunker down
and concentrate meager resources where you think you can best maximize them and maybe this
affects the capacity to care about issues outside of ones immediate circle.

The good that this reflects is that we still believe in the decency of our fellow Filipinos (because if not,
then why bother teaching them?). However, even in this some of our very clever politicians still see
further opportunity for exploitation. Notice how some politicians project themselves as personally
emotionally invested in their constituents, from GMA Cares to Gusto ko happy ka. Oh, they play it
to the hilt with the hugs and the handshakes and the sharing of simple fare (kamayan, of course) with
farmers under the shade of mango trees.

It goes without saying that these are carefully crafted undertakings designed to take advantage of our
idea of good faith. But this is just the tip of the entire backbone of getting people elected into office,
that is, through patronage politics very much abetted by the pork barrel system. After all, someone who
would deign to eat tuyo with you and shake your wifes hand and hug your children might not be such a
bad person after all, and oh, he gives scholarships and referrals for hospitalization needs, to boot! Then,
this good fellow will get elected and reelected so long as he still has the means to keep people beholden
to him, and that brings us back to the first point above.

Let me make this clear: is the trust in each others capacity for goodness to blame for this? Certainly
not. Dont give me any of that kung walang paloloko, walang manloloko platitude, which some take to
mean that the masses are so dumb and/or nave, the will believe anything any one tells them.
Remember that the naloloko and the manloloko here are not, and have never been, on equal footing.
Can we immediately expect mature analyses from people whose right to be educated has never really
been given to them? Can we expect sober decisions from one who is hungry, homeless, and constantly
under threat from disasters both natural and human-made?

And I for one would never wish for this very human trait to be removed from any of us; harnessed
properly, this may in fact be what instigates the burning desire for change and the resolve one finds in
oneself to strive for it. And this is exactly what the Peoples Initiative is hoping to tap, to finally abolish
the inherently anomalous pork barrel system once and for all.

But the questioning is far from over, and this in fact brings us to the toughest one asked of the abolish
pork advocates so far: what are the guarantees? How can we win? The number requirements of the
Peoples Initiative are intimidating enough by themselves, then we have to break the news that its
actually a two-step national campaign with a plebiscite following the signature drive. A few have
thrown up their hands in despair, immediately deciding that this was a losing fight, so why should we
even bother.

This is the toughest so far not because it doesnt have an answer, but because answering this appeals
not to reason or logic or other calculative faculties we rely upon when faced with a win-or-lose situation.
A simple analogy (one which my students find endlessly entertaining) is pursuing the love of ones life.
You may not know for sure if this person loves you back, but then you will never know unless you act.
First comes the risk of rejection, embarrassment, a long, arduous courtship but the rewards are
incredible. If we can put our love life in such a perspective, how can we not do the same with our
countrys future? Are we really going to just boil it down to winning or losing? That is a disservice to the
next generation, who can very well denounce us if we fail to take action when we could have
regardless of the results.

Besides, there is one last thing to think about: if the Peoples Initiative is the only viable legal solution
left to this chronic problem (and it most certainly is), and we give up on it before even trying it out, are
we ready to face the implication that the only other means to achieve genuine change lies not within
conventional bounds alone, but calls for more radical maybe even extralegal courses of action? If
that is the case, then all these recourses must be made available to the people, including revolution.

Vaginas and Violence

Jul. 06, 2014 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

Im reprinting here the complete text of the opening remarks I gave at the Davao edition of The Vagina
Monologues that ran last 27-28 June at the Philippine Womens College. I shortened the actual speech
that I gave due to time considerations, but the voice, and the message, of my vagina is essentially the
same.

One of the more popular monologues in Eve Enslers play, which we will all be seeing tonight, is the
monologue entitled My Angry Vagina. I guess this particular monologue is popular because it is an all-
out, no-holds-barred rant of the vagina, against tampons, against thongs, against the invasiveness of
objects and peoples judgments about what vaginas should be like and how they should be treated. Its
funny, and we laugh and agree that thongs are in fact the most uncomfortable piece of clothing ever
invented, and we realize that our vaginas are indeed angry.

But lets do Eve Ensler one better. Id like to think that my anger should be reserved for more serious
things, especially if Im going to rant about it in front of all of you. My vagina is angry, and if I tell you
the four reasons why, maybe youll find that all your vaginas are angry, too.

First of all, my vagina is angry because its hungry. It cant get enough not to eat. Not with such weak
government support for the farmers who feed our country, who have to make do with backward and
pre-modern tools and techniques, who continue to till land that isnt theirs. How can we have enough
to eat when the governments idea of strengthening the agricultural sector is selling out to large multi-
nationals who plant cash crops for exports instead of important staple foods?

Second, my vagina is angry because it has no dignified work. In our country, the chances are the kind of
work one would find ones self in will be: contractual, self-employed, part-time employment.
Euphemisms all! Its like how they come up with all sorts of names for the vagina: flower, pi-pi,
king-king, like it needs all these disguises. Lets call it like it is: vagina! In the same way lets call
unemployment like it is: thats the reality. People arent provided jobs, they are given extremely
short-term and volatile opportunities to just get by, with little hope of self-improvement.

In the same way that we hush-hush matters about the vagina, we hush-hush matters about
unemployment. Instead, we banner the stream of job opportunities abroad, especially for women.
Unfortunately, for many of them this is but a huge gamble, not only for their vaginas but for all the other
parts of their bodies.

Third, my vagina is angry because it cant get the education, health, warm home environment, and basic
services it needs. Dont we all agree that an unhealthy and un-self-aware vagina is a sad vagina! It
deserves to be healthy, it deserves to know about itself and the world, it deserves to be housed and
pampered. But this is barely possible with the constant reduction of funds for hospitals, schools,
housing. This is barely possible with the skyrocketing cost of water and electricity and other utilities,
and all these things that make my vagina not only sad, but impoverished.

Nevertheless, my vagina does not need dole-outs. It is a proud vagina, one that prefers to stand on its
own, and to get what it deserves good opportunities, good jobs and good services all of which are on
the decline as it receives less and less governmental support.
Why? Where does the money go? Apparently our government prefers to pay debts more than to
provide services. Now that makes my vagina angry because, quite frankly, my vagina owes no one! If at
all, it is the government that owes my vagina, for the honest work it renders, for being strong in the face
of every day indignities, for overcoming the various obstacles society throws in the way of my vagina.

And this is the last reason why my vagina is angry. The Philippines is quite simply not a good place for a
vagina, with the continuous assaults on our environment, our patrimony and sovereignty, perpetrated
by foreign entities in collusion with our own government. Mining companies penetrate our mountains,
logging companies invade our forests. Foreign troops make their way into all corners of our country,
causing fear and distress, leaving behind disease and disaster. Their local counterparts do the same,
encamping in schools and hospitals and health centers, places where my vagina should feel safe, though
no longer. If there is one thing that makes my vagina really angry, it is when someone, or something,
tries to enter without my permission.

So, my vagina is angry, but it isnt just angry about tampons and thongs. It is angry because of the
injustices we face every day. It is angry because the mouth cant eat, the brain cant learn, the limbs
cant have invigorating work and rest calmly at the end of the day. So let our vaginas take the lead: let
it unite the mouth, the brain, the limbs, as we unite ourselves with other sectors. Our vaginas are angry,
and they will fight.

Im grateful to the plays director, BJ Absin, and Glades Maglunsod, who got me involved in the first
place, for this opportunity to speak my own words, as a small addition to the already-set, well-wrought
words of this iconic play. It was Glades who suggested that it should be anchored in the experiences of
the majority of Filipino women, and this recommendation was spot-on when you take into consideration
the contents of the monologues.

Each monologue is anchored in the experiences of an individual, as subjective narratives of pleasure,


confusion, and pain. The more powerful monologues are those that deal with abuse, especially rape,
highlighting the vulnerability of women to this especially heinous act of violence. Rape, incest, beatings,
and emotional and mental abuse are examples of what philosopher Slavoj Zizek calls subjective
violence: these are obvious, highly visible, and with a clear idea whom the perpetrator/s is/are. The
play deals with this quite intensively; for many, when they hear violence against women, these are the
examples that would probably first come to mind.

But Zizek goes on with a second type of violence: objective, or systemic, violence the catastrophic
consequences of the smooth functioning of our economic and political systems, where the categories
of haves and have-nots are firmly entrenched. What does this mean? Well, wouldnt we consider
lack of access to education, housing and health care as violence, violence against our individual and
collective minds and bodies? But the mechanisms that prevent access to these basic services are
precisely the policies that the government (and its foreign partners) says are needed to develop the
country: public-private partnerships, the K-12 overhauling of the education system, deregulation and
liberalization policies, opening of our resources to foreign ownership.

The resulting violence is undeniable: six out of ten Filipinos die without ever seeing a doctor, only one
schoolchild in ten will ever finish college, and half of the total number of Filipino families does not own
the houses in which they live. One in four Filipinos lives on one dollar a day; if you raise that to two
dollars a day youre talking about forty percent of the population hardly an improvement, and more
appalling in the face of steadily rising prices of utilities and commodities. And in the Philippines, as with
many developing countries where the burden of having children and raising families frequently falls
upon women, it is this gender that bears the brunt of this situation.

Objective violence is more insidious because they arent obvious, they dont make sensational headlines,
and because they seem to be part of the natural, and even necessary, conditions of our way of life. The
harm these inflict is, to use another violence-laden term, a slow war of attrition, grounding out the life
of the poor, especially poor women, until they die.

Rape and abuse strip women of dignity in swift, horrifying episodes; hunger, ignorance, disease and
homelessness strip women of dignity in a slow, ignominious pace. Advocating womens rights isnt just a
matter of saying no to the former it is saying no to the former in the inextricable context of the latter.
This is the stance we must take if we are to genuinely uphold the equality of all genders.

I would like to again congratulate everyone involved in The Vagina Monologues-Davao Edition: Director
Absin, fellow Davao Today Columnist Don Pagusara who translated the play into Bisaya, and the
wonderful cast and staff, all of whom worked not for pay, but out of the goodness of their hearts and
vaginas. Though the Davao City run is over, we are hoping to bring this play to other cities in Mindanao
to continue to spread the message. So, for those who were not able to catch it, we may yet still see
each other in the not-so-distant future.

Why We Should Defend Pantaron


Apr. 14, 2014 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

Around a week ago, when the reports of the Talaingod Manobo exodus first began trickling in, I
happened to glance at a copy of a Mindanao regional daily at a local cafe. The front page proudly
bannered that two battalions had been brought in from Luzon to add to counter-insurgency operations
here in the Davao region. In my gut, I knew that this happy headline had something to do with the
misery of my friends and many others in Talaingod.

This fear was confirmed when the evacuees arrived and told us that some of the soldiers who carried
out the military operations and were now occupying their communities were Tagalog-speakers. What
happened, is happening, in Talaingod was a classic case of divide and conquer, a despicable tactic first
used by foreign colonizers, now being used by Filipinos against fellow Filipinos.

Spanish conquistadors were successfully able to utilize this because early Filipino communities were
fragmented polities; today, I suspect they are capitalizing on the apparent differences between us (the
majority, the mainstream) and them (the minority, the recalcitrant few who refuse to be
integrated) what anthropologists call othering. For the formula to be successful it must be sold to
the general populace in order to (to put it bluntly) make us not care about what happens to a handful of
tribal people.

The challenge now is to show that though there is no denying that we are different their struggle for
their homeland and the gross injustices that are being done to them have concrete implications in our
lives; in short, why we should help defend the Pantaron. Im going to keep this simple by concentrating
on four points.

First, our environment is at stake. The Pantaron Mountain Range is a rare ecological treasure in the
Philippines. It has been identified by biologists as a biogeographic sub-sub region under the Greater
Mindanao ecological zone, one of our few remaining biodiversity corridors with old growth forests that
house rare species of flora and fauna.

The headwaters of major Mindanao river systems the Pulangi River, and our own Lasang River and
Davao River, are located in the Pantaron Range. Any environmental disturbances in these high altitudes
will have far-reaching effects in the water systems in the lowland areas of Cotabato, Agusan and Davao.

It is no accident that much of the portions of the Pantaron from where the evacuees came from are in a
relatively better state. In the nineties, as rampant logging have all but annihilated centuries-old forests
all around their traditional domain, these Talaingod Manobos decided to actively defend their territory
by organizing themselves into what is now their primary political organization, the Salugpungan Ta Tanu
Igkanugon. This marks one of the rare success stories of indigenous peoples who take on entities much
bigger than they: the logging firm Alcantara and Sons and their guards pull out of Talaingod by the end
of the decade.

Thus, if you now look at aerial views of this portion of the Pantaron (try Google Earth or Mapcarta),
youll notice that the Talaingod side of the mountain is still a lush emerald green, while just across the
Bukidnon border the terrain is of a drab hue, indicative of grasses typical of denuded slopes. This
episode is an admirable example of environmental conservation going hand in hand with cultural
conservation and self-determination.

Therefore, the second reason why we should defend the Pantaron is because not only is our natural
diversity at stake, our cultural diversity is, as well.

In the face of globalization and cultural homogenization, the Talaingod Manobos are one of the few
resolute hold-outs. Unlike stereotyped views of indigenous peoples as meek pitifuls who keel over in the
midst of the march of modernity, the Talaingod Manobos have no insecurities whatsoever. They look
you in the eye and they talk to you as equals. They believe in the strength of their culture in the way
they believe their cause is just.

In this sense we have much to learn from these people we of the American dreams and neo-colonial
subservience beyond appreciating their culture as mere song and dance, colorful costumes in parades,
and kitschy installations in malls during Kadayawan. In them we can find genuine cultural pride and
conviction, something we direly need in this time of the WTO, semi-permanent foreign military
presence, and (oh yes, Im going to say it) academic calendar shifts.

Third, as taxpayers, our public resources are at stake. There are two issues here: military spending, and
emergency funds spending.

The Aquino Government has not been shy about saying that its Oplan Bayanihan would now be
concentrating in the Davao region, as this ostensibly is the communist hotbed. The battalions mentioned
earlier appear part of this plan, including the troops currently occupying Talaingod.

So, how have they been doing at their job so far, in terms of enemy casualties or captured arms? They
seem quite mum about the issue, despite having started operations more than a month ago. What we
have instead are plenty of reports of human rights violations, terrorized schoolchildren in schools that
have been red-tagged, aerial bombings, arbitrary detentions, and threats.
And how much is our government spending for this? For Oplan Bayanihan, all in all a neat P162 billion
this 2014, or almost twice the budget for health this same year.

On the LGU side, a few days after the Manobo evacuees arrived in Davao City, Talaingod mayor Basilio
Libayao declared the town to be under a state of calamity. We all know that this is meant to
immediately access emergency funds. According to media reports, Libayao has claimed to have serviced
more than 2000 of his constituents with these funds. Now, I have been at the evacuation center almost
everyday since this began, and while we have indeed received plenty of donations from many
kindhearted persons, I have yet to see goods enough for 2000 (double the number of evacuees we have
here!) individuals come in from the LGU.

What did arrive one day was one pick-up truck carrying LGU representatives and five sacks of rice.
Theres more where that came from, they said, as long as the evacuees packed up and returned to
Talaingod. But the community leaders were adamant: as long as the military are still in their
communities, they will not return. They stoutly refused the five measly sacks.

As a taxpayer, I was appalled at how relief was used as a bargaining chip, something to be given only
when certain conditions are met. I was also offended at what I felt was adding insult to injury, as if these
people were pathetic enough to be lured by five sorry sacks of rice.

And all for what? Perhaps to rehabilitate Libayaos flagging reputation after virtually one entire barangay
(out of three) walked out on what they saw was his ineffective leadership.

But havent we all seen this before, the use of public resources for the political survival of officials, the
PR-PRs (Public Relations-Press Releases) of smooth relief operations, but with reports on the ground
telling a very different situation?

Bottom-line: I dont want my taxes to go to scaring little kids, adding to the suffering of people, making
politicians look good, and other asinine uses on which the government seems OK to spend it.

Finally, our civil liberties are at stake. Dialogues between community leaders and representatives of
government were shot through with either denials that there is a crisis, or pronouncements that they
were not informed and that they were caught off guard. When pressed further about how they could
not notice the entry of two infantry brigades through the Bukidnon backdoor, they finally admit that
they could do nothing about it. The soldiers order come from the top, and local officials use this as an
excuse to just shrug their shoulders at the matter.

My question now is, whatever happened to civilian rule? Are these officials agreeable to the usurpation
of their powers and the exposure of their constituents to rights violations? Is this our lot under Oplan
Bayanihan, that an entire town can be placed under de facto martial law?

Last I checked, no military dictator resided in Malacanang. Or is there?

Todays View : Scientist under siege (Part 1)

Oct. 17, 2013 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

By ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

I first met Kim Gargar during the last election season, when, as an information technology expert, he
helped Kontra Daya in exposing the flaws of the PCOS automated election system. Specifically, he made
us non-computer geeks understand just how vulnerable the computerized system was to cheating, and
how the simplest electronic safeguards werent being implemented by the Comelec. We also discovered
that we had several common friends from UP Diliman and Agham (an organization of advocates of
bringing science and technology to the people), making me feel like weve known each other for longer
than the week or so that he spent with us.

Kims stint with Kontra Daya was a short one because he was in Davao primarily to help in the ecological
evaluation of typhoon Pablo areas. That same month he was off to Baganga, Davao Oriental, as part of a
solidarity and fact-finding mission to investigate the murder of village councilor Cristina Jose, and to
assess the progress (or non-progress) of far-flung barrios months after Pablo hit. (Jose had been
persistent in shaking the gates of local government up to the regional DSWD office here in Davao City,
asking after the relief goods that were rightfully theirs, and her death had been linked to these
activities.)

The team to Baganga was big, 69 in all, with representatives from different sectors: teachers, students,
church people, social workers, journalists, and professionals like Kim. The size and composition of the
team had been necessary in order to demonstrate its legitimacy, to avoid arousing the suspicion of the
increasing number of military men being reported by the residents.
Nonetheless, the team was met with various forms of harassment up to the point that they got
stranded in one of the upland barangays after the trucks that served as their means of transportation
were rendered unable to fetch them. This was where I met Kim again, as I joined the team from Davao
City that was dispatched to help rescue the Baganga 69 after four days full of tension but low on food
and water.

Kim was upbeat and unfazed by what he had just undergone. As soon as we reached the town center of
Baganga, his thoughts were already on what needs to be done next. The Center for Environmental
Concerns in Quezon City, where he was working at that time, was exploring the idea of forming a quick
reaction environmental assessment team of sorts that can work in local contexts. As an anthropologist,
he said, I would be able to contribute immensely to this effort, showing how keenly aware he was that
environmentalism without the concern for human or cultural factors was simply untenable. I of course
said yes, and we promised to keep in touch as to when we could get those plans rolling.

So, imagine my surprise when a friend texted me two weeks ago saying that Kim was back here in
Mindanao and had reportedly been arrested, and that no one was sure where he had been taken. That
very evening me, a colleague from UP Mindanao and another friend of Kims, and members of
Karapatan were off following leads that eventually brought us to Mati Provincial Hospital, where we
finally saw Kim.

He was in a solo ward with glass-paneled windows, and when he saw us his face immediately lit up and
he started waving at us vigorously. His spontaneous display of mirth was such a contrast to the stern
expressions of the guards outside the room that I couldnt help but laugh a little inside. Attaboy, Kim, I
thought.

There was a bandage on the crown of Kims head, and his right leg was swollen, but he was happy to see
people he knew after almost two days of being among strangers who kept interrogating him. He was
fine, he said, he just slipped and fell off a waterfall. He knew that there was something gravely wrong
when soldiers arrived and accosted him, but he kept calm and went along with it, and he was eventually
taken into police custody and brought to the hospital. We assured him that we would do what we can,
before leaving to let him catch up on his sleep (we had arrived at the hospital at one in the morning).

After that visit I had the nagging feeling that Kims cheerfulness was from all the adrenaline from the
past couple of days, and I was worried that he would crash soon enough. However, during our next visit,
one day after his thirty-fourth birthday, his spirits were as high as ever. We had a small celebration on
the prison grounds, with a cake and some goodies he could bring back to his cell. A friend from Diliman
had suggested buying him a sketch pad, for which he was very happy. The pens and pencils might not
make it through the security check, though the oil pastels should be fine.
At the relatively more open atmosphere of the prison yard we were able to talk about what happened
and the charges against him. Attempted murder, illegal possession of firearms and explosives, with a
Comelec gun ban violation thrown in to boot, are certainly nothing to sniff at. Kim himself could hardly
believe it when the bombs he was allegedly found with were displayed in front of him. He told us that he
would have to be Superman to be able to carry all of those explosives, an M16 rifle, as well as his
backpack through the jungle. Well, you did fly off a waterfall, somebody quipped. Thats why they
thought I was Superman! Kim finished the thought as we all burst out laughing.

But, I thought, if Kim really were Superman he wouldnt need to be rescued like this twice in the same
year first in Baganga and then again when we found him in Mati and especially not during the course
of his legitimate work. The fact that he was is a cause for great concern, and is reflective of how
scientists, particularly those with pro-people advocacies, are treated by forces of the State.

Todays View : Scientist under siege (part two)

Nov. 26, 2013 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

By ANDREA MALAYA RAGRAGIO

Davao Today

Much has already been said about Kim Gargar as a peoples scientist. Pieces by fellow UP professor
Giovanni Tapang, Kims wife, writer Ina Silverio, and, most recently, by anthropologist Mags Maglana,
and Tony La Via, Dean of the Ateneo de Manila School of Government, have all emphasized how Kim
chose to use his scientific knowledge and skills not for personal gain but for the betterment of his fellow
Filipinos, making the title peoples scientist a well-earned one.

The fact that Kims case has resonated with fellow professionals, such as those mentioned above, and
especially young professionals, is what I want to underscore here.

Every year, thousands of bright young women and men graduate from universities all over the country
and are faced with the choice as to how they can best use the education they spent the last four or five
years working to achieve. Back in college I remember that most of my peers would spontaneously
profess a love for country and a desire to serve it. Some would later become teachers in universities and
researchers with cause-oriented groups, just like Kim, but, these are the lucky few. Unfortunately, for
the majority, such aspirations were easier to dream about than to fulfill in the real world.
Kim himself wrote about this in an open letter partially reprinted by Philippine Star columnist Boo
Chanco way back in 2008. In that letter, Kim deplored how science graduates had to choose either
underemployment mind-numbing technical or desk jobs not fit for their original degrees or,
employment abroad, thus contributing to the chronic brain drain that plagues the country.

Science graduates are not alone here. From my experience, both as a former student and as a teacher,
many good graduates from anthropology and the other social sciences end up in call centers because of
the lack of employment opportunities (as a friend of mine used to say, you dont see any Wanted:
Philosopher ads in the classifieds, do you?). In the meantime, indigenous peoples, most of who belong
to the poorest and most marginalized demographic, are continually subjected to culturally insensitive
development policies that are carried out by culturally insensitive private and public outfits. Indigenous
languages, knowledge, art forms and even landscapes are disappearing without even the most basic
documentation. We constantly bemoan the state of our society when we dont even have the foggiest
notion what society is and how it works.

What needs to be said here (and Im sure Kim will agree with me) is that our graduates and young
professionals are all in the same dilapidated boat. Good education and good intentions are next to
nothing if they are not met by good opportunities that allow for growth, a decent living, and, of course,
significant contributions to society. The lucky few Ive mentioned above, the teachers and researchers,
could only really be considered lucky insofar as they are able to practice the professions for which
theyve studied. But lucky could hardly apply in terms of financial or material compensation, especially
for those teaching in state universities, working for cash-strapped NGOs, or slaving away in poorly
funded government agencies. As Miss Silverio lamented in her article, to be a patriotic scientist in this
country is a thankless job. I would add that to be a patriotic teacher, artist, writer, lawyer, or to be any
professional with a brain and a heart set on serving the people of this country are likewise thankless
jobs.

Ah, but if only that was all our patriotic professionals faced! Unfortunately, many have suffered ordeals
that have had dire consequences.

We recall renowned botanist Leonard Co, who, with two of his companions, was shot to death this same
month in 2010. As in Kims case, the military has raised the communist bogey to cover up their
accountability. We recall the arbitrary arrests of poet Ericson Acosta, film student Maricar Montajes,
and public school teacher Charity Dino; we recall the abductions of agriculturist Jonas Burgos and UP
students Karen Empeo and Sherlyn Cadapan, all of whom were accused in one way or another of being
communists to justify their detention or disappearance. We recall teachers Jose Maria Cui and Rebelyn
Pitao, lawyers Gil Gojol and Juvy Magsino, victims of extra-judicial killings. We recall student journalists
Cris Hugo and Benjaline Hernandez, would-be lawyer ReiMon Guran, cum laude economics major Farly
Alcantara, all murdered before they could even begin the professional lives for which they and their
parents have been working so hard. The list goes on.

That they all fell victims to the forces of the State, is only the first thing they have in common. The
second thing is that they all chose to use their talents, knowledge and education to serve the people.

This then begs the question: why does it seem like professionals who serve the interests of the
marginalized not only tend to work under difficult and unrewarding conditions, but are especially
vulnerable to harassment, arrests, and even assassinations? And yet, you never hear of those working
for multinational companies getting arrested or killed.

This sets a backward example for students and young professionals who are at the cusp of deciding what
they want to do with their lives. It is an appalling threat: serve the corporations and the ruling class, no
harm will come to you, but serve the poor and the powerless, then you risk life, limb and liberty. If you
were a student, which would you choose? Is it still any wonder then why our country is in such a state,
and why Kims fellow professionals have been so indignant over his fate?

Kims fight is the fight of all Filipino professionals for the right to practice their vocations freely and
safely, for the chance for them to open themselves to the wonderful fulfillment of serving others. Kims
fight is the fight of all Filipinos for intellectual growth, for genuine development guided by scientific and
pro-people principles, and for the dignified life that Kim and people like him have envisioned and for
which they have been willing to dedicate themselves to achieve.

Todays View: The Protesting Body

Sep. 20, 2013 ANDREA MALAYA M. RAGRAGIO

By Andrea Malaya Ragragio

Davao Today

Who said that activists are running out of gimmicks? Last September 6 was Short Shorts Day in UP
campuses to dramatize the education budget that comes up short of what is needed by millions of
public school students nationwide.

I had heard of Red Shirt or Black Shirt or whatever color shirt days before, but I do believe this is the first
time in recent memory that clothing items below the waist got involved in a protest. I happily joined this
opportunity to be a little morepresko while doing a bit of propaganda in school.
Short Shorts Day reminded me of a photo, playfully comic-ized by Mariel Francisco and Fe Arriolas in
their book The History of the Burgis, of a Makibaka demonstration against The Ten Best-Dressed
Women in Manila during the 70s. The short vestidas and ironed-out hair of members of Makibaka
(Malayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababaihan, the 70s equivalent of Gabriela, not the current anti-pork
movement) contrasted sharply with the ankle-length gowns and beehives of thematronas attending the
fete. The protests of these new women against the old order were reflected in their very bodies,
particularly in their dress and hairstyle. The matronas outdated look was matched by an equally
outdated attitude, as betrayed by their aghast expressions captured by the photo at the unfeminine
show of assertiveness by the protesters who, for their part, looked nothing but chic and mod.

There is no lack of vintage photos from the era showing girls in super short dresses and skirts marching
confidently in rallies. I, for one, have absolutely no idea how they pulled it off. Where do you find a place
to sit if you get tired? How do you run if the police start to disperse you?

I am reminded of another photo, this time from the First Quarter Storm, of a mini skirted future UP
Faculty Regent Professor Judy Taguiwalo as she was clambering onto a jeepney to get away from
truncheon-wielding policemen (you can see the image here: xiaochua.net/tag/fqs/). In the scramble, her
behind was, well, left behind, to bear the brunt of state violence. In the image there was only Prof.
Taguiwalo from the waist down in an awkward pose, while the policeman behind her had his truncheon
up in the air ready to deal another blow on the exposed flesh.

Potential indignities and actual violence, however, did not stop Prof. Taguiwalo and many in her
generation to continue to protest and to show how the body continues to be an important theme.
Hemlines for girls were shortened, hair for boys were lengthened, in a complementary display of body
as venue for rebellion. However, while the long hair disappeared virtually overnight when Martial Law
was declared, the hemline was left relatively untouched, and eventually got incorporated into the
fashion mainstream. Today, bare legs wouldnt normally cause a stir, so the protesting body has had to
come up with something bolder, in more ways than one.

Nothing ups the ante more than taking it all off for a cause, like anti-fur PETA (People for the Ethical
Treatment of Animals), or AIDS activists in various cities in the US. But lest we attribute these to
supposedly more licentious times, lets take note of the first nude protest, by Lady Godiva in 13th
century England against her husbands excessive taxation.

Nude protests are rarer here than in other countries (the reasons for which we wont delve into), but
that makes the few examples that we do have all the more striking.
In UP there is the annual Oblation Run, where members of the Alpha Phi Omega fraternity run with only
their heads and faces covered through portions of the campus. While local conservatives and media
often prefer to dwell on the raunchiness of the event, those familiar with the yearly ritual know that it
began as a protest against the curtailment of artistic freedom -namely the banning of the play Hubad na
Bayani during the Marcos years. In the decades to come it would take on various other burning issues,
including, lately, the slashing of the education budget for UP and other SUCs. Makes Short Shorts Day
seem tame in comparison, doesnt it?

The naked body, especially in atypical contexts, is a potent visual image that, at the very least, can
create enough publicity for a cause. The clash of values like shame(lessness), (im)modesty, the breaking
down of what is private and what is public, all make for nudity as a jarring protest tactic.

The most extreme protests of the body are those that undermine its very integrity, such as hunger
strikes and self-immolation. These are still considered non-violent forms of protest, though in actuality,
violence is still present, albeit directed towards ones own body. This clearly resonates with the idea,
espoused by famous examples such as Gandhi, that the cause is greater than ones own health and well-
being, which could then be sacrificed for the furtherance, or success, of what one is fighting for.

The body is and will continue to be an important instrument of protest for two reasons. First, in societies
where nothing seems to be controllable by the disgruntled masses not the wages, not the prices of
commodities, not the dispensing of justice nor the actions of political leaders the body would seem to
be one of the last bastions of individual autonomy clothes, hair, what you put on it and what you take
(or not take) into it. Its mobile nature also makes it possible to bring it closer to the targets of protest
(You can hang posters in your home or in your room, where you arguably have autonomy. But, unless,
say, the President comes to visit, its effectiveness would be severely limited).

Second, it is easily perceivable that this autonomy itself can come under attack by exactly the same
uncontrollable and repressive factors and conditions. The struggle for a Reproductive Health Law in the
country is one blatant example. But aside from this, there are more basic bodily freedoms at stake, such
as freedom from hunger and disease and the retardation of growth. After all, a weakened and diseased
body (and mind) is incapable of having a truly fulfilling life, and so it protests to ensure adequate food,
jobs, health services and education. Policies and politicians that render these inadequate and
inaccessible to many should indeed be subjected to the protesting body.

The second Short Shorts Day against the education budget cut is on September 20, with the final one to
follow onSeptember
NPA prisoners parents, wife plead to Duterte: Help us bring them back

Mar. 02, 2017 ZEA IO MING C. CAPISTRANO

(L-R) Jesame Garay, wife of Private First Class Samuel Garay and Editha Salan, mother of Pfc. Edwin Salan
appeals to both President Rodrigo Duterte and the New Peoples Army at a press conference in Davao
City on February 24, 2017 to help them bring back their loved ones. The two soldiers were among the six
prisoners taken by the NPAs in Mindanao. The NPA has already announced they would release the
prisoners. (Shino Bansil/Kilab Multimedia)

DAVAO CITY, Philippines Families of soldiers who were taken as prisoners by the New Peoples Army
in Mindanao are pleading for President Rodrigo Dutertes help to to help them get back their kin.

A wife who is pregnant with their first born, and parents who are searching for their son for already a
month appealed to Duterte to help them be reunited with their loved ones.

Editha Salan, mother of Private First Class Erwin Salan, travelled to Davao City with Edgar, her husband
and their youngest son to seek help from peace advocates in calling for his release. Pfc, Salan of the 30th
Infantry Battalion was taken on January 29 in Lumondo Falls, Budlingin, Alegria, Surigao del Norte.

On Friday, February 24, Editha recounted in a press conference her familys ordeal to seek assistance for
her eldest sons release. Editha said they travelled from Bukidnon province to Surigao del Sur to meet
with United Church of Christ in the Philippines Bishop Modesto Villasanta in Tandag, Surigao del Sur.

Villasanta is a convenor of the Exodus for Justice and Peace, an alliance that acts as a third party
facilitator for the release of prisoners of war.

We didnt know where to go, we just got an address and travelled from Bukidnon to Surigao. When we
arrived at the place we failed to catch a bus going Tandag because the last trip has already left. We slept
at the bus terminal, she said. It was raining that time and the three of them didnt have any blanket.

When she saw Villasanta, she recounted telling him: Kung pwede ra baklayon kung asa na padulong,
akong baklayon para lang makauli akong anak (If only I can walk to where he is now, I will do it so he can
come home with us already).
Pfc Salan is their second child and is the breadwinner of the family.

Editha pleaded to President Rodrigo Duterte to help them in getting her son back so they could come
home to their children who were left in Bukidnon. Maluoy unta ang presidente nato, para makauli na
mi kay nabiyaan na among pamilya didto (I hope our President will sympathize with us so we can come
home already, our family is left I Bukidnon).

Mr. President, please help us, Editha called.

Ayaw na unta padugaya pa nga mapauli akong anak, para makauli na sad mi sa Bukidnon (I hope you
will not waste any more time so my son will be released, so we can go home in Bukidnon), she said.

First child

Twenty-two years old Jesame Garay is four-months pregnant with her first child. In an interview with
Davao Today Jesame said her husband, Pfc Samuel Garay is excited to see their firstborn.

She was only more than eight weeks pregnant when he left. Jesame has last seen her husband on his
birthday last January 11. He left on January 12.

He told me that he will report to the battalion headquarters of the 39th Infantry Battalion in Colombio,
Sultan Kudarat and will accompany Sargeant Solaiman Calocop, Jesame said.

Calocop was also taken as a prisoner of war along with Garay said before Pfc. Garay on February 2, by
the New Peoples Army in Crossing Bantangan on their way to their battalion headquarters in Makilala
town, North Cotabato.

Jesame called on President Duterte to help her bring back her husband.

Una, sa President, na unta makauli na akong bana kay lisud kaayo akong kahimtang kay una buntis ko
sa pirmero namo nga anak (First (I appeal) to the president, so that my husband can come home to us
because my situation is difficult, I am pregnant with our first child), she said.
Jesame said since her husband was taken, she cannot eat and sleep well and she fears for the safety of
their baby.

She also appealed to the NPAs not to hurt her husband who is a good man. Unta dili pud nila ipagkait
na makita pa sa akong bana ang among anak puhon kay excited na pud kaayo to siya sa akong gibuntis (I
hope they will not take away the opportunity for my husband to see our child, he was very excited since
I got pregnant), she told reporters.

Buotan pud akong bana sukad pag-ipon namo. Wala gyud koy maingon (My husband is really kind since
we lived together, I cannot say anything bad about him), she said.

NPAs assurance

On February 14, the NPAs Valentin Palamine Regional Operations Command operating in Far South
Mindanao released videos of Calocop and Garay who are in their custody.

Ka Dencio Madrigal, spokesperson of the NPA command assured the families that they are treating the
soldiers well.

The two are presently being investigated for their involvement in the crimes perpetrated by the 39th IB
against the people and the revolutionary movement, Madrigal said.

In their video messages the two soldiers appealed to the Army to cease all military operations as these
only endanger their lives and safety. Madrigal said combat troops of the 39th IB are still operating in
Sultan Kudarat while their peace and development, outreach program teams continue to make peasant
and Lumad communities as military garrisons.

6 prisoners to be released soon

On February 17, National Democratic Front of the Philippines Mindanao spokesman, Joaquin Jacinto said
they will soon release six prisoners soon including Salan and Garay.
The other prisoners were PO2 Jerome Anthony Natividad who was captured by the NPAs from the Mt.
Kitanglad Sub-regional Command on February 9 in Talacag, Bukidnon and Cafgu Active Auxiliary
members Carl Mark Nucos and Rene Doller who were captured in Lupon, Davao Oriental on February
14.

Thinking a thousand times

Duterte told reporters on Tuesday, that he will think a thousand times about the peace negotiations.

I will think about it.. I will think a thousand times, then consult the Cabinet, including the Left leaning,
Duterte said.

Duterte said there will be a time to discuss the problem together with the Cabinet officials. He also
stressed that the governments interest must prevail.

Its best that we discuss it, not now, about this problem and navigate again this thorny water in our
country, but government interest must prevail, government interest must prevail, he said.

Push for peace talks

Bishop Felixberto Calang of the Iglesia Filipina Independiente and lead convenor of the Sowing the Seeds
of Peace movement said ceasefire does not equate to peace.

Peace is about jobs, its about justice, its about food, and its about freedom. Kanang upat wala na
karon (Those four things are lacking now), he said.

Calang said peace talks is about addressing the root cause of the armed conflict. Calang who was
present during the third round of talks in Rome, Italy said he witnessed its success.

Both Parties came up with several agreements that will ensure the gains for the Filipino, he said.
The parties need to explore possibilities to continue the talks and talk about significant reforms for the
people, he added.

The NDFP in Mindanao also urged the government to resume the formal talks despite the absence of
any ceasefire agreement.

After the success of the third round of the talks, the Duterte government cannot, at this point, ignore
this resounding call to set into motion the possible implementation of genuine agrarian reform and
national industrialization. If genuine agrarian reform and national industrialization are carried out to the
satisfaction of Filipino peasants, workers and national minorities, millions will surely benefit and
significantly improve their lives, Joaquin said.

Both the GRP and the NDFP owe it to the Filipino masses, at the very least, to continue to buckle down
in significant dialogue and thresh out, and possibly agree on, means to eradicate the very roots of armed
conflict in the country, which are feudal exploitation, US imperialist domination and bureaucrat-
capitalism, he added.

Bayan spokesman decries Order of Battle list

Mar. 28, 2017 ZEA IO MING C. CAPISTRANO

THREATS. Sheena Duazo, secretary general of Bagong Alyansang Makabayan shows a photograph of
suspected military agents who were monitoring activists during a rally in Davao City. During Mondays
Kapehan sa Davao press conference, Duazo says she herself received threats through text messages and
a visit in their house by an alleged intelligence agent asking her to cooperate with the military. (Zea Io
Ming C. Capistrano/davaotoday.com)

DAVAO CITY, Philippines (Updated as of 5:52 pm March 27) The secretary general of Bagong
Alyansang Makabayan here said she has been subjected to a series of threats and harassment by
suspected military agents because of her involvement with the leftist organization.

During Mondays Kapehan sa Davao press conference, Sheena Duazo narrated that she received text
messages from someone who identified himself as a member of the military intelligence of the 10th
Infantry Division.

He told me that I should cooperate and that he will help me. He told me that my name is already in the
OB (order of battle) list of the AFP, she said.
Why should I cooperate? What have I done wrong? I am an activist and I call for peace and social
justice in our society, she said.

On February 21, Duazo said a certain military staff sergeant of the 10th ID went to their residence and
talked to her.

He wants me to sign a document in their office, which proves that I am cooperating with them
already, she said, adding that the man assured her that signing the document will save her life.

Duazo did not name the military official who also asked her about her involvement with the New
Peoples Army, the armed wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines.

Three days later, Duazo noted that she observed men taking her pictures after a peace rally held along
Roxas Street here on February 24.

She said after the activity, some of their staff reported of hearing a man talking to someone on the
phone saying Sir confirmed, naa diri si Sheena Duazo, nakuhaan og picture (Sir confirmed, Sheena
Duazo is here, we have her pictures).

Duazo said the incident on February 24 also confirms the discussion she had with the alleged military
man who told her that she is being monitored.

I was told that I should not leave Davao City, because if I do, I will suffer the fate of my comrade Ariel
Arbitrario who was arrested in Sirawan, Toril, she said.

Arbitrario is a political consultant of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines who was arrested
in a military checkpoint on February 6 following the orders of President Rodrigo Duterte to rearrest
freed communist leaders who participated in the peace talks.

The military said the arrest of Arbitrario was due to the circumstance that he is traveling with a person
who has a standing warrant for murder. The court later foundno sufficient evidence against labor
organizer Roderick Mamuyac, who was suspected as a liaison officer of the NPA.
Duazo said the red-tagging against activists legitimizes the threats and harassments against them.

There is a pattern that we see from these incidents. The cases of political killings we documented
included surveillance and harassment against the victims, she said.

Duazo said the pattern of impunity has been going on even before the Duterte administration.

Asked to comment, the Armys 10th Infantry Division spokesman Capt. Rhyan Batchar said they do not
condone the abuses done by soldiers. He said Duazo should file a formal complaint before proper
authorities.

We will look into this report. We encourage her to go beyond mere propaganda and file a formal
complaint to the proper authorities. We do not condone any violation of human rights by our soldiers,
Batchar told Davao Today on Tuesday, Mar. 28.

Teachers, too

Rius Valle, spokesperson of Save Our Schools Network, also said Salugpongan Community Learning
Center executive director Ronie Garcia and his companions were held by alleged soldiers when they
crossed Barangay Sto. Nio in Talaingod town, Davao del Norte when on March 24.

Valle said Garcia has just attended the moving up ceremony of students in their school in Barangay
Palma Gil, Talaingod when the incident happened.

The men were looking for Sir Ronie Garcia, but his group denied that he was around to keep him safe
from the suspects, Valle said.

He said the teacher has already been subjected to harassment of suspected state agentsin the past two
months.

His case is among the cases of continuing attacks on schools by state agents as reported by Save Our
Schools Network, Valle said.
Valle also showed photos of suspected military agents who are tailing teachers.

From February to March this year we have recorded three accounts of surveillance and harassment,
he said, adding that the suspects, mostly riding in tandem and wearing bonnets, tail teachers to and
from their office in Tagum City.

The Network has already recorded 87 cases of harassment of teachers, military encampment in school
premises and vilification since June 2016.

Valle told Davao Today that the Salugpongan schools were now numbering to 40 in Compostela Valley
Province, Davao del Norte and Davao Oriental.

Duazo said they plan to file their reports to the Joint Monitoring Committee tasked to monitor human
rights violations between the government and communists. The fourth round of talks is schedule on
April 2 to 6 in the Netherlands.

OBR movement joins Kampuhan sa Dabaw, calls for genuine land reform

Jan. 28, 2017 MARIA PATRICIA C. BORROMEO

DAVAO CITY, Philippines The One Billion Rising global movement has joined in the farmers camp-
out protest dubbed as Kampuhan sa Dabaw and called for the genuine implementation of land
reform.

On Friday, women and men performed the OBRs dance together with Gabriela Rep. Emma De Jesus and
OBR global director Monique Wilson to show their support to the struggles of farmers and Lumad.

Wilson said the issue of the farmers and Lumad has no difference with their campaign against
exploitation of women as it is also an exploitation of their right.

Farmers, workers and other youth sector from 200 countries worldwide will see this protest and will be
inspired especially now that there are a lot of happening in the world such as fascism, imperialism, she
said.
Meanwhile, De Jesus assured farmers and Lumad that their issue will be addressed in Congress.

We will try our best to address your calls, we will file resolutions, do debates but the most important of
all is to be with the farmers and Lumad because the Congress is just one of the branches only, the
people will still be the one to decide, she said.

De Jesus said that even if there are 85 congresswomen now in the 17th congress, still they have ties
with the elite and capitalists.

We thought that having 85 congresswomen is a victory already but most of them are wife, child, or
relative who become a representative for businessman and landlords, she said.

OBR is slated on Feb. 14 with the theme: Women Rise in support of the Peace Talks, Call for the Release
of Political Prisoners, Defend IP Ancestral Domains and Struggle against Neo-Liberal Policies, it links the
struggle of women to the fight against global capitalist structures. (davaotoday.com)

Dutertes stance on longer maternity leave lauded

Dec. 30, 2016 ZEA IO MING C. CAPISTRANO

While waiting for their turn for their prenatal check up, mothers at the Southern Philippines Medical
Center in Davao City listen to the discussion on breastfeeding myths by a counselor from LATCH Davao,
a breastfeeding support group. (Zea Io Ming C. Capistrano/davaotoday.com)

In this file photo, mothers waiting for their prenatal check up at the Southern Philippines Medical Center
in Davao City listen to the discussion on breastfeeding myths by a counselor from breastfeeding support
group LATCH Davao. (Zea Io Ming C. Capistrano/davaotoday.com)

DAVAO CITY, Philippines When Joan, 29, got pregnant, she set her goal to breastfeed her baby as
much as possible. But she was only able to exclusively breastfeed her son for about 50 days.

I cut it short to 50 days because I need to get back to work as we faced financial constraints, she told
Davao Today in an interview Friday.
Her son has been mixed fed since then. Her mother would feed the baby with formula milk in the
morning and she would nurse him when she gets home from the office.

But mixed feeding caused dwindling in her milk supply. I felt there was a decrease in my milk supply
and that he is not satisfied, she said.

Joan said she was happy to hear of President Rodrigo Dutertes statement that he backs longer
maternity leave.

It means more time with your newborn and more time for breastfeeding for working mothers like me,
she said.

Longer maternity leave

In an interview with CNN Philippines on Thursday, Dec. 29, Duterte said mothers should have a longer
maternity leave.

I agree that you need a longer period of rest sa maternity leave. Gusto ko nga isang taon eh (I even
want it to last for a year), he said.

He said he wants the baby to be breastfed because this will boost their immune system.

Duterte said he is just waiting for the papers that would extend maternity leave period to 100 days from
60 to 78 days.

Under the Social Security Law, working mothers who has paid at least three monthly contributions in the
12 month period preceding the semester of her childbirth or miscarriage shall be paid 100 percent of
her average daily salary credit for 60 days or 78 days in case of caesarean delivery.

Not born mothers


Alex Hao, founding member of Lactation, Attachment, Training, Counseling and Help in Davao said there
is need for longer maternity leave to help the women adjust to their role as mothers.

There is a need for longer maternity leave because we are not born mothers. We become mothers. It
takes time to adjust to our roles, get to know our body and our baby, she said.

Julie Lapaz, a breastfeeding counselor also from LATCH Davao, said most working mothers who seek
their help worry more of where to pump and how to store their milk.

Of course, this would account the short maternity leave that is sometimes imposed on some
companies, shorter than what is already mandated by law, she said.

A lot of times, it is disheartening for a mom to hear as to why she goes through all this hardship of
having to pump and store when she could just buy breastmilk substitute. So, it is really ideal for the
mom to have the correct support within her family as well as her work environment to ease her into
going back into work after giving birth, she said.

The World Health Organization promotes exclusive breastfeeding during the first six months of life.

The WHO said: Review of evidence has shown that, on a population basis, exclusive breastfeeding for 6
months is the optimal way of feeding infants.

Breast milk is the natural first food for babies, it provides all the energy and nutrients that the infant
needs for the first months of life, and it continues to provide up to half or more of a childs nutritional
needs during the second half of the first year, and up to one-third during the second year of life, it said.

Breast milk also promotes sensory and cognitive development and protects the infant from infectious
and chronic diseases

Political prisoner spends first Christmas in hospital

Dec. 25, 2016 EARL O. CONDEZA

Political prisoner Amelia Pond.


Political prisoner Amelia Pond.

DAVAO CITY, Philippines For the first time, Amelia Pond, 64, spent her Christmas at a hospital here.

As a family-oriented person, Pond used to spend Christmas with her family at home, here in Davao City.

Ngayon lang mangyayari na probably sa hospital, gusto namin sa bahay (This only happens now, that
we have to spend it at the hospital, but we want it at home), Pond said, when asked where she wanted
to spend Christmas.

She is among the 130 sickly and elderly political prisoners, according to human rights group Karapatan.

President Rodrigo Duterte announced to free the elderly before Christmas, but uncertainty remains.

Already ailing due to back pain, Pond was detained in a provincial jail in Compostela Valley on murder
charges that activists said were trumped up. She was then brought to the Southern Philippines Medical
Center in Davao for her medication.

Pond is a single mother and also served as a teacher in the Lumad school, Salugpongan, in Davao del
Norte before she was arrested by elements of Criminal Investigation and Detection Group in Cebu City
on Aug. 19. At the time, she was attending the national assembly of RMP where she worked as southern
Mindanao region coordinator.

Christmas this year

As the main cook during Christmas, Pond said this year will be different because they might be eating
pre-cooked foods; pizza, pre-mixed juice, instant goods.

My daughters will just buy some keso de bola, and other instant foods, and torotot (trumpets) for the
New Year. I wonder how we can make noise here in the hospital, Pond said.

Aside from spending Christmas with her family, Pond also said she and her two daughters will share
their food with those from the non-government organization Rural Missionaries of the Philippines and
Salugpongan school members.
Usually we spend Christmas with families of the RMP workers, we will go to our office. There are those
who could not afford to spend for the noche buena, Pond said.

That is what would I miss because I cannot go out, she said.

Single parent

As a single parent, Pond said she usually do all things to be done in the morning before she goes for
work. And her detention made necessary adjustments for her two daughters.

They are adjusting, because I am the foundation at home, she said.

Morning I will prepare for breakfast, organized their schedules, do laundries, that is what is happening
everyday at home. It is all my work, she added.

After doing house chores she goes to her office for work. Because of her health situation she was
assigned in the office due to her osteoporosis. She does book illustrations and lay-outing.

The only time she could visit the Lumad school was when the campus is accessible with four-wheel
vehicles. I could no longer ride motorcycles, I could not go to places, she said.

Activism

Ponds dedication and commitment to help the Lumad for their education made her where she was
today. It is her political belief that everyone, Lumad, Christian, or Moro, must have the quality education
they could have.

This was not the first time she was illegally detained for her political belief.

Pond said her arrest was ironic saying it was Duterte himself who helped them to be freed during the
Martial Law years.
It is very ironic because, during Martial Law, Duterte was the fiscal, Pond recalled.

He worked to simplify our cases to ease the litigation, he knows that we will no longer get to the
court, Pond said.

During her younger years, she was arrested together with fellow activists including labor leader Nonoy
Librado, Labor Undersecretary Joel Maglungsod, Bro. Karl Gaspar, and even Jun Evasco, who is the
present Cabinet Secretary.

During the election campaign period, then presidential candidate Duterte was already repeating his
words that if will win, he will be releasing political prisoners identified by the left and other rights group.

On his first months as president, the court granted temporary liberty to several National Democratic
Front of the Philippines peace panel members.

But the President said there will be no more releases unless a bilateral ceasefire is signed by the NDF.

Disappointed Ponds said she was disappointed because there are now preconditions, before releasing
the sickly and elderly political prisoners.

Pond said that she no longer hopes to be released this Christmas, but she is thankful that the
government will be releasing sickly and elderly political prisoners.

Being part of elderly and sickly, I am glad that I have a chance to be released, she said.

Pond appealed to Duterte to fulfill his promise.

She said this is giving justice for those like her who were incarcerated for crimes they have not
committed.
US playwright moved to tears inside Davao City evacuation camp

Feb. 13, 2016 ZEA IO MING C. CAPISTRANO

EMOTIONAL. Eve Ensler, founder of One Billion Rising global campaign turns emotional after hearing
the stories of the Lumad evacuees inside the evacuation center at a church compound in Davao City on
Friday, February 12. (Ace R. Morandante/davaotoday.com)

EMOTIONAL. Eve Ensler, founder of One Billion Rising global campaign turns emotional after hearing the
stories of the Lumad evacuees inside the evacuation center at a church compound in Davao City on
Friday, February 12. (Ace R. Morandante/davaotoday.com)

DAVAO CITY American playwright and activist Eve Ensler learned so many things from her visit at the
evacuation camp in a church compound here on Friday, February 12.

I think, what I constantly learn from indigenous people is we have to simplify everything. We all have to
strip away all these veneer and all these capitalist consumptive destructions of the earth and coal, and
oil, and logging and live simple lives connected to our mother, said Ensler, 62, a feminist who wrote The
Vagina Monologues, a play which has been translated to over 48 different languages.

The Tony Award recipient in 2011 said she has learned that the Lumads are so happy, content because
theyre connected with their beautiful, healthy water and their trees that require five people to hug
them.

Ensler said that the indigenous peoples are the future of humankind.

Theyve been here forever. They hold the key to the future of the earth, they know how the earth
operates. They love the earth, they are the earth, they are one with the earth, and were destroying
them for mining companies, for greed, for capitalism, for exploitation and when you see how beautiful
they are, when you see how generous they are, when you see how all they want is to be one with their
beautiful trees and their sky and the earth their rivers how can any human being be doing this to
them? said Ensler.

This is our future, they are in the mother, they are of the mother, they are with the mother. We all are.
But they know, they have the wisdom how to carry the future. And if theyre destroyed we wont have a
future in this planet, she said.

Before ending the forum, Ensler thanked the IP leaders for taking care of the land and life for all of us.
Ensler asked the IP leaders to write a letter while she is in the country and have it signed during the One
Billion Rising campaign and to send it to President Benigno Aquino III.

Ensler also said that she will share the stories of the evacuees with the world and that she will help so
that they may return to their lands.

You, being in your home, keeps all of us on this planet alive, said Ensler.

Ensler visited the evacuation camp in Haran, a compound ran by the United Church of Christ in the
Philippines.

Ensler was accompanied by theater artist and activist, Monique Wilson as she met with Lumad leaders
from Talaingod and Kapalong in Davao del Norte and Bukidnon province. Wilson, who is also the
director of the One Billion Rising campaign was also with her partner, Rosanna Abueva.

Kaylo Bontulan, a council member of the Salugpongan Ta Tanu Igkanogon Organization told Ensler why
the Lumads have evacuated saying the military operations drove thousands of indigenous people to flee.

But we are not here because we are scared, we are here to defend the land. We want to make the
government see and hear our demands, said Bontulan.

Bontulan said that they have no more option but to fight because they have no where else to go.

If we will not defend our land, where will we go? Even if we die, we will continue to defend our land,
said Bontulan.

Some of the ancestral lands of the Lumads in Mindanao are located in the 12,600 square-kilometer
Pantaron Mountain Range or Pantadon Biogeographic Subregion. Clemente Bautista, national
coordinator of the Kalikasan Peoples Network for the Environment said the mountain range cuts across
the provinces of Bukidnon, Davao del Norte, Davao del Sur, Misamis Oriental, Agusan del Norte, and
Agusan del Sur, covering 12.4 percent of the entire Mindanao.
One of the largest remaining old growth forests in the Philippines is located in the Pantaron Mountain
Range. It covers 1.8 million hectares and supplies the water of major rivers in Mindanao mainly the
Mindanao River, Pulangi River, Davao River, Tagoloan River and major tributaries of Agusan River,
Bautista said in a press release.

However, the mountain range is threatened with the entry of mining companies.

Manobo woman leaders Bai Nilyn Sampag and Bai Shoan Kundag described to Ensler that Pantaron is
like their mother.

When we are sick, we get our medicines in the forest of Pantaron range. It feeds us with wild fruits,
wild boar, and clear waters, said Kundag.

Sampag said they need to defend the forest for the future generation.

If we will not do anything to defend it, it is the same with destroying the forest ourselves, said
Sampag.

Pull out military troops

Ensler also urged the government to pull out the military from the ancestral land who she believes
serves the companies, from which the government also benefits.

The military has to be removed from their land. The people have the right to their ancestral land, she
said.

I think the government is responsible for this militaries that are basically serving these corporations
which the government is benefitting from, obviously. The government has to stop the murders and stop
the destruction, stop the harassment and stop destroying the Lumad people, added Ensler.

The evacuees staying inside the United Church of Christ in the Philippines Haran compound along Father
Selga Street have sought refuge here for almost a year.
More than a hundred evacuees has already returned home to Bukidnon province on December last year.

However, the recent incident of the killing of an IP student in Talaingod, Davao del Norte has triggered
the evacuation of Lumads last January 29 with an estimate of 57 families.

The military has said that the child was caught between a tribal war against the New Peoples Army.

The Pasaka Confederation of Lumad Organizations said there are 190 families or an estimate of 700
individuals inside the evacuation center.

Ensler is in the country to promote the global campaign, One Billion Rising. The campaign, which was
launched on Valentines Day in 2012, seeks to end violence against women.

Ensler said there are many forms of violence including violence against land, removing people from
their lands, violence against womens bodies, violence against peoples schools.

These are all part of One Billion Rising and what were struggling with. And Im so happy were in
solidarity in struggle with the people here, she said. (davaotoday.com)

Davao City Council commends Mindanaoan nun recognized by Germany

Aug. 13, 2015 ZEA IO MING C. CAPISTRANO

DAVAO CITY The City Council here on Tuesday commended Sister Stella Matutina for being a recipient
of the prestigious Weimar (Vai-mar) Human Rights Award for the year 2015.

Matutina, who chairs the Sisters Association in Mindanao, is also the spokesperson of Davao-based
Panalipdan! Mindanao (Advocates for the Defense of the Environment, Patrimony, and Creation).

Matutina is also a member of the Catholic congregation of the Missionary Benedictine Sisters of Tutzing
and is based in Marihatag, Surigao del Sur, in Southern Philippines.
In her privilege speech Councilor Antoinette Principe-Castrodes said Matutina stands as the epitome of
the Mindanawon and the Dabawenyo who excels to uphold human rights.

This award to Sr. Stella is something that we in the City Council and all Davaoeos can be proud of in
the same way that we have received national and international citations for having trailblazed in passing
the Womens Development Code and the Childrens Welfare Code, both firsts in the whole Philippines at
the time, she said.

The City Council also passed a resolution extending its gratitude to Weimar City for conferring the award
on Matutina.

Two kidnapped Syrian Archbishops Mor Gregorios Yohanna Ibrahim and Boulos Yazigi, who had
campaigned for peace and reconciliation in the war-torn country, were the awardees last year. To date,
both Ibrahim and Yazigi remain missing.

Sr. Stella herself was subjected to harassment and threats and was even tagged as an NPA pretending
to be a nun apparently because of her fearless anti-mining and environmental advocacy, said
Castrodes.

Matutina is one of the accused of kidnapping and serious illegal detention, and human trafficking of
Lumad evacuees to Davao City.

Matutina is one of the convenors of Justice for Fr. Tentorio Movement. She has also worked with Fr.
Tentorio as a member of the Rural Missionaries of the Philippines (RMP).

As an environment advocate, Matutina has attended the International Mine Workers Conference in
Peru in 2013 and the International Peoples Mining Conference in Manila only last month.

Matutina is a summa cum laude graduate of Bachelor Arts in Catechetics in Rome in 1996.

uess whos back? Danao assumes back top police post in Davao City
Oct. 02, 2014 DAVAO TODAY

DAVAO CITY A month after he was relieved from his post, Police Senior Superintendent Vicente Danao
will resume working today.

In an interview with media earlier, Danao said that he has not yet received the order allowing him to
assume back his post. Actually una kong narinig sa media yan eh, hindi ko pa actually narecieve (I heard
it first from the media. I have nor received official communication yet). I was just informed by the
media, Danao quipped.

He said he was informed that his resumption to office will take effect today only when he reported to
Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte this morning.

Danao expressed his gratitude to Duterte and the National Police for their trust and confidence on
him.

Part of Danaos plan is to focus on police personnel who were involved in anomalies. We need to
enhance their discipline, he said, and assured also to pre-empt, prevent crimes and fight crimes
especially heinous crimes.

He declined to comment on his case, however.

Danao was issued with a relief order dated September 1 this year by Davao Police Regional Office (PRO)
director, Chief Superintendent, Wendy Rosario.

Danao is facing charges for four counts of physical injuries and grave misconduct filed last year by his
wife. The Regional Internal Affairs Services 11, whcih handles the hearing of the administrative case
against him, confirmed that the hearing will continue even with Danaos resumption to work.

Regional Internal Affairs Service (RIAS) in Davao director Senior Superintendent Pedro Cabatingan Jr.
said that Danaos wife has 15 days to decide on her preferred date for the pre-hearing conference.

Gabriela Chairperson Emeritus Lyda Canson believed that the case against Danao would prosper.
On her Facebook post dated September 30, Canson said that the complaints were not for performance
evaluation but rather for the continuing violence on his wife, violating RA 9262. The report should have
been: did he or did he not violate RA 9262.

This is not about the efficiency of (Supt.) Danao. This is about violation of RA 9262 which stipulates
among others that violence on women is a public matter, Canson said.

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