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Department of Infrastructure

Section of Building and


Real Estate Economics
Kungliga Tekniska Hgskolan

Master of Science Thesis No. 294

Urbanization and Urban Sprawl

Author: Thesis Supervisor:


Haregewoin Bekele Hans Lind

Stockholm 2005

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This thesis was written to fulfill the requirement for the award of M.Sc.
degree in Real Estate Management at the Royal Institute of Technology,
Sweden. I would like to thank first and foremost to the Almighty God for
giving me the strength and patience to reach this far.
I am indebted to my project supervisor Prof. Hans Lind for his time, useful
comments, guidance, follow up and suggestions through out this work. Many
thanks to Hans Hede of RTK for his time and discussion about Stockholm
County and Prof. Urban Dick Vestbro for his inspiration, interesting and
useful information.
My sincerest gratitude to my parents, Bekea and Etu and to my brothers for
their support in everyway. I hope I would be able to repay you, in time...
Finally, my appreciation to all my friends here and back home and to all
those who are all part of my Stockholm experience.

Haregewoin
April 2005

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MASTER OF SCIENCE THESIS No. 294
Department of Infrastructure
Section of Building and Real Estate Economics
.
Title: Urbanization and Urban Sprawl
Author: Haregewoin Bekele
Supervisor: Hans Lind
Keywords: Urban sprawl, urbanization, land-use,
population, leapfrogging

Abstract
The natural history of urbanization has not yet been written, for
only a small part of the preliminary work has been done. But it dates
back from the ancient times of the origin of cities. In the process,
people witnessed the evolution of cities from their ancestral form (the
village) to small port /rail based towns and to cities of today with sky-
scrapers adorning landscapes. At the end of the 20th century, urban
growth was rapidly pushing cities further and further out while on the
21st century the dominant form of city living became based on the
automobile. This latest stretched form of the city with low density at
the periphery is sometimes called sprawl. There has been no clear con-
sensus regarding what exactly urban sprawl is or how it is caused be-
cause sprawl is one name for many situations. Although many scholars
tried to come up with explanations of the term, the central component
of most definitions and most peoples understanding of sprawl is this:
Sprawl is the spreading out of a city and its suburbs over more and
more rural land at the periphery of an urban area. This involves the
conversion of open space (rural land) into built-up, developed land over
time. 1
While many factors may have helped in explaining urban sprawl
and its causes, it ultimately has always been a population and land-use
issue. This paper will outline possible conditions and impacts of urban
sprawl. Using a variety of discussions and arguments the founding is
that sprawl is a result of inter-related social, economical, physical and
political factors. Hence, different pattern of sprawl arise for different
areas. The paper also includes discussion of urban sprawl for four
selected cities.

1
http://www.sprawlcity.org/defining.html

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Contents
1 Introduction 1
1.1 Background and Problem Formulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2 Objectives of Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.3 Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

2 Theoretical Framework 5
2.1 The Term Defined . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
2.2 Causes of Sprawl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
2.2.1 Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
2.2.2 Land-use and Land Consumption . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
2.2.3 Population and Density . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
2.3 Effects of Sprawl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
2.3.1 Positive Sides of Sprawl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
2.3.2 Negative Sides of Sprawl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
2.4 Solutions Against Sprawl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
2.5 The Idea of Smart Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

3 Global Urbanization Trends 19


3.1 Urbanization and Urban Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
3.2 Urbanization in the World: Trends and Figures . . . . . . . . 20
3.3 Urbanization without Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
3.4 Mega-cities of the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25

4 Urban Sprawl in Different Context:


Case Cities 27
4.1 Beijing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
4.1.1 Overview of Urbanization and Sprawl in the Chinese
Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
4.1.2 Selected Case City: Beijing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
4.1.3 City Structure and Urbanization . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
4.1.4 The Need for Housing and Urban Sprawl . . . . . . . . 31
4.1.5 Planning and Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
4.2 Addis Ababa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
4.2.1 Overview of Urbanization and Sprawl in the Ethiopian
Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
4.2.2 Selected Case City: Addis Ababa . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

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4.2.3 City Structure and Urbanization . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
4.2.4 The Need for Housing and Urban Sprawl . . . . . . . . 35
4.2.5 Planning and Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
4.3 Stockholm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
4.3.1 Overview of Urbanization and Sprawl in the Swedish
Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
4.3.2 Selected Case City: Stockholm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
4.3.3 City Structure and Urbanization . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
4.3.4 The Need for Housing and Urban Sprawl . . . . . . . . 39
4.3.5 Planning and Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
4.4 Los Angeles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
4.4.1 Overview of Urbanization and Sprawl in the US Context 42
4.4.2 Selected Case City: Los Angeles, California . . . . . . 44
4.4.3 City Structure and Urbanization . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
4.4.4 The Need for Housing and Urban Sprawl . . . . . . . . 47
4.4.5 Planning and policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47

5 Analysis and Discussion 49


5.1 Patterns and Extent of Sprawl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
5.2 Causes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
5.3 Effects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
5.4 Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
5.5 Comparison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
5.6 Concluding Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

References 54

List of Tables
1 Emergence, History and Expectation of Mega Cities around
the World (in millions). Source: UN Habitat 2000. . . . . . . . 26
2 Growth of Urban Population and Urbanized Area in China . . 27
3 Increase in Beijing Urban Built-up Area 1949-1996 . . . . . . 31
4 Major Land Cover Change for Addis Ababa and Surrounding
Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
5 Swedens Growth of Urban and Total Population 1990-2010 . . 38
6 Land use, Stockholm Region 2003. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40

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7 US Urban and Rural Population Distribution . . . . . . . . . 43
8 Los Angeles Region Increase in Built Up Area . . . . . . . . . 45
9 Los Angeles Population and Housing Figures 1970-1998 . . . . 47

List of Figures
1 Use of Automobile and Sprawl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
2 Costs of Sprawl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
3 Worlds Urban Population Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
4 Selected Indicators for the Urban and Rural Population by
Major Area, 1950-2030. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
5 World Urbanization and Income Growth, 1970-95 . . . . . . . 24
6 Rapid Urban Expansion of Beijing through the years 1949-1994 30
7 Settlement Development of the Stockholm from 1910 to 1999. 40
8 Los Angeles Region: Change in Urbanized Area, 1970-1990. . 46

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1 Introduction
1.1 Background and Problem Formulation
Through most of history the human population has lived a rural lifestyle.
However, in the first decade of the 20th century this trend started to change
and the world is still becoming urbanized as thousands of people migrate to
cities. Urbanization is now a rising trend seen all over the world, especially
in an alarming rate in developing countries. This makes cities grow both
in number and in physical size. In quite a lot of instances, the percentage
increase in population is accompanied by more than proportional percentage
increase of an urbanized area. This is an indication that the two growth rates
differ and urban area grows in a more rapid pace. Because of the different
activities and processes that take place in the urban ecosystem everyday, the
subject of urbanization and urban sprawl has drawn attention from ecologists,
urban planners, civil engineers, sociologists, administrators, policy makers,
and finally to common urban or rural resident.
Aristotle once wrote that men come together in cities to live, but stay in
them to live the good life. "Cities are now junctions in the flows of people,
information, finance and freight....Theyre less and less places where people
live and work " says Nigel Harris, a professor of development planning (Ellis
and Harris, 2004). The subject of urban sprawl by itself is so broad that it
can only allow one to just tap into many resources.
In most cases, urban sprawl is regarded as one of the major effects of
urban growth. As a land-use phenomenon, it is typically characterized in the
following way in American literatures.

Excessive land consumption

Low densities at peripheries in comparison with older centers

Lack of choice in ways to travel

Fragmented open space, wide gaps between development and scattered


appearance

Lack of choice in housing types and prices

Separation of uses into distinct areas

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Repetitive one story development

Commercial buildings surrounded by acres of parking and

Lack of public spaces and community centers

A complex of driving forces such as social, economical, political phys-


ical factors and their interactions cause urban sprawl. Different factors and
methods were used to build models that can either help predict or explain
better the effect of sprawl. However, the complexity of the term and the
ambiguous meaning it is given in different contexts makes it difficult to come
to a consensus of a distinct pattern. While some argue that urban sprawl
is bad, harmful and a threat to ecology, others argue that it is something
inevitable and maybe even should be encouraged. The study presented here
does not attempt to resolve the difference of opinion, but the position is with
those that are troubled by it. Therefore, throughout this paper the research
will focus on urban sprawl as problematic and will stress on measures that
should be taken to combat it.
Until recently, the problem of urban sprawl was restricted to the de-
veloped world. But it also exists in developing countries although in different
form. For developing countries sprawl is largely a result of necessity- people
move to the city in search of better employment and opportunity (Menon,
2004). This leads to an increase in size well beyond the limits of the city. In
contrast, sprawl in developed countries is a result of higher incomes, which
in turn result in people preferring (and affording) to live in the outskirts of
the city, with open spaces at reasonable distances from cities. Even though
the causes and patterns of sprawl are different depending on the context in
which they occur, solutions proposed are similar with some modifications.
Prior needs and economic viability should be taken into consideration for
best results. Concentrating growth is what many planners recommend as a
measure against sprawl for a sustainable city.

1.2 Objectives of Study


The objective of this study is to give a better understanding of the concept
sprawl. The aim here is to share and review relevant background informa-
tion, views about urban sprawl, indicate problems and suggest possible and
relevant solutions. The link between population and growth pressure and

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its effect in urban land-use change in developing and developed countries
perspective is discussed. In addition, the objective is

To investigate different causes and land-use patterns that lead to urban


sprawl

Describe inter-connected social, physical, political factors and their ef-


fect on sprawl and

Describe urbanization trends and urban growth

1.3 Methodology
This paper is mostly based on previously written material and tries to dis-
cuss the concept in two ways: general literature review and comparative case
discussion. The research method applied here is qualitative in which the re-
searcher explores relationships using textual rather than quantitative data.
Case study, observation, and ethnography are considered forms of qualitat-
ive research. Results that are observed or gained are not usually considered
generalizable, but are often transferable. As the aim is to better understand
the concept, books, different research papers, articles and brochures were
considered. Identification of key characteristics and analysis were made from
secondary sources. Annual reports, documents, journals, different books and
research papers on various relevant urban issues were reviewed. Most data
and figures are from non-governmental organisations such as United Nation
and its branch offices that deal with population, urban and environment
related issues. Additional facts and figures are taken from Country Fact
and regional and national statistics offices. It should be noted that data is
less plentiful and less reliable for developing countries.To a minor extent, in-
formal discussions were held with professionals in planning offices, professors
and lecturers in Urban Planning division, KTH for a general overview. The
contents and conclusions are also based on a variety of documents, research
reports, conference papers etc.
For better understanding of differences and comparative discussion four
case cities are chosen: Beijing, Stockholm, Addis Ababa and Los Angeles.
They were chosen considering the economic status of the areas in the cat-
egory of developed/developing country. But each city has its uniqueness that
makes it interesting to be researched deeper. Beijing is the capital city of
the most populous country in the whole world. Stockholm is the greenest

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and the most nature friendly city in Europe with almost no urban sprawl.
Addis Ababa is the capital city of the most populous country in Africa with
rapid urbanization and declining growth. Almost every article or research
paper about urban sprawl does not discuss the topic without mentioning Los
Angeles. It is believed that Los Angeles is a model of growth in a smarter
way. On the contrary, it is also a model of one of the worst sprawled cit-
ies. "For many Americans, Los Angeles is a sprawling model of what they
dont want their city to become..." 2 . The city stopped individual sprawl by
increasing density (number of people per area) and is now the most densely
populated city in America.
The organizational layout of the whole paper is as follows: The first
section (chapter 2) will serve as a theoretical framework and will describe
the term urban sprawl in detail and discuss how and what causes sprawl.
Effects and solutions are also suggested here. The second section (chapter 3)
will focus on global urbanization trends and related topics. Tables and figures
from UN are presented for further clarification. The third section (chapter 4)
aims at describing four different cities. Urbanization, urban sprawl, causes,
effects, planning and policies are discussed for each city and a general but
non-restrictive analysis is included. The last section (chapter 5) summarizes
and concludes the observations.

2
www.sprawlcity.com/losangeles.html

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2 Theoretical Framework
2.1 The Term Defined
Sprawl in simple terms is just spreading out of a city and its suburbs over
more and more rural land at the periphery of an urban area while in reality
it is a complex phenomenon that mean different things in different areas and
conditions. Early uses of the term suggest that it consumes excessive space
in an uncontrolled, disorderly manner leading to poor distribution and loss
of open spaces, high demand for transportation, and social segregation. This
definition has not changed much through time. Modern usage of the term
sprawl was coined by Earle Draper, one of the first city planners in the
United States in 1937 (Black, 1996)3 . Since then, the issue became popular
and concerns continue to grow with different measures introduced to combat
it in one way or another.
As the word sprawl is a multidimensional phenomenon, it has caused
much confusion. Possible mathematical regressions attempting to explain
sprawl from land use perspective such as the degree of compactness did not
generate statistically significant results (Wassmer, 2005) and hence the diffi-
culty to mathematically define the term.
The Vermont Forum on Sprawl defines sprawl as: dispersed development
outside of compact urban and village centres along highways and in rural
counryside.4
In her report, Revisiting Sprawl: Lessons From the Past, Burgess (1998)
defined sprawl as "...expanding physical development, at decreasing densities,
in metropolitan regions, where the spatial growth exceeds population growth" 5
On the other hand, The Oxford English Dictionary (2001) defines the
word as "the straggling expansion of an indeterminate urban or industrial
environment into an adjoining countryside; the area of this advancement."
Here, sprawl as an adjective has been used to describe the pattern of a citys
growth, as a verb- describing the process of that growth, and as a noun-
describing an urban landform.
In yet another instance, a jointly written paper by researchers entitled
Wrestling Sprawl to the Ground (2001) puts forward six general categories of
3
Urban sprawl: Thomas J. Nechyba and Randall P.Walsh
4
http://www.vtsprawl.org/Learnabout/sprawl/whatissprawlmain.htm
5
http://www4.ncsu.edu/ grhess/papers/sprawl.pdf

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defining sprawl from an analysis in social science and planning perspective.6
1. Sprawl is defined as one or more existing patterns of development.
Those most frequently mentioned are low-density, leapfrogging, distance
to central facilities, dispersion of employment and residential development,
and continuous strip development. This definition characterizes land use
conditions, and it is conceivable that continuous, development (ribbon de-
velopment along corridors), and leapfrog development are two different kinds
of sprawl (Harvey and Clark 1965). Other development patterns frequently
characterized as sprawl in different literatures include large lot single-family
residential, radial discontinuity, single land use or physical separation of land
uses and widespread commercial development.
2. Sprawl is defined as a process of development that occurs over some
period of time as an urban area expands.
This suggests that some parts of an urban area may pass through a sprawl
stage before eventually thickening and diversifying so they can no longer be
characterized as sprawl, at least by those authors who used to signify a stage
or process of development. They hose sprawl as a verb, rather than a noun
connoting a condition. But there is little in the literature to indicate when
sprawl metamorphoses into non-sprawl.
3. Sprawl is defined by an example, by reference to the average density
of a particular urban area.
In some literatures, sprawl is frequently defined by one or more examples
of low-density or scattered patterns of urban development. Los Angeles is
usually named the best exemplary definition of sprawled city. The flexibility
of definition by example makes it possible to include all sorts of development
patterns, from planned communities with clustered housing and mixed uses
to exurban rural estates.
4. Sprawl is used as an aesthetic judgment about a general urban devel-
opment pattern.
Generally, sprawl is widely known as ugly development with tendency to
discontinuity and haphazard layout.
5. Sprawl is a cause of an externality, such as high automobile depend-
ence, isolation of the poor.
Traffic congestion (Downs 1999 and Black 1996 (Vermont Forum on sprawl
1999) environmental contamination (Sierra Club 1999), income and racial se-
gregation of neighbourhoods (Downs 1998), the jobs-housing mismatch (Or-
6
http://www.fanniemaefoundation.org/programs/hpd/pdf/HPD_1204_galster.pdf

6
field 1997), conversion of farmland to urban uses (U.S. General Accounting
Office, 1999), and civic alienation (Popenoe 1979), are among problems of
urban life and have been attributed to sprawl. But they basically describe
what sprawl does (or is supposed to do) rather than what it is.
6. Sprawl is the consequence or effect of some independent variable, such
as fragmented local government, poor planning, or exclusionary zoning.
Sprawl occurs as a consequence of the fragmentation of control over land-
use in metropolitan areas.
As the term so widely used, all descriptions of sprawl leave one to search
for something more definite and solid. Questions like how far should a devel-
opment has to stretch, how dense or thin should it be in order to be called
sprawl will be left unanswered. But with an empirical definition it would
be easier to conduct a discussion of the forces and factors that cause certain
patterns of development and face the consequences that follow from certain
urban planning forms for different population groups, such as a regions poor
residents. This can make it easier to tackle problems that can arise from
poor land management and therefore lead one to best and effective usage of
the limited resource: land.
Thus generally speaking, as a noun, sprawl implies a condition character-
izing an urban area or part of it at a particular time. Based on descriptions
of conditions characterizing sprawl in literature and amplified by observation
and experience, the following conceptual definition is suggested (Galster,
Hanson, R.Ratcliffe, Wolman, Coleman and Freihage, 2001).
Sprawl (n.) is a pattern of land use in an urbanized area that exhibits low
levels of some combination of eight distinct dimensions: density, continuity,
concentration, compactness, centrality, nuclearity, diversity and proximity.
In the discussion throughout this paper, this same combined definition
will be used since it is flexible and non-restrictive. It should be pointed
out that all development is not sprawl and all sprawl does not have the
same characteristics or dimensions. The literature will, therefore, try to
discuss about urbanization, urban sprawl and the factors behind it in different
contexts of the developed and developing world. Given that there is no agreed
comprehensive definition, it is not surprising that there is also little agreement
on the characteristics, causes and impacts of sprawl.

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2.2 Causes of Sprawl
Generally, population growth, rise in household income, subsidization of in-
frastructure investments like roads, ineffective land-use, excessive growth,
social problems in central cities and poor land policies are taken to be the
main causes of sprawl. One of the main factors that help in explaining the
increasing sub-urbanization of population in rich countries is the demand for
larger suburban lots. With rise in household incomes, people who move into
the suburbs are motivated to a significant degree by the desire for more living
space. Between 1950 and 1980, one-half of the increased sub-urbanization in
America can be explained by people getting richer (Glaeser and Kahn, 2003).
Compared to people who live in cities, suburbanites live in larger houses, on
larger lots and use automobiles more often. Developed countries like USA
also invest a lot of money on road and transport infrastructures encouraging
the use of private cars. The high correlation between using automobiles and
living in low-density edge cities may not prove that cars caused sprawl but
is an indication that the two strongly complement each other (see Figure 1).

Both rising incomes and automobile ownership were therefore necessary


conditions. Most people do not want to live in the cities - they choose to move
out. Thus, sprawl in developed countries is usually a matter of preference. In
the developed world, the movement of people from rural area of the country
to more heavily populated cities and towns has been reversed.
In contrast, for developing countries sprawl is largely a result of necessity
- people move to the city in search of better employment and opportunities
(Menon, 2001). They could be driven out of their farmlands for different
reasons such as bad weather conditions, poor harvest or simply because they
do not have means of income. Increased urban population leads to an increase
in size well beyond the limits of the city. When the cities are not expanding,
the people are forced to live in informal settlements with increased congestion
and density (higher number of people per household and no basic services).

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Figure 1: Use of Automobile and Sprawl

2.2.1 Population
Often, one comes across population growth as the main cause of urban prob-
lems and urban sprawl. The global population has doubled over the past
40 years with remarkable shifts in geographical distribution (State of World
Population, 1999). Africa has grown the fastest. Asia, by far the most popu-
lous region, has more than doubled in size (to over 3.6 billion), as has Latin
America and the Caribbean. In contrast, the population of Northern Amer-
ica has grown by only 50 per cent, and Europes has increased by only 20
per cent and is now roughly stable.
Over the second half of the twentieth century, the total population of the
world increased at an average annual rate of 1.75 per cent. In comparison,
the world urban population increased at an average annual rate of 2.68 per
cent (UN). The difference between these two rates of growth, that is, between
the growth rate of the urban population and that of the total population, is
the rate of growth of the proportion urban. Thus, between 1950 and 2000,

9
the world population urbanized rapidly, rising from 30 percent in 1950 to 47
percent in 2000. As a result of these unprecedented trends, the population
of the world, which during most of human history has lived mainly in rural
settlements and grew very slowly, is on the verge of becoming more urban
than rural for the first time in history.
An increase in a countrys urban population can be due to three causes:
the natural growth rate of the urban population, the re-classification of rural
settlements as they grow and reach a certain number that makes them cities
and towns, and rural-urban migration. Although data was unavailable to
distinguish among the three, a 1979 study showed that in 29 developing
countries, between 1960 and 1970, about 61 percent of urban growth resulted
from natural growth- the excess of births over deaths. Of greatest interest
especially in more recent years, however, is rural-urban migration, as this
is what is most commonly thought of as urbanization and accounts for 40
percent of urban population increase. 7
Change in land-use can produce a change in quality of life for those
living within the landscape. This alters the attractiveness of living in the
countryside compared to urban life and, therefore, affects the net migration
between urban and rural locations. For many years though, rural-urban
migration was viewed favourably in the economic development literature.
Migration was thought to be a natural process in which surplus labour was
gradually withdrawn from the rural sector to provide needed manpower for
urban industrial growth process. But it has greatly exceeded rates of job cre-
ation and service provision and became the cause of many of cities political
and social problems. Peoples movement in the 20th century is constrained
by availability of jobs and supply rate of housing. Countries are directing
policies at reducing and through time stopping the flow of people.
Even though all fingers point at population pressure as the key factor for
change in land use and hence urban sprawl, cities with no population growth
were also observed to sprawl (Blankenship, 2001). Therefore, the acre of
land that is sprawled is not proportional to population growth in most cases.
Still, the only way to stop urban crowding and to solve most of the urban
problems of both the developed and developing countries lies in reducing the
overall rate of population growth.
7
World Overpopulation Awareness: www.overpopulation.org/human.html

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2.2.2 Land-use and Land Consumption
There is a major controversy whether land-use and consumption decisions
are the primary engines of urban sprawl or whether it is continuing popu-
lation boom that provides most of the expansion. Some argue that sprawl
is first and foremost a land-use phenomenon since even an area of static
population can experience sprawl as its built environment is modified in a
sparse, low-density, auto-friendly way pushing city limits further and further
out. A careful analysis of U.S. Census Bureau data found that these two
sprawl factors share equally the blame for some, if not all, of the sprawl in
some regions of the country. Therefore, questions like "Is population growth
or land-use change worse for sprawl?" can only be answered after a deeper
observation of the situation, causes and effects within the area in question.
Cities grow, with or without planning, and develop landscape characteristics
that persist through time determining how they will function. Fulfilling the
resource requirements of a growing population ultimately requires some form
of land-use change in order to provide for food, living space, recreation, infra-
structure development and service provision. Historical constraints on city
size limitation were cost of transport to export goods/ import agricultural
products, the degree of economy of scale relative to market demand and the
cost of carrying on day-to-day activities within the city itself (commuting to
work, delivery of water, disposal of waste and sewage). These were all relaxed
with time. Some possible forces driving land-use and land-cover changes are
population, technology (mainly automobile), political economy and political
structure. Land consumption - the amount of land used per person - is the
inverse of population density, the higher the population the lower the amount
of land used per person.8
In developed countries, one half of increased sub-urbanization between
1950 and 1980 can be explained by increased demand for larger plots of land
per inhabitant. This is because of higher incomes. Increased income also
means high probability of owning a private car and having a ground-floor
house (not apartment) in the outer periphery of the city.
The other alternative reasoning as to why growth of the suburbs has come
about is because people have fled the social problems of the inner city. In
addition, population pressure in city centres enhances the competition for
employment, production and sales and hence some planning policies favour
decentralization and locate firms and residences in the urban fringes creating
8
http://www.cis.org/articles/2003/SprawlAppendixD82603.html

11
edge cities. Urban land use generally expands at the expense of agriculture
as demand for housing grows. This brings about differences between land
consumption in the centre and fringe of the urbanized area and create changes
in land consumption rates through time.

2.2.3 Population and Density


In the year 2000, the three most populated countries of the world, China,
India and US combined population accounted for approximately 42 percent
of the worlds population but occupy only 15 percent of the worlds land area
(Long, Rain and Ratcliffe, 2001). The rough measure of this relationship is
a simple population density measure, which is total land area divided by
total population residing in the same area. When viewed separately, the
three countries differ substantially on their level of population density. The
U.S. population density was 28 persons per square kilometer, a level way
below the world average. The population density in China was at 130 people
per sq. km. even though vast arid areas in the western part of China are
sparsely populated. India is one of the most densely populated countries
of the world with 307 people per sq. km., eight times the average world
population density. In 1998, the worlds population density was almost 40
persons per sq. km. (Long, Rain and Ratcliffe, 2001).
Increasing densities has been a response to land scarcity and protection,
the need for energy conservation (mainly the reduction of motorised travel)
and an increasing number of households (resulting from falling household
sizes in the developed world and population growth elsewhere). Proper dens-
ities for city dwellings can only be determined by how well the cities perform.
On specific instances, density can also be expressed as number of dwellings
per unit of land.
There are benefits as well as costs derived from a concentration of people
and activities in an area. In a way high density allows efficient utilization
of land and assures maximum use of public investments including infrastruc-
ture, service and transport. But high-density schemes can also overload
infrastructure and services putting an extra pressure on land and residential
spaces, producing crowded and unsuitable environment for humans. In con-
trast, on the other extreme, low densities may increase per capita costs of
land, infrastructure and service provision affecting the sustainability of hu-
man settlements making it hard for future generation to function normally.
When a new legal development is planned, the issue of density is usually

12
addressed. For instance, low density with expensive services for high-income
household. In case of informal settlement, densities maybe very high with
narrow streets and little open space. Density as both numbers of dwellings
per acre of land and as number of individuals per household is high. For
satellite towns there is fluctuating density during working and non-working
hours and weekends affecting the consumption of services and infrastructure.

2.3 Effects of Sprawl


There is a division between the place of sprawl (origin) and the location of its
impact (destination). When sprawl takes place at the periphery of a certain
locality it could have its direct or indirect impact on other parts of the same
locality within its border or on a neighbouring community. Generally, there
are two conflicting ideas about the consequences or effects of sprawl. While
some argue that it is harmful and stress measures that should be taken to
combat it, others support and even encourage it. As mentioned, the study
presented here does not attempt to resolve the difference of opinion, but the
attitude is with those who see sprawl as something harmful, are troubled by
it and search for ways for healthier communities.

2.3.1 Positive Sides of Sprawl


Sprawl is not always seen as harmful. Some organizations and planners see
sprawl as a sign of economic vitality and not as ecological threat. They
claim that for countries like America with large land area, there are too
vast farmlands and open spaces to worry about how much land is converted.
They also stress the primary advantage of sprawl, which is decentralization of
employment to different parts of a city. They argue that car culture enables
people to commute shorter distances at any time and own bigger homes. In
addition, it is not healthy for people to live in areas with increased densities
and smaller meter square of space per individual ratios since this creates
psychological and health problems. Therefore, their recommendation is for
people to live in bigger plots with their own green spaces away from city
centres and work areas.

13
2.3.2 Negative Sides of Sprawl
All sprawl leads to loss of limited resource, which is land. Over the years,
sprawl has directly contributed to the degradation and decline of natural hab-
itats such as wetlands, woodlands and wildlife. It also reduces farmland and
open spaces. Water use and energy consumption will be increased. Sprawl
leads to land-use patterns which are unfavourable to the development of sus-
tainable transport modes and hence, increase the use of private car that in
turn result in increased trip lengths, congestion, increase in fuel consumption
and air pollution. It is in general a threat to ecology. Even though auto-
mobile and truck engines have become far cleaner in recent decades, motor
vehicle emissions are still the leading sources of air pollution. As homes and
businesses spread further and further apart, local governments are forced to
provide for widely spaced services and infrastructure leading to higher costs
and increased tax burden.
It is an economic theory that productivity is much more enhanced with
dense development since ideas move quickly when people are in close proxim-
ity. But when jobs move to the suburbs, people follow them. This may reduce
productivity in the city leading to social loss. In addition, critics charge that
sprawl leads to regional imbalances, such as pulling jobs and people further
away from poor communities, increasing inequality. Sprawl also creates se-
gregation of rich and poor or social isolation in general. The problem lies
not to the people who have moved to the suburbs but rather to the people
who have been left behind. The low-income groups are abandoned in the
downtown because they cannot afford car-based lifestyle. Role of transport
technology can explain this social fragmentation. The much congested and
deteriorated central towns end up being favorable places for crime and social
unrest.

14
Figure 2: Costs of Sprawl

2.4 Solutions Against Sprawl


Those who criticize sprawl, in general, dream about densely populated urban
communities with plenty of green spaces, sharp distinctions between city and
countryside, few cars, and lots of public transportation. In spite of the fact
that the patterns of sprawl in developed and developing countries are very
different, the solutions proposed are similar with a little bit of modification to
fit into the context of the developing world since there are more prior needs
to be addressed. For developing countries, the people living on the periphery
of the city are mainly rural migrants who have come to the city in search of
employment. In rural areas, where agriculture is most common, the activity
often tends to be seasonal and therefore unreliable. The problem that needs
to be addressed is, therefore, the creation of employment opportunities away
from the major metropolitan areas. A number of small towns and cities
that are closer to the hinterland could be developed as potential sources of
employment for rural people. This would reduce the burden on larger cities
and create an alternative source of work, thereby addressing the problems of

15
both unemployment and sprawl. Other solutions are;
A. Brownfield redevelopment or the reuse of existing land within the city
and concentrating growth
Abandoned building sites such as old schools, industrial land and parking
space may be reused providing alternatives to using virgin land outside of
city limits. This attacks the problem of city sprawl encroaching on new
land outside the city. The problem is that in most cases there are zoning
policies that do not permit such redevelopment. Policies therefore have to be
adjusted by providing incentives for developers to re-use land. Concentrating
growth may be achieved through a variety of methods such as moving the
concentration of population back towards the city centre and not pushing it
outward, away from the core and by promoting the reuse of land within the
cities. This is the same as increasing density in already existing developments
and building upwards rather than spreading horizontally.
B. Use of improved mass public transport systems
Lack of well-developed mass transit system increases dependence on private
means of transport. The advantages that are provided by private means of
transport are highlighted by the fact that the mass transit system in most
cities is non-existent or very poorly developed. While it is true that the
automobile has led to the sub-urbanization of the wealthy, it is not clear
what the solution to this problem should be. One approach might be to
tax car or charge higher parking fees and push the rich back into cities.
Municipalities and concerned bodies can also act on the problem by giving a
lot of attention and allocating the necessary fund for developing mass public
transport modes. Good transportation planning relies less on new highway
construction - which encourages sprawl - and more on mass transit solutions,
such as light rail and commuter trains. In addition, awareness should be
increased among people on the benefits of using mass transport and through
time make it a culture. Some European countries such as Stockholm are
good examples of mass transport culture.
C. Development and use of better and most efficient land use policies
Communities can grow in an efficient manner by using existing infrastructure,
or by building away from natural wildlife resources. For these development
policies can be targeted more towards an already urbanized area.
D. Implement means to decrease or stop migration
In addition to the push factors, the pull factors that attract migrants to cities
other than job opportunities need to be addressed. Improving efficiency of
land use or other proposed solutions would not be effective in the long run

16
if migration continues.

2.5 The Idea of Smart Growth


The term Smart Growth was coined to describe the response to the un-
checked urban expansion in America during the past half century (Reis,
2002). A look at the census and other market trends shows that the de-
centralization of economic and residential life, not the renewal of core cities,
remains the dominant growth pattern in the United States (Katz, 2002).
Taking the seriousness of the situation, Smart Growth idea was to suggest
an alternative to the problem of growth describing the application of sustain-
able development concept to land-use issues. The idea channels development
to areas with existing infrastructure and consumes less land for roads, houses
and commercial buildings. Smart Growth could mean smart management of
resources in both growing and declining communities.9
The ultimate goals of Smart Growth to counteract sprawl are not that
different from general solutions forwarded by planners and usually include
(1) limiting outward expansion, (2) encouraging higher density development,
(3) encouraging mixed-use zoning, (4) reducing travel by private vehicles, (5)
revitalizing older areas and (6) preserving open space.
More modern Smart Growth principles need to address housing opportun-
ities for middle-class and low-income families in cities and close-in suburbs
while creating more affordable housing near job centers. The denser the
better is one of the chief ideas behind the initiative. Ensuring that local
governments comply with these ideas and policies, American planners, or-
ganizations and groups claim that they were able to control sprawl in some
states and proved that Smart Growth is working. For example, the Oregon
state in the west of the country started taking anti-sprawl measures 30 years
ago. As a result of laws passed in 1973, each of Oregons 240 cities is sur-
rounded by an urban growth boundary (UGB), which shows where a city
expects to grow10 . Urban services and infrastructures such as sewers were
not to be extended beyond the urban growth boundary. The growth bound-
ary can be modified only if the city complies with statewide planning goals
and standards. Los Angeles is also well known for implementing the idea
of this smarter, sustainable urban planning goal. The Smart Growth ideas
9
http://www.eqb.state.mn.us/SDI/smart.html
10
www.ontarionature.org, 2001

17
are also in use in other states and in some countries. The success of Smart
Growth will ultimately depend on its adaptation to the unique political cul-
tures, market realities and developmental trends. The great differences in
regional growth patterns should be accounted for. Smart Growth can be an
effective anti-sprawl measure in only one-way: by confining more and more
people into existing urbanized areas.

18
3 Global Urbanization Trends
3.1 Urbanization and Urban Growth
Urbanization and urban growth are two different concepts often found in the
literature of urban studies. The distinction should be noted that urbanization
refers to proportion of the national population living in urban areas, and
urban growth refers to an increase in urban population size, independent of
rural population (United Nations Population Division, 2002).
On the other hand, urbanization can be viewed and perceived to mean a
lot of things depending on how it is used. It can be viewed as a characteristic
of the population, as a particular kind of land use and land cover, as well as a
characteristic of social and economic processes and interactions affecting both
population and land (McIntyre et al, 2000). Physical scientists especially
ecologists generally approach definitions of urbanization from the standpoint
of the built environment. To them, density of buildings and impervious
surfaces is as important as population (Long, Rain, and Ratcliffe, 2001).
McIntyre et al (2000), however, noted that among ecologists, a wide variety
of urban definitions have been used in research ranging from any human
alteration of the landscape to more precise definitions based on density and
specified land-use characteristics. In spite of these variations, urbanization
trends are universal. Local factors can speed up or slow down the process,
but it cannot be stopped. Urbanization is not necessarily bad, but the rapid
change brings a lot of economic and social problems that are difficult to
manage. Some agree that it is a consequence of economic development but
it is also a requirement for economic development.
Before 1850, no society could be described as predominantly urbanized
(Marthe, 2001). While the intensive urbanization of most of the developed
countries began within the past 150 years, it emerges late for developing
countries. During the 19th and early 20th centuries, urbanization resulted
from and contributed to industrialization. The result was the movement of
labour force from demographically saturated countryside. In the two worlds
of more developed and less developed countries, the degree and type of urban-
ization contrasts sharply. Unlike the developed world where the urbanization
process was triggered by industrialization, the urbanization process in many
developing countries is characterized by demographic changes such as, rapid
natural population growth and rural-urban migration, which in turn stim-
ulates urban growth. Poor African countries are not capable of managing

19
rapid growth. Planning, land allocation, infrastructure and services are in-
adequate to cope in such situations. As a result, an increasing part of the
urban population live in unplanned, often illegal, shanty-towns with limited
access to basic needs and with environmental conditions that threaten health.
For a great number of individuals urbanization is perceived as "good" or at
least "less bad". There must be valid reasons why hundreds and millions
of people voluntarily move to the urban areas and stay there in spite of all
difficulties. In such cases, urbanisation may be taking place due to push
factors like environmental overload and degradation, resource scarcity and
conflict in the rural areas rather than pull factors of development in the
cities.
Usually, large urban agglomerations do not necessarily experience fast
population growth. In fact, some of the fastest growing cities have small
populations and, as population size increases, the growth rate of a citys
population tends to decline. The trend towards concentration of population
in larger urban settlements or big cities does not result in a marked decline
of either the proportion or the number of persons living in smaller urban
settlements. Growth rates may vary over time or between countries but
urbanization is likely to continue until a large majority of the population live
in urban areas.

3.2 Urbanization in the World: Trends and Figures


The worlds urban population will grow from 2.86 billion in 2000 to 4.98 bil-
lion by 2030, of which high-income countries will account for only 28 million
out of the expected increase of 2.12 billion (see attached figure). The worlds
annual urban growth rate is projected at 1.8 per cent in contrast to the rural
growth rate of 0.1 per cent (State of the World Cities, UN Habitat, 2004/5).

The urban growth rate of less developed regions reached 3.0 per cent
per year in 1995- 2000 compared to a much lesser figure of 0.5 per cent in
more developed regions. This growth rate will continue to be particularly
rapid in the urban areas of less developed regions. In contrast, the world
rural population is expected to remain nearly stable. Even within the less
developed regions category there are marked differences in the level and pace
of urbanization. Regionally, Latin America and the Caribbean as a whole
are highly urbanized. Africa and Asia are considerably less urbanized and,
consequently, are expected to experience rapid rates of urbanization from the

20
Figure 3: Worlds Urban Population Growth

21
year 2000 onwards. With 80 percent of the population being urban, Europe
is the most urbanized continent (See Table below).

Figure 4: Selected Indicators for the Urban and Rural Population by Major
Area, 1950-2030.

Source: UN Population Division 2002.

Lately, declining communications and transportation costs have quickened


urban decentralization trends, accelerating the outward expansion of most of
the worlds metropolitan regions. The increasing "foot looseness" of produ-
cers means that for the first time, population distribution is being shaped
noticeably by independent effect of consumers preferences rather than dic-
tated by locational decisions of firms (Easterlin, 1994). When percentage of

22
population living in urban areas do not balance with the distribution of total
labor force between agricultural and non-agricultural occupations it may lead
to over-urbanization.

3.3 Urbanization without Growth


Africa is the continent where the slowest economic growth is occurring while
its urbanization is rapid. Some of the factors for Africas poor economic
performance are external conditions like colonial rule, heavy dependence on
small number of primary export items, crushing external debt (81% of GDP
in Africa compared to 33% in East Asia)11 , internal politics conflicts and
corruption, economic policies, demographic facts such as rapid population
boom and social conditions like ethnic divisions and differences (Bloom and
Sachs, 1998). The continents struggle for an economic improvement is fur-
ther hindered by poor geographic landscape in the Sahara and some areas of
the Sub-Sahara and relatively bad climate that favours disease. Agriculture
in Africa depends on backward technology and is totally dependent on sea-
sonal rainfall. When it does not rain there is drought and famine. When it
rains too much there are floods and famine again.
The very structure of African economy is the primary cause of its con-
tinual backwardness. Its people keep producing commodities that they do
not need (they consume very little of the exportable items). The structure
is more import-export oriented rather than production-oriented. The other
main feature of African economy is the predominance of activities with people
producing just enough to survive on their own.
Fay and Opal (2000) in their World Bank research paper pointed out that
sustained economic growth is always accompanied by urbanization. But in
Africa, urbanization occurred without growth. They raised a question if
Africas urbanization process is distorted, or if urbanization is not always
accompanied by sustained growth. To find out why Africas urbanization is
different from other countries they investigated determinants of urbanization
across countries over 40 years. By relying on macroeconomic data and cross-
country comparisons, the authors found that urbanization levels are closely
correlated with levels of income. A central hypothesis of their study was
that individuals move (with varying degrees of ease) in response to economic
11
http://web.mit.edu/urbanupgrading/upgrading/case-examples/overview-
africa/regional-overview.html#Anchor-23240

23
incentives and opportunities. If location incentives are distorted, so is growth
(Fay and Opal, 2000). As shown in the table, while East Asia and Africa
have had similar rates of urbanization (4-5% per annum) for the period 1970-
95, GDP growth in East Asia accelerated by about 3.7% per annum while
GDP declined by 0.66% per annum in sub-Saharan Africa. This implies that
urbanization occurred without generating the required resources (public or
private) and employment opportunities to accommodate the surge in urban
population. Although it was rapid, Africas urbanization process appeared to
follow a "normal" urbanization path until the mid-1970s. After about 1974,
Africa diverged significantly from the world trend as it continued to urbanize
more rapidly than other regions, even as its economy was collapsing, or at
least stagnating.

Figure 5: World Urbanization and Income Growth, 1970-95

Source: World Development Indicators

The notion that migrants return to rural areas when growth slows down
does not hold - at least not in any systematic manner. Urbanization does
not even noticeably slow down during economic downturns, implying that
people continue to flock to cities even when economic growth is low. The
prime determinant of whether urbanization increases rapidly or not is not
related to whether income growth is positive or negative. The implication
appears to be that Africa differs from the rest of the world more because of
its poor growth performance than because of its urbanization process. With
the given conditions, Africa is at a state of over-urbanization.

24
3.4 Mega-cities of the World
As with other urban terms, the term mega-city also lacks a clear-cut, stand-
ard definition. The United Nations identifies a Mega-city as an urban agglom-
eration with a population that exceeds 8 million (United Nations Population
Division, 2002) while other literatures use a figure of 10 million people. In
the 1950s New York was the only city with a population of more than 10
million people. Two decades later, in the 1970s it was joined by others as
the number increased to five. This number is expected to increase further to
23 cities in 2015 (see attached table). Some researches, however, state that
the number of mega cities has already reached 23 in the year 2000 and will
increase to 36 cities by the year 2015 (S. Jones, 1997).
It is evident that most mega cities are in Asia. Bangkok, Beijing, Cal-
cutta, Jakarta, Manila, Seoul, and Tokyo are just a few of the 20 or so mega
cities in the Asian side of the globe. These cities are at the centre of the
regions economic growth and are developing rapidly, not only in terms of
population but also in terms of economic and industrial importance. The eco-
nomic growth of these mega-cities has been boosted by national and regional
location factors favouring large cities and complementing their comparative
advantages in globalisation. Being engines of economic growth, mega cities
perform a commanding influence over satellites or smaller cities. However,
the bigger a city is the bigger its problems. Traffic, pollution and congestion
are only a few of the problems to mention some. Efforts to reduce rural to
urban migration to ease population pressure at the centres have not been
successful resulting in an increasing concentration of urban growth in all
large cities. Asia accounted for 62 percent of world population increase in
the period 1980-1990. If the 20th century was the century of urban sprawl,
the 21st century will be the century of mega-cities.

25
Table 1: Emergence, History and Expectation of Mega Cities around the
World (in millions). Source: UN Habitat 2000.

1950 1975 2000 2015


1.New York 12.3 1.Tokyo 19.8 1.Tokyo 26.4 1.Tokyo 26.4
2.New 15.9 2.Mexico 18.1 2.Bombay 26.1
York City
3.Shanghai 11.9 3.Bombay 18.1 3.Lagos 26.1
4.Mexico 11.2 4.Sao 18.1 4.Dakarta 23.2
City Paulo
5.Sao 10.0 5.New 16.6
5.Sao 20.4
Paulo York Paulo
6.Lagos 13.4 6.Karachi 19.2
7.Los 13.1 7.Mexico 19.2
Angeles City
8.Calcuta 12.9 8.New 17.4
York
9.Shanghai 12.9 9.Jakarta 17.3
10.Buenos 12.6 10.Kalcuta 17.3
Aires
11.Dhaka 12.3 11.Delhi 16.8
12.Karachi 11.8 12.Metro 14.8
Manila
13.Delhi 11.7 13.Shanghai 14.6
14.Jakarta 11.0 14.Los 14.1
Angeles
15.Osaka 11.0 15.Buenos 14.1
Aires
16.Metro 10.9 16.Cairo 13.8
Manila
17.Beijing 10.8 17.Istanbul 12.5
18.Rio de 10.6 18.Beijing 12.3
Janeiro
19.Cairo 10.6 19.Rio de 11.9
Janeiro
20.Osaka 11.0
21.Tianjin 10.7
22.Hyderabad10.5
23.Bangkok 10.1
26
4 Urban Sprawl in Different Context:
Case Cities
Four case cities are selected from different continents for comparative ana-
lysis. Economically, two are in developing while the other two are in de-
veloped countries category. Depending on the context it is occurring in,
different types of urban sprawl arise. But some common sprawl features
such as form, cause and effect can be comparable although they cannot be
considered generalizable.The cities are Beijing, Addis Ababa, Stockholm and
Los Angles.

4.1 Beijing
4.1.1 Overview of Urbanization and Sprawl in the Chinese Con-
text
With a population close to 1.3 billion, China is the most populous country in
the world ( China Daily, July 2004 est.). China is still at a low urbanization
level. The World Bank reported that 30 percent of the Chinese population
was urban in 1995. From 1990 to 1995, the growth rates of medium size
and mega-cities have increased faster than smaller cities. During this time,
while urban population in cities increased by 21.6 percent, the urbanized area
increased by 90.4 percent. This means that the growth rate of urbanized land
was much faster than that of urban population, as summarized in the table
below.

Table 2: Growth of Urban Population and Urbanized Area in China

Year 1990 1995 Change( in %)


Urban Population 148 million 180 million +21, 6
Urban Area 11,608 sq. km. 22,100 sq. km. +90.4

Source: Based on China Statistical Yearbook 1991 to 1996.

In the recent two decades, there are two contradictory phenomena in


Chinas urban development trend namely development zones and semi-
urbanized villages (Deng and Huang, 2003). First, Chinese local government

27
set up a large number of development zones that are often large and dis-
continuous from cities. The second type of urban expansion is the increase
in the number of urban population, especially migrant workers and tempor-
ary urban residents (also called floating population) such as students, and
accompanying illegal construction into rural villages on the urban fringe.
In these villages, population growth is not accommodated by new develop-
ment but rather by crowding of existing peasant houses and illegal construc-
tion. The term semi-urbanized villages or semi-urbanization is used to
emphasize the fact that they are not fully urbanized in terms of physical
environment and urban services even though most residents are engaged in
non-agricultural activities and live an urban life style. Urban sprawl in the
Chinese context is thus the disproportionate expansion of urbanized area.
In addition, most studies on Chinese cities use the term urban sprawl to
describe discontinuous or leapfrog development pattern at micro level. Ting-
wei Zhang for example identifies three main factors contributing to sprawl
in China. These are the land market, local governments willingness to lease
land as the result of new tax revenue regulations and the decentralization pro-
cess after Chinas economic reforms. If urban sprawl is inefficient excess to
the natural expansion of cities in the Developed world, Chinese style sprawl
is unintended consequence of political manipulation of land development on
the urban fringe (Deng and Huang, 2003). In the case of development zones,
the intention of local governments might be to respond to their land market
demand. In the semi-urbanized villages, their intention might be to control
development, but urban population still sprawls out. Loss of thousands of
kilometres of land to sprawl puts China in a difficult position to feed its huge
population. The immediate action needed is not only to control excessive
urban built-up area but also control land-use change from agricultural and
forest to any other.

4.1.2 Selected Case City: Beijing


General overview
Beijing is the capital of the Peoples Republic of China, located in North-
ern China Plain. Its resident population rose to 15.2 million in 2004, making
it one of the top mega-cities of the world (Beijing Municipal Bureau). Accord-
ing to the old city plan made in 1993, the city predicted 14 million residents
by 2040 (China Daily, 2004). However, the target figure was reached in 2003,
37 years earlier than expected. In addition to natural growth, floating pop-

28
ulation and administrative border expansion increased the citys population
figure in huge numbers. According to Gu and Shen (2002), the change of
urban function from traditional, manufacturing base to center of service and
the change in 1978 which marked Beijing as a major manufacturing base
contributed in making the capital a socially polarized centre. These changes
in the economic structure provide plenty of opportunities for both high and
low-income jobs resulting in movement of people from rural to urban sectors.
The process of labour migration in Beijing follows two stages (Gu and
Shen, 2000). The first stage was the migration of urban residents (1949-
1984). In this period, rural to urban migration was under the strict control
of the government. With the absence of labour market, people were allocated
to specific areas according to the needs of the state economic plan (Kesteloot,
1992). In this period, the number of people moving into Beijing was very
small due to policies that favoured industrialization with limited urbaniza-
tion. Rules were tight and there was hardly any voluntary migration.
The second stage is the migration of rural peasants (1985-percent) as a
result of three interrelated factors;
Overall economic growth and the new wave of urban construction that
generated a big demand for labour, especially in the construction sector.
The inefficient state owned enterprises in Beijing which left a huge mar-
ket for more competitive small private businesses which have thrived
in the 1990s.
The tight migration that has been relaxed since the early 1980s.
Farmers dominate the new wave of rural to urban migration to the capital.
By 1998, the number of urban floating population accounted for about 30
percent of the total population of Beijing. 12

4.1.3 City Structure and Urbanization


Historically Beijing has originated from the southwest of Beijing plain and
gradually expanded in the direction of northeast. At present, the city follows
concentric and outward arrangement with the old centre. While its inner
city area remained intact, the urban built-up area has increased rapidly in
almost all directions and into urban fringes following both transport lines
and as detached new development in the suburbs.
12
Population Situation, Beijing: www.cpirc.org.cn/en/30province1999-Beijing

29
Figure 6: Rapid Urban Expansion of Beijing through the years 1949-1994

Source: Habitat International

Before 1949, only the central part of Beijing was covered by urban devel-
opment in an intact way (refer figure). Between 1949 and 1980, the urban
area expanded further, mainly towards the north. The expansion during this
period was both as concentric and detached development.Cores of develop-
ment can be seen scattered away from the old center. In the period from 1980
to 1994, Beijing expanded even further out pushing the city limit. During
this time, new developments dominate the northeastern part of the city and
there was almost no significant growth in the south.This period was also the
fastest expansion period for Beijings urbanization (Qi Lu, 1999)

30
Table 3: Increase in Beijing Urban Built-up Area 1949-1996

Year 1949 1988 1996


Increase in Urban Built-up area 62.5km2 391km2 488km2

Source:Beijing Statistical Bureau, 1999

4.1.4 The Need for Housing and Urban Sprawl


With huge number of migrants from rural areas and additional natural pop-
ulation growth (even with one-child-per-couple policy), there has been con-
stant demand for housing, especially in the low-income group. The restora-
tion of private ownership of housing, commercialisation of urban public hous-
ing and the consequent emergence of housing markets made it possible for
rural migrants to rent and purchase housing in cities (Gu, 1995). Although
these do not accommodate all in need, the private housing sector provides
for most of the un-met demand. For instance, in outer suburbs, developers
build villas and quality housing which are the most expensive on the mar-
ket. Local or foreign, richer, new inhabitants either rent or buy these. In
the inner city, local residents often own family dwellings but such housing
units are usually small, lack basic utilities and are of poor quality. Some
local residents rent part of their unit to poorer migrants who need a location
close to their workplace. In addition, houses in villages near the urban fringe
owned by local farmers can be rented to rural migrants from other provinces
because they are cheaper than other kinds of housing in Beijing.
Beijing is the best example of the paradox posed by the co-existence of devel-
opment zones and semi-urbanized villages in China. The two phenomenon
are;
1: Development zones
In the early 1990s there was an explosive boom of development zones
planned by the local government in Chinese cities (Deng and Huang, 2003).
Numerous development zones, be it economical or technological development
zones were set up from big to small cities. Their planned density was not
low, but their locations were often discontinuous from existing cities and
concentrated in one direction. Although the first wave of development zones
subsided in mid-1990s, they continue to pop up whenever there is some gov-
ernment initiative for economic development (Gu and Shen, 2002).

31
2: Semi-urbanized villages
As stated, most residents in semi-urbanized villages are migrants from the
rural areas or people who need temporary residence such as students. These
villages are neither urban nor rural. The villages appear to be distributed
more evenly on all sides of the city.
These are the two forms of urban sprawl that arise in China and spe-
cifically in Beijing. What makes the Chinese sprawl different from the rest
of the world is the disproportionate conversion of farmland or arable land
to urban uses. In addition, central city decline resulting from negative im-
pacts of urban sprawl is not a Chinese phenomenon. Central cities are still
booming in China, although statistics show that since 1982 they have been
slowly losing their population due to the high price of housing (Zhou and
Meng, 1998) While richer people in general prefer to live in suburban areas
in developed world especially in the US, it is the poorer that have to move
to fringe areas in Chinese cities. This is one of the unique features of Chinese
version of urban sprawl.

4.1.5 Planning and Policies


In order to equip the city with excellent infrastructure, investment and good
living condition while adapting the rapid socio-economic development and
the increasing the scale of foreign investment in the capital, Beijing imple-
mented a program of urban renewal and reconstruction for the inner city in
1990 (Gu and Shen, 2002). Besides slowing down population growth figures,
the revised plan stresses the role of "satellite towns" to alleviate pressure
on central areas. The city will build 11 new towns on its outskirts, among
which, three towns - namely Tongzhou, Shunyi and Yizhuang in eastern
Beijing - are the key places to where a large portion of population and in-
dustries will move. Public transit construction is a key point of the new plan
so that private transport is discouraged. There are also policies and admin-
istrative orders that prohibit the change of agricultural and cultivated land
to other uses. The government is investing a great deal of money for un-
met office and housing space needs especially for the Olympic 2008 games by
building vertically although there have been oppositions against the rapidly
changing new skylines of Beijing replacing the unique, traditional Chinese
architecture. The slum-like villages or forgotten corners that exist among
the new structures and roads need still be renewed or removed. Other con-
cerns of the city such as natural population growth, rural-urban migration

32
and unemployment are problems that still need to be regarded.

4.2 Addis Ababa


4.2.1 Overview of Urbanization and Sprawl in the Ethiopian Con-
text
Ethiopia is the most populous country in the whole of Africa. Taking the
effects of excess mortality due to AIDS, an estimate puts the countrys pop-
ulation figure close to 68 million (2004, The World Fact Book). As natural
births are higher so are mortality rates due to famine, drought and diseases.
The 1984 census report shows a 46.5% urban population increase over a 9-
year period starting in 1975 13 . Urban population growth in Ethiopia is
estimated at 6%, a much higher figure compared to other African countries.
High social problem still prevails in large cities. The country is one of the
least urbanized areas in the Third World. Its economy almost entirely de-
pends on agriculture although production and food provision is low due to
bad weather conditions and lack of effective technology. Poverty prevents
the country from using high tech and non-seasonal means of production. In
addition, almost 80 percent of the population practice only agriculture and
animal rearing as a means to support themselves. Another aspect of urban-
ization in Ethiopia is the wide range of regional differentials or polarization
in the level of urbanization.
Like most developing countries, serious rural to urban migration is a com-
mon phenomena. Tribal wars and conflicts are common phenomena driving
people from their villages. Slums are emerging in different parts of cities,
especially the capital, and are the only choices for the majority of the city
dwellers that are poor. Additional population increase in bigger cities is
accommodated by crowding of existing houses. Rather than new construc-
tion developments, existing houses are often extended or divided illegally so
that they would be rented for migrants. The need for housing is not integ-
rated with the need to prevent horizontal expansion and hence saving land.
Formal and informal settlements are stretching out horizontally from the
central capital in all directions. Land is ineffectively used, new developments
are planned on virgin land usually leapfrogging from cores.
Generally, sprawl and land misuse in Ethiopia is a result of population
pressure (both from natural births and migration), poor land policies, lease
13
Ethiopian Central Statistical Agency

33
system and planning and regional imbalance. Action is therefore needed
to provide for immediate needs of the population while trying for solutions
to overcome mismanagement of land and further horizontal expansion with
minimum financial expenditure.

4.2.2 Selected Case City: Addis Ababa


General overview
Addis Ababa, with a population close to 3 million (Istanbul workshop,2003),
is the capital city of Ethiopia. The city has grown from 700,000 people to
todays figure over the last 30 years. As in the case of many poor developing
countries of the world, migration of peasants is the cause of rapid population
growth and hence a large portion of the population belongs to low- income
group or people just at a poverty line. Addis Ababas growth to a miliion-city
figure status passed through two stages:
The first wave was between 1967 and 1975 when rural to urban migration
was at its peak (UN). This affected the social balance of the city as more
people competed for jobs in all sectors. To make matters worse, the economy
was devastated as all land becomes nationalized in 1975 (UN).
The second growth was between 1975 and 1987.This time, even though
the population continue to skyrocket, the rate of growth declined (UN). The
flow of migrants from farms and villages to Addis Ababa was low because
there was a reform program that provided economic incentives for peasants
(UN). In addition, there were strict government restrictions on travel. Most
of the population boom in Addis Ababa was hence, due to natural increase.
After 1988, thousands of villagers and peasants started flocking back to
the city when war intensified in the northern part of Ethiopia. Others still flee
from different parts due to tribal wars, famine and poverty further increasing
the urban population figure.
The economy and land-use patterns of Addis Ababa are largely based on
semi-subsistence agriculture and foresting.14 The city suffers from unequal
share of services because of its primacy over other secondary big cities. For
instance, its population is 13 times that of Dire Dawa, the second largest city
(a population of only 254 thousand, Country Watch 2004 est.). In addition,
a study on industry and activities revealed that 83percent of employments
were located in Addis Ababa and its surroundings in 1984 (A G. Egziabher,
14
http://www.macalester.edu/courses/geog61/kshively/agri.html

34
1993). In spite of better job creation strategies and increasing manufactur-
ing sectors and industries, there is still huge number of unemployed in the
capital. Generally, the city faces unbalanced (uneven) growth and a series of
challenges related to housing, water and sewerage, mobility, unemployment,
service provision and limited integration with the rest of the regions in the
country.

4.2.3 City Structure and Urbanization


Unlike many other African capitals, Addis Ababas founding, growth and
development, is not rooted to colonization. Since its foundation on a moun-
tainous plateau, the city centre has been developing haphazardly and linearly
along its five regional outlets. Even though the city had a master plan drawn
at different times by famous European planners such as Le Corbusier, the
proposals were broad in scope and content and difficult to adapt to the citys
terrain. The inability of the master plan to function as an effective develop-
ment calls for its frequent revision.
By 1964 the most notable feature of agricultural zone surrounding the
city was Eucalyptus forest. The forest belt used to provide both a limit to
urban expansion and to commercial and recreational resource for the people
of the city, which has been called Eucalyptopolis. Urban agriculture, which
can be defined as the practice of food production especially vegetables within
a city boundary or on the immediate periphery of a city, is a common activity
practiced by many residents of Addis Ababa. Plots of cultivated land can
be found on any vacant land and on areas close to small rivers or streams
within and immediately surrounding the city. The major land-use/cover
changes that have taken place between 1987 and 1999 are summarized in
the Table below. Urban built-up area increased significantly, whereas bare,
undeveloped land decreased (Tadesse, T. D. Tsegaye, and T. L. Coleman,
2001).

4.2.4 The Need for Housing and Urban Sprawl


The horizontal expansion of the city of Addis Ababa is mainly a result of
housing problem. It is believed that about a quarter of housings built in Ad-
dis Ababa are informal. The housing shortage is pronounced in all income
groups although it is more obvious for the majority, low-income category
that accounts for 80% of the citys population. The housing agency is try-

35
Table 4: Major Land Cover Change for Addis Ababa and Surrounding Area

Class Name 1987(ha) 1999(ha) Changes In Percent


Urban Built-up 3352 4687 1335 +28.5
Residential 11222 16583 5361 +32.3
Bare Land 5094 2963 -2131 -41.8

(1ha = 104 m2 )
Source: Geoscience and Remote Sensing Symposium

ing, with its limited capacity, to address the problem of this specific group
and focus mainly on the low-cost housing construction. With its low budget
and lack of finance, the agency is barely able to provide adequate houses
and services to the inhabitants and to the extension areas, thus discouraging
housing construction and contributing to the expansion of slums. The mid
and high-rise apartment structures are expensive to build and unaffordable.
They can only house a very small percentage of high-income city dwellers.
Some high-rise buildings still suffer from empty top floors. Where the gov-
ernment fail to provide housing, squatter settlements erected by migrants
and the citys poorest residents give solutions for shelter needs. Efforts to
clear out slum areas in some parts of the city were met with opposition from
different groups of people and residents. Most recently, differentiated own-
ership options such as condominium and housings for rent are introduced
by the city administration. 10, 000 houses are being built in the citys ten
districts to combat the immediate housing problem (Ethiopian Reporter). It
is also reported that the Addis Ababa Housing Development intends to build
150,000 - 200,000 houses by the end of its five-year project plan. Compared
with the increase in the citys population these could only carve small part
of the problem. In spite of this, future growth in Addis Ababa unfortunately
will be horizontal and not vertical.

4.2.5 Planning and Policies


Like urban centres in other less developed countries, Addis Ababa is trying to
make conditions better for those who flock to the citys informal settlements
seeking employment and demand services. The municipal and national gov-
ernment does not have the time or the means for development schemes or

36
new towns. Instead, it can only try to supply each new settlement on the
urban fringe with access to basic services. So far, the city administration has
been preparing a strategic plan with the following vision15 :
Addis Ababa will be a clean, green, safe and livable city, a vibrant com-
mercial and industrial centre and the nations administrative and Africas
diplomatic capital with improved access to municipal services, good governance,
encouraged entrepreneurship and social harmony.
There is also a plan to organize a polycentric hierarchical system of centres
taking into account the trend in growth direction (east, southwest, and south)
and locate these centres in strategic areas. Also in the agenda is the pro-
vision of adequate residential options for all income level and upgrade or
improve the working, living environment and economic activity of key slum
areas. The ring road network and its maximum utilization for cross country
freight trucks is expected to bring about an ease in the city centres traffic
while enhancing regional accessibility. In order to limit excessive horizontal
expansion, vertical construction and densification would have been a good
solution. But the lease system and land price make high-rise building system
expensive. Even though condominium law came into being in the regulation,
there is weakness in promoting and exercising it both by public and govern-
ment bodies. The economic situation of the residents of Addis Ababa is also
incapable of utilizing high-rise building either on rental basis or on building
their own apartment anyway. Financial institutions could not gear this gap.

4.3 Stockholm
4.3.1 Overview of Urbanization and Sprawl in the Swedish Con-
text
Sweden is a highly urbanized country with its growth following a long-term
historical trend that is accompanied by high productivity and great diversity.
In the beginning of the 19th century, not more then 10 percent of the Swedish
population lived in towns and Sweden was one of the least urbanized countries
in Europe (Nilsson, L 1989). The ratio began to rise during the 1830s and
1840s. Recently, the total population has reached 8.9 million and the degree
of urbanization is above 80 percent (UN Habitat) .
Most agree that migration played a major role in Swedens urban growth
process leaving much of the countryside depopulated. When migration de-
15
(Commision 5, Istanbul workshop)

37
Table 5: Swedens Growth of Urban and Total Population 1990-2010

DEMOGRAPHY 1990 2000 2010


Total Population (millions) 8.6 8.9l 9.1
Urban Population (millions) 7.1 7.4 7.7
Urbanization level (in %) 83.1 83.1 83.8

Source : UN Habitat

creased and was replaced by natural increase, the intensity in urban growth
fell (Arnstberg and Bergstrm, 2001). New developments are usually planned
within existing urban areas taking social, physical or environmental impacts
into consideration. The country is well-known for its conservation of green
parks and public transport culture. If sprawl is defined as detached develop-
ment from a developed core, then scholars such as Gunnar Isberg argue that
there is no apparent leapfrog development or urban sprawl in Sweden. On his
article entitled Reflections on the Swedish Planning Approach, (1998), Isberg
argued that there is a distinct and noticeable line between where urban de-
velopment ends and rural area begins. Another important observation is that
geographical expansion has almost ceased since the period of growth during
the 1970s. Since then, the spatial growth of the built-up areas of Sweden
- at all levels - has stagnated and only minor expansion has occurred from
the spreading out of low density individually owned houses. It is becom-
ing increasingly common to use summer cottages for longer periods during
more of the year, while some are being converted into permanent residences
(Arnstberg and Bergstrm, 2001).

4.3.2 Selected Case City: Stockholm


General overview
Swedens capital, Stockholm, with a population of 1.6 million in 2004 (stat-
istics Sweden), is recognized as one of the most naturally attractive, green
and beautiful metropolitan areas in Europe. It was in 1945 that the number
of the citys inhabitants reached 1 million16 .
Several of the leading transactional firms of Sweden have important pro-
duction plants and offices in larger cities like Stockholm. High internal and
16
http://www.rtk.sll.se/publikationer/promemorior/2003/pm_3-2003.pdf

38
external migration flows that respond to changes in labour market conditions
explain the rapid increase of the citys population (especially the last 10-15
years). Figures show that while the economy was in its downturn in the be-
ginning of the 90s a lot of migrants and inhabitants were unemployed. The
economy picked up gradually and is now stabilizing. The population group
with higher education also tends to migrate to big cities such as Stockholm
where there are more opportunities. The city is unique in a way that it is
built to adapt to changes and find effective ways to manage urban ecosystem
services. It is also characterized by having a large proportion of its people
travelling by public transport. Almost 95% of the inhabitants of the city live
in dense settlements located at transport nodes.

4.3.3 City Structure and Urbanization


Like many European cities, Stockholm has a monocentric shape with nodes
following transport lines. It has a star shape arrangement with railway sta-
tions radiating from an old city centre and green "wedges" in between. With
time, as new suburbs pop up, they are connected radially with the centre
through suburban trains or underground railways, complemented with cars
and buses. Around railway and subway stations, the land is heavily exploited
with high-rise buildings while efforts are being done to avoid overcrowding
the city centre with cars.
Land-use patterns have increased through the years, as more land was re-
quired for development (see attached figure). Stockholms landscape, which
is mainly composed of plenty of water and islands, has effect on the physical
enlargement as well as its regional planning. The Stockholm area is highly
urbanized with different manufacturing and financial activities. Office build-
ings dominate the central part of the city while residential apartments are
built as neighbourhoods not very far from the city core.

4.3.4 The Need for Housing and Urban Sprawl


In order to handle mass migration, housing shortage and low standard of
living in Stockholm, a solution was brought up during the 1960s.The Mil-
lion Dwellings Programme17 was launched by the Swedish government with
17
In 1964 Ernst Michanek coined the phrase One million housing over ten years.
This largest scale housing policy in Swedish history received later the nickname Million-
programme. Franzn, Mats (1996). The objectives was attained with 1 005 578 detached

39
Table 6: Land use, Stockholm Region 2003.

Land Use Patterns Stochkholm Region


Land area(in km2 ) 6,490
Built area(yards,gardens included)(%) 11.7
Trafic area (in %) 2.1

Source: RUFS 2001

Figure 7: Settlement Development of the Stockholm from 1910 to 1999.

Source: Regional Development Plan 2001 for Stockholm Region

40
big housing estates and multi-family blocks in large residential areas out-
side the existing urban centres during a ten year period. These were highly
criticized because of accessibility and social polarization problems. The ever-
increasing population in the Stockholm Region has still not been balanced
by housing construction at nearly the same pace and there is great lack of af-
fordable accommodation everywhere in the region. Sweden is well known for
its highest number of household per individual. Single, sambo, divorced and
living alone, married and childless, old and single...all fall into this category
of people who need small individual flats or apartments. In addition, prices
are soaring as the competition increases for areas nearer to central areas that
are close to workplaces. Although the region has internationally well known
higher education institutions, students cannot benefit from them because of
the lack of student accommodations. There were instances where vacant
office blocks were changed to residential apartments. Present construction
level of dwellings is the lowest for over fifty years at a time where population
growth is at its highest. Stockholm Regional Plan (RUFS 2001) program
and proposal puts present and future demand for housing in figures. It states
that depending on how rapidly the population increases, between 9,000 and
12,000 units will need to be built annually until the year 2015. During the
1990s almost 1,000 vacation cottages per year were converted to year-round
residences. While decreasing the demand for housing with a fraction, this
in some way has led to sprawling of the city and inefficient use of land. In
general, it is difficult to say Stockholm has a process of common land-use
sprawl.

4.3.5 Planning and Policies


Todays Stockholm is very much a result of planning efforts and development
strategies during the last century. In the beginning of the 1950s a citywide
comprehensive plan was made that lined out a strategy for the growth of
the city (RUFS 2001). Each suburb was designed as a neighbourhood unit
with social and commercial core, high density housing close to stations and
lower density housing in the periphery together with self-built one-family
homes. The Stockholm City Plan (P-99) states to "Build the city inwards"
(Sthle, 2002). What planners are doing to combat space problems and at
the same time save virgin land is to increase density in already developed
houses and apartment blocks (Statistiska centralbyrn 1980).

41
land and re-use former neglected sites. Former industrial sites become mixed
residential-commercial neighbourhoods connected by tramways. Located on
former industrial-use Brownfield site and initially intended as a location for
the 2004 Summer Olympics, Hammarby Sjstad18 that is being developed as
one of Stockholms largest urban development projects, is a good, success-
ful example. Designed for 20,000 inhabitants with mixed use environment,
renewable energy sources, recycling and treatment plants, sufficient public
transport means and recreational areas, it is the most environmental friendly
urban development. This development is a good proof that urban growth is
possible through alteration of land-uses with high citizen participation.
Stockholms City Plan also contains enhancing the characteristic city-
scape and saving the existing green structure as its main target. Poly-
centricity is one of the development schemes both within Stockholm and
surrounding regions. Although figures are unavailable there is a condition
that smaller communities surrounding Stockholm region can accommodate
increased densities. With the provision of fast trains connecting these com-
munities with the centre, people can have better choices of living in the
outskirts while commuting to the city to work. By making the public trans-
portation efficient, private use of car can be discouraged and pollution and
time spent to commute minimized.
Regional Planning and Urban Transportation (RTK) which is respons-
ible for regional planning, overall traffic planning and regional development
issues for the region is dealing with such a situation where it can promote
growth while sustaining the citys attractivity. Ecologically, the Stockholm
regional plan is based on Agenda 21 (considering ecological effects and needs)
and meant to be a strategic instrument to combine continual growth with
long-term sustainable development. The regions success in growing with a
sustainable manner is a good example for the rest of the world cities.

4.4 Los Angeles


4.4.1 Overview of Urbanization and Sprawl in the US Context
With a population of 294 million (US Census Bureau estimate, 2004) the
United States is the worlds most economically developed country. Most of
Americas urban areas are still growing in population and extent. Large
urban areas have developed where transportation routes connect with each
18
http://www.sustainablepittsburgh.org

42
other. It is hardly possible to tell where one neighborhood ends and the
other begin. In few instances, the growth has been so great and the size of
core cities so large that major urban areas have merged and formed clusters
of cities.
History of US urbanization began in early 1800s when industrial cities
begin to appear and grow rapidly in the Northeast, near waterways. As
railway, fuel and other technologies began to take hold, industrial cities be-
came increasingly concentrated and congested that it was causing huge health
problems resulting in more deaths than births in some cities. And hence,
gradually cities begin to decentralize and both urbanization and population
growth slowed down. Since the 1970s central cities, while generally upgrad-
ing or improving, remain home to the nations very poor. Recently many
central cities are reviving both in terms of population growth and invest-
ment.

Table 7: US Urban and Rural Population Distribution

Population (in mill.) 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000


Urban 125 150 167 187 222
Rural 55 54 59 62 59

Source: Demographia

The decentralization of economic and residential life, not the renewal of


core cities, remains the dominant growth pattern in the United States. One
factor that is commonly attributed to development in United States is heavy
reliance on automobiles for transportation. The government highly invests
in highways and freeways encouraging the trend. Thus, American technical
definition of sprawl is usually as low-density, automobile-dependent develop-
ment beyond the edge of service and employment areas. Most agree that
the US urban sprawl is a cause of two related factors namely population
increase and land-use decision that determine per capita land consumption.
In some places, such as Los Angeles, Dallas, and Phoenix, virtually all of
the sprawling was due to population growth. These areas are experiencing
increases in land density19 while accommodating large amounts of population
(Fulton, et. al., 2001). Yet in some other cities it is poor land-use policies
19
Number of people in square meter/mile/acre of land

43
that causes sprawl. In such cases, leapfrogging, less dense and corridor de-
velopments along transport lines (as in the case of New York) are dominant
patters of sprawl. Even though population figures are still increasing, there
is opposition and struggle to stop further outward growth and contain over-
urbanisation.

4.4.2 Selected Case City: Los Angeles, California


General overview
Los Angeles, which is nicked as the Granddaddy of Sprawl, is the second
largest urbanized area in the US with 88 other cities incorporated within
its boundaries. When ranked with land area it is the 6th largest urban
area. It was in 1920s that the citys population hit a million figure. A
July 2004 census estimate shows the citys population at 3,8 million of which
41% (around 1.5 million) are foreign-born residents 20 . Los Angeles is the
largest entry point for immigrants to the United States, with skilled and
unskilled people from every nation. By 2000, the increase in the immigrant
population accounted for 84.1 percent of the overall increase for the city. Net
domestic migration and natural increase are also major contributors for rapid
increase in the population. Soja (1989) argues that new types of urban areas
like Los Angeles are the product of three trends: accelerated immigration,
geographic dispersal of economic production, and a growing international
division of labour. For many years, Los Angeles was seen as an exception
to the usual physical and social organization of American cities. While it
is big and spread over a large area, Los Angeles is more densely populated
than most large areas in United States (Sastry, Pebley and Zonta, 2002).
The reasons include small lot sizes, a sizeable stock of apartments and high
dwelling densities among the large immigrant population. Activities such
as agriculture, petroleum, motion pictures, aerospace, international trade,
and tourism drive the economy of Los Angeles. The city also has important
financial and manufacturing sectors as well as a fishing industry.

4.4.3 City Structure and Urbanization


Los Angeles is a coastal city situated within a valley and incorporates many
different environmental zones. Large American cities like Chicago and New
York grew gradually in concentric rings around densely populated central
20
City Fact Sheet, Los Angeles

44
cores. By contrast, Los Angeles grew rapidly as developers purchased and
build housing developments in tracts of land throughout the county (Fo-
gelson, 1993). Los Angeles is also described as the prototypical example
of a multi-centric city. The city is generally shaped by eighteenth-century
European colonization, nineteenth-century U.S. territorial expansion, and
twentieth-century migration. The city houses some of the worlds tallest
buildings. But high degree of automobile ownership has resulted in some
areas developing somewhat less densely.

Table 8: Los Angeles Region Increase in Built Up Area

Year 1990 2000


Urbanized land area (sq. miles) 2,509 2,618

Source: Demographia

45
Figure 8: Los Angeles Region: Change in Urbanized Area, 1970-1990.

Source: US Census Bureau.

46
4.4.4 The Need for Housing and Urban Sprawl
With its beautiful, mild climate and natural scenery, Los Angeles millions
of tourists and opportunity seeking immigrants are in constant need for ac-
commodation although housing prices are high.

Table 9: Los Angeles Population and Housing Figures 1970-1998

1970 1980 1990 1998


Total Populaton (in millions) 2.8 3 3.5 3.7
Total Housing units (in millions) 1 1.1 1.3 1.3

Source: Demographia

Real estate builders and investors in Los Angeles cannot seem to build new
homes fast enough even though housing prices are high. Around 1970, unlike
most American Urbanized Areas, Los Angeles stopped further spreading out.
That is, the land consumption per resident did not increase. In fact, the
urban land per resident shrank by 8 percent. In a way the city was growing
in a controlled way and density increased in both the core city and in the
suburbs. Furthermore, by 1990, land consumption per Los Angeles resident
dropped even more. That made Los Angeles the most densely populated
Urbanized Area in America. No other urban area provided so little land per
resident (0.11 acre/resident, www.sprawlcity.org). And hence the city was a
model for others although there were indicators that the increased density
had resulted in several major social frustrations, overcrowded schools, crime
and congestion. Results also show that increasing the density in Los Angeles
did not stop sprawl. Between 1970 and 1990, Los Angeles sprawled across
an extra 394 square miles (252,160 acres). This was in addition to the 1,572
square miles it already occupied in 1970.

4.4.5 Planning and policies


American transportation policies generally support the expansion of road ca-
pacity at the fringe of metropolitan areas and beyond, enabling people and
businesses to live miles from urban centers but still benefit from metropolitan
life (Katz, 2002). A large sum of money is still being spent on building high-
ways and freeways. There has been an effort to make people use public trans-
port but history shows that people love their cars. Uncontrolled growth is

47
triggering an intense debate about growth around other states and the coun-
try. Elected officials from cities, inner suburbs and people in all category and
walks of life are all realizing that uncoordinated suburban expansion brings
needless costs. Growth agendas are now revolving around changing the state
rules of development to slow decentralization, promote urban reinvestment
and promote a new form of development that is mixed-use, transit-oriented
and pedestrian friendly.
According to the American Planning Association, new planning bills are
introduced and approved. More governors are issuing orders on planning,
smart growth and related topics. The 1973 enacted Land Conservation and
Development Act to contain urban sprawl and preserve forests and farmland
is being practiced in more states than before. The Act required that urban
growth boundaries be drawn around all cities throughout the state. It also
requires that all city, county, and metropolitan plans be consistent with state
planning goals and authorizes the State Land Conservation and Development
Commission to enforce compliance with the consistency requirement. Applic-
ation of Smart Growth principles in some states brought about rewarding
achievements and hence the support for Smart Growth reforms has increased
markedly among governors and state legislatures (Katz, 2002) . Los Angeles
is well known for implementing the idea of Smart Growth development policy.
Lower Infrastructure Spending, better Land Use Reforms/Land Acquisition
and, Growth Management are some of Smart Growth agenda being used.
Other attractive, more compact forms of urban and suburban living are still
being demonstrated.

48
5 Analysis and Discussion
Features of a particular country or community substantially affect the degree
of any costs or effects of sprawl. The case cities presented here can only
provide one with a glimpse of how different causes and effects lead to land-
use phenomena and hence to sprawling. They are not to be interpreted as
recommending one type of development over another. Rather they are to
serve as comparables for discussion and better understanding of the concept.
A rich and detailed data with a careful yearly physical analysis of landform
is needed in order to come up with generalized possible patterns or trends.
Sprawl is more than an extended urban area and the failure to quantify the
term will always leave one with a certain gap.

5.1 Patterns and Extent of Sprawl


A new development be it planned or unplanned could arise on vacant land or
on land that was previously used for some other purpose. In most instances
though, whenever the need arises, it is the outskirts of the city that provides
for "unlimited" vacant land since inner cities are usually intact. As in the
case of Beijing, some developments arise scattered here and there with no
continuity or link between them, others like Addis Ababa and Los Angeles are
formed as an extension (either radially in concentric manner or as a corridor
linearly in few directions) from an already existing urban core. These are the
two kinds of patterns of sprawl observed in the selected cities.

5.2 Causes
Different situations are observed to cause sprawl. In almost all cases, rise in
population plays a major role as a main cause. In some of the cities (Addis
Ababa and Beijing) natural births are the leading factors to a population
boom other than rural-urban and international migration. Fulfilling the re-
source requirements of a growing population requires some form of land-use
change Low density development, subsidization of infrastructure investment
such as roads (specially in Los Angeles), poor land policies (Addis Ababa,
Beijing) and generally inefficient land consumption can all cause sprawl from
land-use point of view. The question lies on how land is altered.

49
5.3 Effects
Sprawl in all form has its costs. In China, where the population is highest,
land for food production is becoming scarce. In cities like Addis Ababa un-
limited horizontal expansion is destroying ecology and having a pronounced
effect on climate change. For Los Angeles which boasts of having the densest
settlement, the density by itself is causing congestion and social problems.
Low-density, leapfrogging developments cause high expenditure for infra-
structure and service provision (some parts of Beijing and Los Angeles).

5.4 Policies
American policies that encourage use of private car lead to sprawling of cit-
ies. Other poor policies observed are building height limit (Addis Ababa)
and new development zoning (Beijing). The Swedish planning strategy is
by far the best in containing growth. But land for re-use may not always
be available. In such cases, planning policies should give priority to envir-
onmental protection and sustainability of cities. The Smart Growth ideas
incorporate useful growth and planning policies.

5.5 Comparison
For developing countries like China and Ethiopia high birthrates contrib-
ute to population pressure in addition to rural-urban migration. The flow
of peasants from the countryside to cities is a headache for planners. In
both countries, even though strict government rules were applied to regu-
late migration, people still tend to move to cities that provided them with
work and better opportunities. In central parts of these cities, infrastruc-
ture and services are over-utilized, roads are narrow and congested, slums
and illegal construction expanded. Where government failed to provide for
housing needs in developing countries, slums and illegal settlements serve as
a solution.
In almost all cases population pressure is observed to be the main cause
of urban sprawl. Where land-use decisions are vital, in economically poor
Ethiopia horizontal expansions are the only means of growth that dominate.
High-rise developments are still in their early stages. In developed countries,
by increasing density and using land effectively they can easily accommodate
growth. Los Angeles and Beijings skylines are marked by high-rise construc-

50
tion and not so much green space is available for recreation. Addis Ababa
is flat and horizontally stretched while Stockholm is mixed with medium
rise apartments and green wedges and parks in between neighborhoods. The
Chinese urban sprawl is different by its disproportionate conversion of farm or
arable land to urban uses. In addition, central city decline resulting from neg-
ative impacts of urban life as in the case of US is not a Chinese phenomenon.
Private ownership and usage of cars is a typical sprawl phenomenon in US.
Beijing is also facing congestion problems due to many cars in its street.
In contrast, Stockholm has its large proportion of population using public
transport. Los Angeles is a city that should address the issue of low-density
development at the city periphery. While cities in developed countries are
planned with effective transportation routes, those in developing countries
develop in an unplanned and haphazard way. Expansions follow existing
transport corridors in some cases while in others they just pop up detached
from existing urbanized areas. While richer people in general prefer to live
in suburban areas in developed world, it is the poorer that have to move
to fringe areas in developing countries like China and Ethiopia. This is one
of the most important differences between developed and developing country
versions of sprawl.

5.6 Concluding Summary


Urban sprawl has been recognized as a problematic aspect of metropolitan
growth and development in the world over. The growing concern about the
issue is shared among planners, policy makers, environmentalists and people
in general. Despite over 50 years of experience with this phenomenon, there
is still no widely agreed upon definition of sprawl. With this thesis, the ob-
jectives have been 1) to better understand the concept of sprawl by reviewing
and sharing relevant background information and views, 2) to describe the
link between population and growth pressure and its effect in urban land-use
change in developing and developed countries perspective 3) to investigate
different causes and land use patterns that lead to urban sprawl and 4) to
describe inter-connected social, physical, political factors and their effect on
sprawl.
The thesis has been structured in parts with theoretical framework fo-
cusing on urbanization and sprawl followed by a description of global urban-
ization trends, conditions for selected case cities for comparison and a final
discussion. This thesis defines sprawl as a pattern of land-use or land cover

51
change in which the rate at which land is converted for development exceeds
the population growth rate over a specified time period. As a pattern of
land-use in an urbanized area, sprawl or sprawling exhibits low levels of some
combination of eight distinct dimensions: density, continuity, concentration,
compactness, centrality, nuclearity, diversity, and proximity.
The social and economic consequences of sprawl include both positive
and negative effects. The impact sprawl has upon environmental and nat-
ural resources, however, is predominantly harmful. Sprawl is increasingly
becoming an issue that is associated with urbanization no matter where it
takes place. Not many studies are done regarding sprawl in developing coun-
tries. Therefore, it is difficult to cross-relate available findings in globalized
manner. But in general, developing countries are in a stage where their fer-
tility rate is still higher while mortality rates are declining. In contrast, the
developed world, especially Europe is faced with increase in old age pop-
ulation. The world population as a whole is growing in an alarming rate
and taking a lot of space in doing so. The common causal factors that are
considered responsible for urban sprawling are population and growth per
capita land consumption (increase in the amount of urban land a resident
uses). As the degree and form of urban sprawl are different for different
countries, so are indicators. In developing countries where the percentage of
unemployed especially in rural areas is high, people flock in great numbers
in search of job and better living conditions. This leads to crowding of cities
well beyond city limits since there is no space for them to live. Central cores
become ideal places for slums, congestion and crime. In developed countries
where incomes are much higher, people prefer to live away from centers in the
quieter much greener outskirts of cities. Their income also makes it possible
for them to own private cars and live in bigger accommodation units. In
low-density areas, the car dominates the choice of transport. While the poor
are forced to live in the rich prefer to move out of city centers. This is
regarded as the main difference between sprawl in developing and developed
countries context. Excessive land consumption, low densities in comparison
to old city cores, fragmented open space, wide gaps between developments,
scattered appearance and lack of public space typically characterize sprawl.
Use of mass transit system, densifying settlement and efficient use of
land or growing smartly are some general solutions to tackle the problem
of sprawl. Solutions should have to be modified for the context in which
they are to be applied. Provision of employment and economic growth, for
instance, can help curb the problem of sprawl and even work more effectively

52
in developing countries. The case cities presented in this paper only give
a glimpse of how one countrys cause, effect and urban planning policy dif-
fers from the other. Without understanding the broader issues that are the
underlying problems, it is difficult to provide for long term solutions to the
issue of sprawl. Therefore it is difficult to cross-relate available findings and
make generalized conclusions. Most countries are moving along an unsus-
tainable consumption path. While developing, the rural to urban land ratio
is decreasing leaving less and less land for food production. The problem of
urban sprawl is, therefore, an observable fact that needs action, now.

53
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