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 JUDGMENT

Alexander
A N D

Car; And alo on

Seneca, Plutarch, and

Petronius.

Tranlated out of the French.

L O N D O N

Printed by A. Maxwell, for Jonathan

Edwin at the fign of the three Rofes
in Ludgate-fireet. 1672.
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 . JuDGMENT
u PoN

Alexander and Cfar.

S IS a confent almoft uni
T verfal, That Alexander
and Cefar have been the
greatet men of the world 3 and
all thoe who have concerned
themfelves to judg of them, have
believed, they obliged Conque
rors that have come after them,
by finding fome refemblance be
tween their Reputation, and their
Glory. Plutarch after having ex
amined their Nature, their Ati
ons, their Fortune, leaves to us
a liberty of deciding, which he
durft not take. Montaigne more
- A 3 bold
:6 judgment upon
bold, has declared himelf for the
firft; and fince the verions- of
Hengelar and of Ablancour have
made thee Hero's the Objet of
all r Converf. Every one has
taken part with the one or the
ther, according to his inclination
or his fancy. For my part, who
have pfiibly examined their lives,
with as much curiofity as any one,
I will not give my felf the autho
tyto judg abolutely. But if you
will dipenfe with me ; to: tell
you what I think; you hall have .
fome Obervations I have made of
the agreement and difference I
find : ; ; * * * * - | ::: -

They both had the advantage

of great birth:"Alexander the Son
of confiderable King : cear of
one of the chief Families of that .
Republick, whoe Citizens eteem- ,
ed themfelves more than Kings.
It feems, the Gods were willing
to declare the future greatnes of
Alexander, by olympia's dream,
-- - - - and
 Alexander and Car. 7
and feveral other prefages : his
own haughty inclinations from his
infancy, his jealous tears for the
glory of his Father, and the judg
ment of Philip, who believed him
worthy of a greatr Kingdom than
his own, feconded the advertife
ment of the Gods. Many things
of this Nature have been no-lefs
remarkable in cfar.: sylla faw in
him (young as he then was) ma
ny Mariuss. He dreamt that he
lay with his Mother, which the
Augurs interpreted, that the Earth,
the Common Mother of all men,
hould be ubmitted to his power.
He was known to weep, looking
on the Statue of Alexander, that
he had yet done nothing, in an
age, wherein that Conqueror had
made himelf Mafter of the Uni
verf.
The Love of Learning was a
paffion common to both : But A
lexander every way , ambitious,
* - was touched with a jealouly offu
periority
A 2
3 judgment upon
periority in his tudies; and his
chief deign for knowledg, was
to be more knowing than others 5
witnefs his complaint, that Ari
fotle had publihed certain ecrets,
which hould have been known to
him alone 3 he declard, that he
afpired to raife himelf above o
ther men, no lefs by Letters than
Arms. Having a curious and paf
fionate pirit, he pleaed himelf
clofely with hidden myteries, and
: particularly affected with Poe
y
There's none but have heard of
the paffions he had for Homer; and
who is ignorant, that in favour of
Pindar, the houfes of his Defcen
dants were faved in the ruin of
Thebes, and general defolation of
his Country.
The pirit of cefar, fomewhat
le vaft, reduced Sciences to his
ufe 3 and he feemd, not to have .
loved learning but for its benefits.
In the Philoophy of Epicurus,
which
 Alexander and Car. 9
which he preferred before all o
thers, he principally applyed him
felf to what regarded man : but
it appears, that Eloquence had his
first endeavours, as knowing it ne
ceffary in the Commonwealth to
arrive at the greatet things; he
pleaded in the Rofira, at the death
of his Aunt julia, with great ap
plaufe 3 he accued Dolobella 3 and
in the end made that excellent and
delicate Oration for faving the
lives of thoe Prifoners taken in
Catalines Conpiracy. -*

. There is left tous nothing that

we can afluredly fay was Alexan
ders, unles fome divine fayings,
of an excellent and admirable
compoure, which leave with us
an impreion equal to the great
nes of his Soul, and the vivacity
of his Spirit.
But the greatet difference I find
in their Sentimentss is, in the mat
ter of Religion. For Alexander
was devout, even to
- -
seperti: UI
-
IO judgment upon-
fering himelf to be led away by
Augurs and Oracles; which, be
fides his natural inclination, may
be attributed to his ordinary rea
ding the Poets, who begot in men
a fear of the Gods, and did in -
deed compofe all the Theology
of thoe times. .
, . As for car, whether it were
his temperament, or his having
followed the Opinions of Epicu
eurus, he pas'd to the other ex
tremity. He expected nothing of
the Gods in this life, and took
little care what might happen in
the other. Lucan repreents him
at the fiege of Mareillia n a fa
cred Wood, with an Axe in his
hand, where giving the firft blows,
he muted the Soldiers, (feized
with a fecret horror of Religion),
by words ufficiently impious. sa
luft makes him fy, That death
is the end of all Evils, and that
beyond it, there is neither care
nor thought of Joy. .
Bt
 Alexander and Car. 11
But men, how great foever they
be, compared one with another
are always feeble, defective, con
trary to themelves, ubje to er
ror or ignorance. Cear was trou
bled at a dream which prefaged
him the Empire, and laughd at
that of his Wife, which adverti
fed him of his death. His life
did very well correpond with his
faith, 'tis true, 'twas moderated
indifferently as to voluptuoufnes,
but yet he denied himelf no plea
fure that he affeted, which gave
occafion to Catullus to make fo
many Epigrams of him 5 and was
in fine the caue of that faying,
That Cafar was the wife of all hus
bands, and the husband of all
2vives.

In this cafe Alexander had great

moderation, yet he was not infen
fible. Barfinoe and Roxana won
his affetion, nor had he fo much
continence, but that he made
-
:
O

|
 I2 judgment upon *

of Bagoas, whom Darius had ued

before. |

The pleaure of feasting, f

dear to Alexander, and wherein
he fometimes uffered himelf to
be carried to exces, was indiffe
rent to cear. , Not but that in
the time of labour and ation,
Alexander was fober, and free
from delicacy 3 but in time of re
poe, eafe was irkome to him, un
lefs he gave life to it by fomething
fpritely. -

They were, both the one and

the other, liberal in giving, even
to profufenes; but cear with
more deign and intereft; his lar
gestes to the people, his exceive
expences in his dilhip, his pre
fents to Curio, were rather cor
ruptions than true liberalities. A
lexander gave to do good , out
of the pure greatnes of his Soul.
When he went into Afa, he di
tributed all his defmeans, dif
furnihed himelf of all things, re--
ferving
 Alexander and Cfar. 13
referving nothing but the hopes
of conquet , or reolution to
perih. When he beheld him
felf Mafter of the Eat, and had
no more need of any perfon,
he paid the debts of his whole
Army. Painters, Engravers, Mu
ficians, Poets, Philoophers, all
indigent brave fellows had fhare
in his Magnificence, and part in
his Glory. Not that cfar was
not likewife naturally very libe
ral, but in the defign he had to
raife himelf, he was obliged to
gain perons neceary; and carce
did he behold himelf Mafter of
the Empire, but it was unfortu-,
nately natcht from him with his
life.
I find not in cefar fuch friend
hips as Alexander had for Ephe
fiion, nor fuch confidence as he
had in Craterus. His intercoures .
were either trengthnings of his
affairs, or a procedure ufficient
ly obliging, but much lefs paffio
HatC .*
 I4 judgment upon
nate for his friends. Tis true, his
familiarity had nothing dangerous :
in it, and thoe who communica
ted it, need not fear, either his
anger or caprichio's. Whereas
Alexander was extream, either he
was moft obliging, or moft terri
ble 3 nor was any one fecure with
a fecret wherein himelf was enga
ged. Notwithtanding, his friend--
hip was his greatet paffion next
his glory; of which we need no
other tetimony than his own,
when he cried out to Achilles Sta
tue. O Achilles ! How happy wert,
thou to have fo faithful a friend ime
thy life, and a Poet like Homer af
ter thy death. : " " " ". . .
Hitherto we have fought thefe
two great men in their Natural
qualifications, 'tis time to examine
the Genius of Conquerors, and to
confider them in all the extents
of ation. It is a kind of folly to
reaon of things only imaginary,
nevertheles according to all ap
pearance.
 Alexander and Cfar. 1s
pearance. If Alexander had been
in the place of Car, he had on
ly employed his great and admi
rable qualities to his ruin. It may
be believed, that his haughty hu
!}
mour ( enemy to precaution )
would have difficulty fecured him
: in the perfecutions of Sylla 3 hard
ly could he have fought his fafety
by a voluntary withdrawing 3 as
what he gave was out of a pure
motion of liberality, his largefies
would have been pernicious to
him, intead of attaining the
dilhip, , wherein magnificencies
and profufene were permitted;
his gifts and preents out of fea
fon, would have made him fufpe
ed by the Senate; and 'tis very
poffible, he could not have ub
jeted himelf to Laws, which
would have pinnioned a Soul fo
imperious as his 3 and fo attemp
ting omething uneafonably, he
had found the fate of the Grac
chi, spurius, Manlius, or cata:
UIT
16 judgavent upon
but if Alexander would have loft
himelf in the Republick, cear
whefe Courage and Caution uf-
ally went hand in hand, had ne
ver conceived in his mind, that
vaft defign of the Conquet of
Afa.
It is to be believed, that cafar,
whoe condut was fo fine and
clofe, that he was concerned in all
the conpiracies, without being
ever but once accued, and never
convited. Who in the diviions
he tirr'd up amongt the Gauls,
affifted one party to opprefs the
other, till he brought all under
his Yoke. T is to be believed, I
fay, that that very cefar following
his own Genius, would have fet
led his own Etate, brought un
der his Neighbours, and divided
all the Republick of Greece, till
he had fully fbjugated them. For
certainly, to leave Macedon with
out hopes of return ; to leave
Neighbours about him ill affeted,
Greece
 Alexanderaad Car. 17
Greece indeed as it were ubmit
ting, but carce fettled in a ub
jetion, and with Five and thirty
thouand men, Seventy Talents,
few Proviions, to go to feek out
the Kng of Peria, whom the
Grecians called the great King,
and whoe ingle Lieutenants on
the Frontiers made the whole
world tremble 5 is that which
paes all imagination 3 and feems
fomewhat more, than if in thefe
days, the Republick of Genoua,
that of Lucca, or Rogufa, hould
undertake the Conquet of France.
If cefar had declared war againft
the great King 3 it had been on
the Frontiers, by little and little,
nor would he have thought him
felf unhappy to have bounded his
Etates with the Granick, or if
his Ambition had preft him far
ther, can you think he would have
refued the offers of Darius 3 he
who daily offered peace to Pome
pey, or that he would not have
B COII
18 judgment upon
contented himelf with his Daugh
ter and five or fix Provinces, which
Alexander, 'tis postible, infolent
ly refued ? In hort, if my con
jetures be reafonable, he would
never have gone into the plain
Country, to have fought the King
of Perffa , accompanied with a
Million of men; how brave, how
contant foever he were, I queti
on, whether he would have lept
fo profoundly, that night which
preceded the battle of Arbella. I
believe indeed, he would have
been of Parmenios mind, nor
hould we have had from him any
of the anwers of Alexander ; yet
it was neceary to undertake this
unequal fight to become Mafter
of Aia 3 otherwife Darius had
drawn on the War from Province
to Province during life. "Twas
of force that he perih as foon as
he arrived, or that a thouand
different people hould fee him
Overcome with all his forces, T |

'Tis
 Alexander and Cfar. 19
*Tis true; that this immoderate
defire of glory, and too vast Am
bition, which permitted him no
repofe, rendred him fometimes fo
infupportable to the Macedonians,
that they were all ready to for
fake him. But 'twas in that Jun
ture he particularly made appear
the greatnes of that Courage
which nothing could aftonih. Go
ingrateful wretches (faid he to
'um ), go, and tellin your country,
that yeu have left Alexander with
his Friends,labouring for the glory of
Greece, among people who will obey
him better than you. There is no
thing in all his life, which the
Prince ofdid more admir
than this his fierce anfwer to the
Macedoniams, and this confidence
in himelf Alexander (faidhe),for
faken by his own; amongt Barba
rians fcarcely conquered , con
ceives himelf fo worthy to com
mand, that he does not believe
they can refue to obey him. T
*** ... X B 2 be
2o . Judgment apoa
be in Europe or in Afa, amongt
Greeks or ferians, is indifferent to
him ; he doubts not to find Sub
jes, where he can find Men.
But what is faid for cear's ad
vantage, is, That the Macedonians
had to deal with Nations oft and
effeminate; and that the Conquet
of the Gauls, whoe people were
fierce and warlike, was much more
difficult to the Romans. I will
not trouble my felf to examine
the Courages of the one, or the
other 3 but it is certain, that ce
far found not among the Gauls any
true Armies, there were whole
entire Bodies of people, even to
the women, children,and old men,
who tumultuouly armed them
felves for the defence of their li
berty 3 multitudes who fought
without order or dicipline 3 and
to peak truth, if you except twice
or thrice, cefar might fy, Veni,
Vidi, Vici, in all thoe occafions 3
which makes me believe, that if
Labienus
 Alexander and Car. 2I

d
Labienus had commande thof
Legions, he had no les ubjeted
thofe Provinces to the Republick;
whereas Parmenio , according to
the bet ppearance, would not
at all have fought that great Bat
tle, which decided the affairs of
Afa. You will likewife find this
particular remarkable : Parmenio
tood in need of Alexanders affi
tance in this fight; whereas ce
far had one day been loft with
out Labienus, who, having rout
ed all on his fide, fent the tenth
Legion to difengage him.
But beit for the greater peril of
their Enterprizes, for the expoing
their Perfons in them, or for being
the les fortunate in doing fo. A
lexander was a hundred times in
manifet danger of his life, and
received often very great wounds.
cefar truly had his hazards, but
more rare, nor do I find him dan
gerouly wounded in all his wars.
Nor can I perceive, that the peo
B 2 ple
22 judgment upon
ple of Aia were fo foft and effa
minate, they who were always
formidable to Europe. In the grea
tet power of the Commonwealth
were not the Romans unfortunate
againt the Parthians, which com
poed but a part of Darius his
Empire? craus perihed with his
Legions in the time of Car 3 and
foon after, Anthony made a hame
ful and unhappy voyage. As for
Conquets, none can be truly at
tributed to cfar, but that of the
Gauls 3 for in the civil war he re
duced the Commonwealth with
the bet part of its own forces 3
and the fingle Battle of Pharfalia
made him Mafter of an hundred
different people, which others
had vanquihed. Vepafan cannet
be faid to have conquered the Em
pire, becaue, he was declared Em
peror upon the defeat of Visellius 3
fo cfar profited himelf by the
Labours of all the Romans, the
Scipios. AEmilyas, Marcelluss, Ma
* riwaf,
 Alexander and Car. 23
: rius's. Sylla, and Pompey, his own
# enemies fought for him, and all
:::: all that was done in fix hundred
: years, was the fruit of one hours
fight.
, But that which stems to me
more incomprehenible of Alexan
der, is, that in twelve or thirteen
years, he conquered more Coun
trys, than the greatet Etates have
done in the whole extent of their
continuance : a Traveller is at
this day famous, who has crosd
but a part of thoe Nations he
ubdued 3 and that nothing might
want to his happines, he peace
bly enjoyd his Empire, even to
the point of being adored by thof
he had overcome. In which I
lament the misfortune of Cefar,
who could not give a form to the
Eftte of Rome, according to his
deigns; being aflaffinated by thoe
he was about to ubjet.
There yet remains one confide
ration to make, concerning Alex
- B 4 ander
24 judgment upon
ander, T hat all the Captains of
the Macedoniaus were great Kings
after his death, who were but
mean men compared to him du
ring his life. And certainly, I par
don him in fome fort, if in a Coun
try where it was a received belief,
that the mot part of the Gods
had their Families on Earth, where
Hercules was believed the Son of
jupiter, for having killed a Lyon,
or knocked fome thief o'th head,
I pardon him, I fay, if feconding
th opinion of Philip, who belie
ved his wife to have commerce
with a God, if deceived by the
Oracles, if finding himelf fo much
above all other men, he has fome
times depifed his true birth, and
fought for his Original in the Hea
vens ; poibly, he caued this be
lief to be pread among the Bar
barians, to draw from them the
greater veneration. Though whilft
he gave himelf out to the world
for a kind of a God 3 fleep, plea
fure
 Alexander aud Cafar. 25
fures with women, and the blood
that ditilled from his wounds,
made him know, that he was but
3 Il2[l.

After having poken fo much in

favour of Alexander, I will fy in
one word with Cicero, that for the
beauty ofan :
was in all things the chief of all Ro
mans, Orator, Hitorian, in affairs
of the Commonweelth, and in
Employs of War. In truth the
enterpries of Alexander have fom
thing more aftonihing, but his
Condut and Capacity appear not
to have the fame Equality. His
War in spain againt Petreius and
Afranius, is a thing which people
of the utmot experience yet ad
mire. The mot memorable Sieges
of the later times have been form
ed after the manner of that of A
lexia, and we owe to Cear, our
Forts, our Lines, and our Counter
vallations, and generally, all that
which ecures Armies before pla
CCS, For
26 judgment upan :
For the vigor of it, the Battle of
Munda was more fharply conte
ted than any of thoe of Aia;
and Cfar ran as great hazard
in Egypt, as Alexander did in the
Town of the Mallians.
, They were no lefs different in
their procedure than in ation.
Whn cear had not Jutice on
his fide, he fought for appearan
ces, and never wanted pretexts.
Alexander would give the world
no reafon but his Will, he follow
ed in all things his Ambitiou and
his Humour, but Cear was guid
ed by his intereft or his reafon.
. There was fcarce, ever known
a perfon of fuch evennes in his
life, fuch mpderation in his for
tune and fuch clemency in injuries :
thofe impetuoities which cot cli
tus his life, thoe ill cleard fufpi
tions which caus'd the los of Phi
lotas , and which, to Alexanders
hame, drew in train with it, as a
neceary evil, the death of Par
. |- memio,
 Alexander andCfar. 27
menio, all thefe Eruptions were
unknown to Cear : Who could
not be reproached with any death
but his own, for that he took not
care enough of his proper prefer
vation. |- *

It muft therefore be acknow

ledged, that, far from being fub
jei to the diforders of paffion,
he was the mot ative man of the
World,and the leaft moved : great
and little things found him ftill
in the fame poture, without ap
pearing to be heightned by ne,
nor lord by the other. +

Alexander was not properly in

his own nature, unlesin extreams.
If he were to run, it muft be with
Kings ; if he were to hunt, it mut
be Lyons ; 'twas an afflition to
him, to make a Preent that was
not worthy of him. Never was
he more reolute, never more gay,
then when his troops eemed dif
couraged 3 never fo full of confi-
dence as in their depair. In a
word,
28 , judgment upon
word, he began to enjoy himelf
at that point, where other men, |
whether for fear or fome other
weaknes, ufe to give themelves
over 3 but his Soul, too exalted,
did difficultly comply with the
common coure of life; and little
careful of its felf, it was to be
feard, might take its flight in the
midft of pleaure and repoe.
Here I cannot forbear to make
reflexion upon thoe Hero's whof
Enypire & Rule has fo much fweet
nefs in it, that it is no difficulty
to obey 5 we cannot have for them
thofe ecret repugnances, northofe
inward promptings to liberty
which perplex us under a forced
obedience ; all that is within us is
made upple and eafie ; yet what
comes from them is fometimes in
fupportable. When they are our
Mafters by right of power, and
fo far above us by Merit, they
think to have, as it were, a dou
ble Empire, which exacts a : C
 Alexander and Cfar. 29
ble fubjetion ; and it is a trouble
fome condition, to depend on men
fo great, that they may lawfully
depife us. , However, fince there
is no reigning in defarts and foli
tudes, and that there is a necefli
ty of their converfing with us;
it hould methinks be their inte
ret, to accommodate themelves
to our weaknes; and we hould
reverence them like gods, if they
they would be content to live
with us like men.
But let us finih this dicourfe,
which becomes toilfome to my
felf, and fay, that by all pratica
ble ways, Cear hath done the
greatet things, and made himelf
chief of all the Romans.
Alexander was naturally above .
all men 3 and you may ay, that he
was born Mafter of the UIniverfe,
and that in all his Expeditions, he
went lefs to fight with his enemies
than to make himelf known to
his Subjes.
JUDG
**

* **
 | 31

JuDGMENT
|- * o N -

Seneca, Plutarch, and

- Petronius.

I will begin with Seneca, and

tell you, with an extremity
of impudence, That I have a
greater efteem for his Perfon than
his Works. I honour the Mafter
of Nero, the Lover of Agrippina,
and that Ambition which pretend
ed to the Empire ; but for the
Philoopher and the Writer, I have
a very flender value; and am nei
ther affe&ed with his tile, nor
his conceptions. His Latine has
nothing in it, like that of Augu
- fius
32 judgment on Seneca,
fius his time, nothing that's eafie,
nothing that's natural 3 full of
points, full of imaginations that
breathe forth more of the heat of
Affrica or spain, than the flame of
Greece or Italy. You will find there
things cut in two, which have the
air and method of fentences, but
have neither the folidity, nor
good fenfe, which thrutand prefs
upon the mind, without gaining
the judgment. The continued vio
lence of his difcoure does as it
were affright me 3 and the Soul,
intead of finding fatisfaction and
content, meets with nothing but
melancholy and perplexity.
Nero, who though one of the
wickedft Princes living, was a per
fon of a great deal of wit ; had
ever about him,a fort of fine pruce
delicate little Mafters, who treat
ed seneca like a Pedant, and en
deavoured to make a Fop of him.
But I am not of the opinion of
Bervillus, who thinks the falfe
Eumol
 Plutarch, and Petronius. 33
Eumolphus in Petronius was the true
seneca If Petronius would have
given him an injurious Charater,
he would rather have perfonated
him under a Pedant Philoopher,
than an impertinent Poet 3 befides
it is almot impofiible to find any
refemblance of humor in it. Sene
ca was the richeft man of the Em
pire, yet always praied poverty :
Eumolphus was a Poet very low,
and almot in depair with his con
dition, continually complaining
of the Ingratitude of the Age, and
for his fole comfort applying, that
bone mentis foror et paupertas. If
Seneca had vices, he was precife
to cover them under the cloak of
Widom. Eumolphus boafted of
his, and lived in the world like a
Libertine.
I cannot therefore perceive on
what Bervillus grounded his conje
ture. But I am deceived, if all
that Petronius peaks of his time,
- C of
 33 judgment on Seneca,
of the corruption of Eloquence
and of Poey ; if controverfie fem
tentiales vibrantibus Pie, which
troubled him fo much ; if vanus
Jententiarum firepitus , at which
he was aftonihed, hinted not at
Seneca. If the per ambages & deo
rum Minifieria , &c. was not
meant of Lucans Pharfalia. If the
praies he gives to Cicero, Virgil,
and Horace, were not deigned to
leflen both the Uncle and the Ne
phew. However it be, to retuin
to my opinion of this Philoopher,
I never could perufe his writings
without findingan averion to thof
principles wherewith he would in
fpire his readers. If he endeavour to
perfwade Poverty , I dye with a
defire of Riches; his Virtue makes
me afraid 3 and the leaft vicious,
would abandon themelves to
pleaures, on the decription he
makes of it. In hort, he talks
fo much of death, and wearies
- - IIIC
 Plutarch and Petronius. 35
me with fuch difinal dea's , that
I da all I can, not to profit by
reading him. That which I find
mot praife-worthy in his works,
are the Examples and Quotations
wherewith he adorns them. For
he living in a very delicate
Court, and knowing a thoufand
fine tories of all times. has brought
in very pleafant ones,fometimes of
the Greeks, fornetimes of Car,
of Augutus, of Mecenas. For af
ter all this, he had abundance of
wit, and an infinite knowledg,
but his tile hath nothing in it a
greeable to me, and his opinions
are too crabbed ; and 'tis ridicu
ious, that a man who enjoyed an
exces of riches, and preferved
himelf with fuch mighty care,
hould preach nothing but poverty
and death. - *

Montaigne has found out a great

agreement between Plutarch and
seneca ; both great Philoophers,
- C 2 both
36 judgment on Seneca,
both Preachers of Widom and
Virtue, both Mafters of Romazz
Emperors; the one richer and
greater in the world, the other
more happy in the education of
his Pupil. The opinions of Plu
tarch ( as fays the fame Mon
taigne) are weeter and better ac
commodated to ociety. Thofe
of Seneca, according to his opi
nion,more trong and firm, but ac
cording to mine, more rugged and
auftere. Plutarch does weetly
infinuate Widom, and would
make his Virtue familiar even in
pleaures themfelves. Seneca re
duces all pleaure under Wifdom,
and makes only the Philoopher
happy. Plutarch, of his own Na
ture virtuous, and firt perwaded,
eafily perwades others. The Spi
rit of Seneca aims and animates it
felf towards Virtue, and as if
it were a thing trange to him,
'tis neceary he firt furmount it.
: --- - As
 Plutarch and Petronius. 37
As for Plutarchr tile, not ha
ving any knowledg of the Greek;
I cannot give you any aflured
Judgment, or pafs my Sentence
concerning it ; but I mut needs
fay, that amongt his Morals, there
is a great deal I cannot at all com .
prehend, whether it be by reafon
of the difference of things and
manners in his time and ours, or
that they are truly above my lit
tle capacity : the familiar Demon
of Socrater, the Creation of the
Soul, and the courfe of the Moon,
may be admirable to thoe that
underftand them. I muft confes,
I cannot find out their excellen
cies 3 and if they be wonderful.tis
a wonder beyond my reach. We
may judg by the good words of
the ancients which he hath left us,
by thof fayings left by him, and
thof gathered together with fo
much diligence, by the long dif
courfes at table, how fenfible he
. C 3 W3S
38 judgment on Seneca,
was of converfation, and yet there
was either little delicacy in thofe
days, or his palat was none of the
mot exquiite 3 he futains grave
and ferious matters with a vaft
proportion of fenfe and reafon,
but on things depending purely
on wit, there is nothing either in
genious or delicate.
To fy truth, the lives of the
Illutrious men, are Plutarchs Ma
fterpiece, and in my judgment one
of the fineft Works of the world 3
you may there fee thoe great per
fons expoed to view, and yet re
tired within themfelves; you may
fee them in the purity of Nature,
and in all the extents of Ation ;
One may behold the contancy of
Brutur, and his fierce anfwer to
the evil Genius that poke to him ;
one may perceive, that maugre
himelf there yet remained fome
impreion of that Fantam which
all the reafoning of caffiva could
: hardly
 Plutarch and Petronius. 39
hardly effce 3 a few days after
you may fee him ordering his
Troops, and giving Battle, fo hap
py on his fide, and fo unfortunate
by the error of Caffius; you may
behold him re-attempting his for
tune, lofing the fight, reproaching
virtue, and finding more fccour
in his depair, than from that un
grateful Mitrefs he had fo long
faithfully ferved.
There is a natural force in all
his dicourfe, which equals the
greatet ation, and of him only
it may properly be faid, Faa di
is exquata funt ; yet he forgets
not the mean nor common things,
but with diligence examines the
ordinary coure of the life.
For his Comparifons, which
Montaigne hath found fo admira
ble, they appear indeed to me
very polite 3 but I think, he might
have exceeded them, and pierced
farther into the depths of their
C 4 Nature.
4o , judgment an Seneca,
Nature. There are windings and
turnings in our Souls, which have
ecaped him ; he hath given judg
ment of man too much in the
grofs, and has not believed him
fo different as he is from himelf,
wicked, virtuous, juft, unjuft, mer
ciful, cruel 3 and where man eems
to be-ly himelf, he attributes it to
tranger caufes. In hort, had he
been to define cataline, he had
given him us, either Covetous or
Prodigal 5 that alieni appetens, fui
profufens, was above his knowledg,
and he could never have unravel
led thcfe contraries which salu
has fo well eparated, and which
Montaigne himelf much better un
derftood. |

To judg of the merit of Petro

niua, I would have perued what
Tacitus fays, and without lying,
he muft be one of the mot honelt
men of the world, fince he could
oblige fo fevere an Hitorian, to
*, renounce
 Plutarch and Petronius. 41
renounce his Nature, and enlarge
himelf in the praies of a volu
tuous peron 5 not but that fo ex
quiite a voluptuoufnes contribu
ted as much to the delicacy of the
pirit, as to that of the tafte. That
Erudito Luxu, that arbiter Elegan
tiarum, is the charater of an in
genious politenes, much diffrent
from the grofler conceptions of
the vicious: Nor was he fo given
over to his pleaure, as to become
incapable of affairs 5 neither had
the fweetnefs of his life made him
an enemy to buines. He re
tained the merit of a Governour
in his Goverment of Bythinia, and
the virtue of a Corful in his Con
fulate 3 but intead of fubjeting
himelf to his dignity, as do molt
part of men, fetching thence all
their perplexity, or all their joys 3
Petronius, with a pirit uperior to
his charges, reduced them to him
felf : and to explain my felf bet
ter,
42 judgment on Seneca,
ter, according to Montaigne, he
renounced not the Man in favour
of the Magitrate.
For his death, after having well
examined it, either I am deceived,
or it was the mot exemplary of
all antiquity. In that of Cato, I
find melancholy, and fome anger 5
his depair of the affairs of the
Commonwealth, the lofs of his
Liberty, the hate of Car, were
great affifters of his refolution 3
and I know not whether his tia
tural fiercenefs, did not almot
reach to fury, when he tere out
his own bowels. Socrates indeed
died like a wife man, and with in
difference enough ; however, he
fought to affure himelf of his con
dition in the other world; was con
tinually reafoning with his friends
in the prifon;& to fay all in aword,
Death was to hm a very confide
rable Objei. Petronius only found
a fweetnes and "t": 1S
 Plutarch and Petronius. 43
his Audiebat referentes nihil de im
mortalitate anim, & Philoopho
rum placitis. Sed levna carmiwa 6.
faciles verfus. He not only con
tinued his ordinary functions,
to give liberty to his flaves, to
caue others to be punihed, but
uffered himelf to be tranported
to any thing that might delight
him 3 and his Soul, at the point
of fo troublefome a fe paration,
was more affeted with the fweet
nefs and facility of Verfe, than all
the fayings of Philoophers. Pe
tronius at his death only left an
image of life; no ation, no word,
no circumtance betrayd any trou
ble of a dying man 3 of him may
properly be faid, that dying is to
ceafe to live, and to him the Vixit
of the Remans juftly appertains.

ON
 45

O N

PE TRONIUS.
Am not of their oion, who
I ed to reprove the vices of the
believe, that Petronius intend

times 5 or to compoe a Satyr with

the fame deign wherewith Horace
writ his. I am deceived, or good
manners were not fo much obli
ged to him. Tis rather a delicate
Courtier, who finds it ridiculous,
that a Pedant hould become the
publick Cenurer, and undertake
to blame the corruption of the
times. And to peak truth, if Pe
tronius would have left us an in
genious moral of the defcription
of Senualifts, he had endes:
- IC
 46 On Petronius.
red to give us fome digut, but
'tis in this, that vice appears with
all the graces of the Author ; 'tis
in this, that he fets forth with
more excellency the acutenefs and
politenes of his fpirit.
Moreover, if he had a defign to
intrui us by a way more fine and
intricate than that of Precept, we
fhould at leaft fee an example of
divine or human juffice upon fome
one of his Debauches : but fo fr
happens, that the only good man,
which he introduces, the poor
Lycas, am homest faithfull Mer
chant, fearing the gods, perihes
mifrably in the tempet, in the
midft of thcfe Varlets which are
preferved. Encolpiur and Gitone
bind themfelves to one another,
that they may dye in the ftraiter
embraces, and death dares not di
fturb their pleafre. The volup
tuous Triphena faves her felf in a
skiff with all her baggage, Eumol
|- phres
 On Petronius. 47
phus was fo little moved with the
danger, that he had the leifure to
make fome Epigrams, Lycas, the
pious Lycas, in vain invokes the
gods for their aftitance, and, to
the hame of their providence, is
the only innocent fwallowed up
among fo many guilty. If we fee
fometimes Encolpion melancholy
and grieved, his grief is not the
effe of his repentance 3 he has
murdred his Hoft, is a fugitive,
there is no fort or manner of crime
that he has not committed, yet
thanks to a good Concience, he
lives without remorf 3 his tears,
his forrows proceed from a very
different caufe ; he laments the
unfaithfulnefs of Giton, who has
forfaken him, and depairs to
imagine he may be in the em
braces of another, who laughs
at the folitude to which he is re
duced. * *

Jacent
 48 On Petronius.

jacent nunc amatores Obligati

moibus totis 3 forfitan,
zmutuis libidinibus attriti de
rident folitudinem meam.

All crimes ever fucceeded hap

pily to him, only one, which in
truth brought upon him a very
fevere punihment ; yet this was
a fin to which, neither divine nor
human Laws had allotted any cha
ftifement ; he had too faintly an
fwered the careffes of carce; and
the plain truth is, this fumbling
is the only fault that ever afflicted
him ; he acknowledges he has ma
ny times errd, but never deferved
death but in this occaion. In fine,
not to tye my felf to the order of
the Hitory, he relapfes again in
to the fame crime, and receives
the deferved punihment with a
perfet refignation ; 'tis now that
he begins to confider with himelf,
and
 os Petronius. 49
and feels the Anger of the gods.
Hellepontiaci fequitur gravis fra
Priapi.
Helaments the fad and mifera
ble etate into which he is fallen:

Funerata et pars illa corporis,

qua quondame Achilles eram.
And to recover his former vigor;
he puts himelf into the hands of
a Prietefs of that Gods, with
mot excellent refletions on Re
ligion, but in effect, the only ones
that ever proceeded from him i
all his adventures. -

I could tell you likewife, that

the good man Eumolphus is--
by little boys, when he recites his
Verfes; but when he corrupts his
Scholar, the Mother treats him
as a Philoopher, and though they
lye in the fame Chamber, the Fa
D - ther
5o on Petronius.
ther fleeps dogs-leep. So much
is the buffoon feverely punihed
in Petronius, and vice happily pro
teted. Judg by this, if virtue
had not need of another Qrator
to perfwade it. I believe, he
was of the opinion of

That an honei man and good

manners agree not together.

si ergo Petronium adimus, adimur

virum ingenio vero aulico Elegan
ti arbitrume, non Sapientie.

CHAP,
 -
On Petronius. $t
:: -, 1**
* --
*

: ==

: C H A P. II.
|:||
I:Petronius deigns, to defcribe
not to be doubted, that
the debauches of Nero; and
# that that Prince was the principal
obje of his satyricon. But to
know, if the perons which he in
troduces are true or feigned, if
he give us Charaters according
to his own fancy, or elfe decribes
the proper Nature of certain peo
ple 3 is a thing very hard, and
which in reafon we cannot aflure
our felves of. I believe for my
part, that there is no one perfon
in Petronius, that can genrally
agree with Nero. Under Trimal
chio, he apparently derides his ri
# diculous Magnificence, and the
extravagancy of his Pleaures. Eu
molphus repreents to us the fool
- - - D 2 ih
| 52 On Petronius.
ih paffion he had for the Thea
#er.

sub nominibus exoletorum, femina

rumque & novitate cujuque
fiupri 3 Flagitia Principis per
feripfit.
And by an agreeable difpofiti
on of different imagined perfons he
touches divers impertinencies of
the Emperors, and the ordinary
diforder of his life.
It may be faid, that Petronius
is very contrary to himelf, to
blame the fumptuoufnefs of a Feat,
and the delicacy and foftnefs of
other pleaures 3 he that was fo
diligent and ingenious an Inqui
fitor after voluptuoufnes !

Dum nihil amnum & molle affin

entia putat mii quod ei Petronins
approbaviet. -

For
 Om Petroius, 53

: For to peak truth, though that

Prince was in his own nature fuf
ficiently corrupt , yet according
to Plutarchs judgment, the com
plaifance of this Courtier coutri
buted very much to throw him
into all manner of Luxury and
Profufenes. In this, as well as
in mot things of Hitory, we
muft regard the difference of
times.

Before that Nero gave himelf

over to this trange kind of looe
nefs, there was no perfon in the
world, fo agreeable to him as Pe
tronius; infomuch,that every thing
pafled for gro and dull that had
not his approbation. This Court
was like a School of pleaure, or
Inquifition of voluptuoufnes 3
where every thing was fitted to
the delicacy of fo exquiite a pa
lat. I believe likewife, that the
D 3 po
54 On Petronius.
politenes of our Author, became
pernicious to the publick, and
that he was one of the principal
caues of the ruin of feveral con
fiderable perfons, who made a
particular profeion of Widom
and Virtue. He was continually
preaching Liberality to that Em
peror who was already a Prodi
gal 3 foftnefs, to one given over
to fenuality 3 what ever had but
an appearance of Aufterity, feemd
to him fond and ridiculous. If my
conjectures be right, Traeas had
his turn, Helvidius his, and who
ever had merit without the art
to pleafe, was troublefome at his
own coft. -

In this fort of life, Nero grew

every day more and more cor
rupt ; and as the delicacy of
the pleaure began to yeild to
the diforder of the debauch, he
fell into extrayagancies beyond
- - - -- all
 On Petronius. 55
all bounds, and into an utter dif
order of mind. 'Twas then that
Tigellinus, jealous of the parts
and favour of Petronius, and thoe
advantages he had over him in the
skill of contriving pleaures, en
deavoured to ruin him , . Quafi
adverus mulam & scientie vo
luptatem potiorem. Nor was it
any difficult matter for him to
do 3 for the Emperor, abolute
ly given over as he was, could
not fiffr fo curious a witnefs of
his infamies 3 he was lefs tormen
ted with remorfe for his Crimes,
than with a fecret hame, which
his grofs debauches threw upon
him, when he remembred the
fweetnes and delicacy of his for
mer delights. Petronius on his
fide , was not without his dif
gufts 3 and I am of the mind,
that in the time of thoe on
cealed difcontents, he compo
fed that ingenious Satyricon ,
D 4 which
56 On Petronius.
which we unhappily have but im
perfet. |

We may fee in Tacitus, the

occafion of his digrace, and how
foon after Pios Conpiracy, the
Friendhip of scevinus, was the
pretence of his fall.

---------------------------*******--------------- ---- - - -----------

*
*

C H A P.
 on Ptrouius. 57

C H A P. III.

P: is through his whole

|- writings to be admired for
the purity of his tyle, and the
excellency of his conception ; but
that which mot of all urprizes
me, is the great facility where
with he does ingeniouly give us
all forts of Charasters. Terence
is poibly the Author of Anti
quity, which dives beft into the
nature of perfons. Yet I can find
this to fay againt him, that he
is too much confind, and all his
talent is bounded, in putting fit
words into the mouths of fer
vants, and old men, a covetous
father, a debauched fon, a flave,
or a kind of Pick-pocket , be
hold at once the utmot extent
of Terence his capacity : expect
- - - not
58 On Petronius.
not from him, either the gallan
try, or paffion, or conceptions,
or dicoure of an honeft man.
Petronius, with an univeral
fpirit, finds the genius of all forts
of profeions, and forms, as he
pleafes, a thouand different na
tures ; if he introduces a Decla
mer, he manages fo well his air
and his tile, that you would fay
he had Declamed all his life. No
thing in the world can better
expres the diforders of a de
bauched life, than the quarrels
of Encolpius and Acyltor, about
the matter of Giton.

Does not 2:artilla repreent

admirably thoe protituted wo
men ? - *

Quarum fie accenf libido, ut fe

pina peterent viros, quam pete
rentur ? -
4-a
*- |
5 -

: -
- Does
 Om Petronius. 39
Does not the marriage of lit
tle Giton and the innocent Pan
nichris giveus the perfe image of
an accomplihed unchaftity.
All that a Fop could do ri
diculouly, at a magnificent Ban
quet, a counterfeit gallant, and
an impertinent ; you have repre
fented to the life, at the feat of
Trimalchia.

Eumolphus fhews us Nero's fol

ly on the Theater, and his va
nity, to recite his own works;
and you may oberve, in paf
fing over fo many curious verfes,
of which he makes a debaucht
ufe, that an excellent Poet is or
dinarily no very honet man.
And by the by, as Encolpion re
preenting Eumolphus a for a Poct
dogril, and maker of fantatick
verfes ; ye forbers not to find
|-
in his Phyiognomy,
:?
om: O
 6o Os Petronius. |

of Great ; you may perceive, he

obferves judiciouly not to ruin
thoe Idea's he had given us.
That diftemper he has , to
compoe out of due eafon, even
in vicinia mortis, his volubility
to tell his compoitions in all
places , anwer to his ridiculous
8III] E

Et ego, inquit, Poeta fum, & ut

fpero non humillimi piritus, f
modo aliquid Coronis credendum
eft, quas etiam ad imperitos
graves deferre Jolet.
His knowledg general enough,
his extraordinary actions, his ex
pedients in misfortunes, his con
tancy to help his companions in
Lycas his hip : that pleaant Court
of fearchers for ucceions, which
he brings together in crotona ,
have till an accord with thofe
- * things
 - Om Petronius. [6p
.* things which Emcolpius had pro
1 mifed :
X.

sewex camus Exercitati vultu*, &

,! qui videbatur magnum aliquid
: promittere.
:;
* . There is nothing fo natural, as
i the perfonating of crifis 5 all our
Confidants come not neer it 5 and
without fpeaking of her firft con
3. verftion with Poliemor, that which
1 fhe fays of her Miftrefs, upon the
# affront which [he had received,
with an inimitable quickne and
propriety :

A Verum emim fatemdum eft, ex qua

s hora accupit imjuriam*, apwd fe
{ - mom eft. -

*
\% Whoever has read juveaeal,
. knows very well , impotemtiam
AMatromarum , and their wicked
8 humour, si qwando vir aut fami
j$ liari*
 62 on Petronius.
liaris infelicius eum ipis rem ha
buerat, but there is no body but
Petronius could defcribe Circe fo
fair, fo fenfual, and fo gallant.
Enothea, the Prieftefs of Pria
pus, ravihes me with the Mira |
cles which he promifes, with her
Enchantments, her Sacrifices, her
mourning for the death of the fa
cred Goofe, and the rhanner how
he was comforted 5 when Poliezor
made her a prefent, with which
the might buy a Goofe, and gods
too, if he thought fit.
Philumena, that honeft Lady,
is no lefs pleafnt, who when fhe
had devoured many Etates in
the flower of her youth and
beauty, being become old and
confequently ufeles for pleaure,
endeavoured to continue her ex
- cellent art by the means of her
Children, whieh with a thouand
. ' fine
 On Petronius. 63
fine dicourfes he introduces to
old folks which had none. In
fhort, there is neither nature nor
profeion, the genius of which
Petronius does not admirably fol
low ; he is a Poet, an Orator, a
Philoopher when he pleafes.
For his verfes, I find in them
a pleaing force, and a natural
beauty. Naturali pulchritudine car
men exfurgit. So that Douza could
no longer endure the fire and
tempet of Lucan, when he read
the taking of Troy, or that little
Eflay of the War of Pharfalia,
which he declares to love much
better,

Quam trecenta Cordubenis illius

Pharfalicorum verfuum Volumina.
*

I know not whether i am de

ceived, but in my mind, Lucre
tius hath not fo aptly dicourfed
the
64. Om Petronius.
the matrer of dreams , as Petro- '
miu*.

somima, qu memtis ludumt volitam

tibus umbris,
Nom delubra Deum , mec ab aethere
mumima mittumt,
sed fibi quifque facit 5 mam cum
profirata fopore, -

'Urget membra quies, & mems fme

pomdere ludit 5 -*

2uicquid Luce fuit, Temebris agit

oppida bello
gui 2uatit & flammis miferam
das fvit im urbes 5
Tela videt : &c.

And what can one compare

to that voluptuous night, the re
prefentation of which fo fills the
Soul, that there is need of more
than a little virtue , to contain
within thofe fimple expreffions
it makes upon the fpirit. .
Qgalis
 os Petronius. 65

2ualis mox fuit illa ! Dii, Dee

que, -

22gam mollis Thorus ! Hefmus ca

lentes,
Et transfudimus hinc & hinc la
bellis, -

Errantes animas. : Valete cure !

Mortalis ego fie perire cpi.
What a night, O good gods!
What warmth ! What kifies !
What breathings ! What mix
ture of Souls in thoe hot and a
morous repirations!
Though the tyle of a Declamer
feems ridiculous to Petronius, yet
he. forbears not to hew a great -
deal of Eloquence in his Decla
mations; and to make it appear,
that the mot debauched are not
incapable of meditation and re
tura; Morality has nothing more
fricus, nor better applied than
the reflections #*** on the
Incon
-66 on Petronius.
incontancy of human things, and
the uncertainty of death. -

- What ever fubjei prefents it

felf, it is impofiible either to
think more delicately concerning
it, or to expres it more lively.
Oftentimes in his Narrations, he
proceeds no farther than the fim
ple nature, and contents himelf
with the naked graces, fometimes
he puts his lt hand to the work,
and when he pleaes, there's no
thing dihoneft, nothing hard.
Catullus and Martial treated on
the fame things grofly, but if a
ny one could find out the fecret
to clothe fmutty things in lan
guage like his, I will anwer for
the Ladies , that they would
praie his difcretion.
But that which Petronius is
more, particular in , is, that be
fides Horace in fome Odes , he is
poffi
 On Petronius. 67
poibly the only perfon of anti
quity, that has known how to
fpeak of Gallantry. Virgil is
touching in the paffions; the loves
of Bido, ... the loves of orpheus,
and Euridice, have charm and
tendernes, but there is nothing
gallant 3 and the poor Dido, fuch
a charitable good Soul he was,
became amorous of neas upon
the recital of his misfortunes.
Ovid is witty. and eafie. Tibulus
delicate. Yet it behoved all their
Mitrefls to be more learned
than my Lady whilft they
bring in the gods, fables, exam
ples drawn from the fartheft an
tiquity. They are till promifing
Sacrifices, and I believe Mr.-
took from them the manner of
burning hearts in Holocauft. Lu
cian, as ingenious as he was, be
comes dull when he talks of
; love , and makes his Gallants
: dicoure rather in the language
} E 2 - of
68 On Petronius.
of the Country than Court.

For my part, though I am a

great admirer of the Ancients, I
cannot forbear to render jutice
to our own Nation, and do cer
tainly believe, that we have o
ver them a great advantage in
this point 3 and without lying,
after having well examined the
matter, I know none of thoe
great Genius's, that could make
Maffinia, Sophonisba, Car, and
Cleopatra, peak fo gallantly of
love as we have heard them fpeak
in our language 3 but as much as
others yeild to us, Petronius ex
ceeds us. There is no Roman
ca furnih us with fo agreeable
a tory as the Matron of Ephefus.
Nothing fo gallant as the love
Epitls of Circe and Polienos ;
and all their adventure, whether
in the entertainments, or in the
decription, has a Charater much
above
 On Retronius. 69
above all the politene of our
age. Judg then, how delicately
he would have treated a jut pa
fion, when this was only the bu
fines of two perons, who at firt
fight were to come to the lat en
joyments.

THE
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 On Petronius, 71 ,

=- = - -

The Matron of Ephe

fus, according to Pe.
tronius.
TTHere was a certain Lady -
T at Ephefur, in fo great re
putation for Chaftity , ,
that even the women of neigh
bouring Nations came to fe her
as a wonder ; this excellent wo
man, when her husband was to
be carried to fepulture, was not
content, according to cutom, to .
attend his corps, with dihevel
led hair, and to beat her naked -
breaft in the fight of the people,
but would follow his beloved bo
dy to its monument, and when it
was after the Greek manner pla
|- - ced
72 Om Petronius.
ced in the Sepulcher, would be
come a Guard to it 3 and began
whole nights and days to weep .
over it : from thus afflicting her
felf, and feeking her own death,
neither her friends nor neighbours
could withdraw her 5 the Magi
ftrates at laft, finding both their
power and prayers repulfed, left
her; and every one deplored this
woman of fo fingular an Exam
ple, who had now paft the fifth
day without fuftenance. There
accompanied her a faithful Hand
maid, who with her tears aflift
ed her mourning, and as often as
the light placed in the Monu
ment began to fail renewed it.
She now was grown the talk of the
whole Town 3 and all forts of
people confeffed her to be the on
ly rare exemplar of true Love and
Chaftity. When it hapned, that
the Governour of the Country
having caued certain Thieves to
 on Petrouius. 73
be crucified neer the place where
this Lady thus confumed her felf
over the body of her dead Hus
band; the next night after, a Sol
dier who had the guard of the
Croffes, left any fhould give the
bodies burial, took notice of a .
light within the Monument, and
heard certain mournful voices 3
and Curiofity, that vice of Man
kind, made fin defirous to know
who or what it was 3 going there
fore into the Monument, he ef
pied a wonderful fair Lady, and
ftood aftonihed, and took it at
firt for an Apparition 3 but when
he beheld the dead body, and con
fidered the tears, and faw the la
cerated countenance, he fooh con
!{ { ceived what it might be, and that
the dead objet had made the o
ther careles of living 3 he then
brought his Supper into the Mo
nument, and began to exhort the
dying Lady, not to afflict ":::
74 . On Petronius.
with o vain a mourning , and
with a grief that could bring no
benefit, that we muft all dye, and
all go to the fame home, and many
fuch like things wherewith we
ue to reduce minds overcharged
with forrow 3 but he obtinate to
all confolation, rent more vio
lently her breafts, and tearing off
her hair, , trowed it on the bofom
of her dead Husband. Yet would
not the Soldier befo repuled, but
with freh exhortations, began to
perfwade her to eat 3 till the Maid
corrupted with the fent of the
Wine, firt reachd out her van
quih'd hand to the humanity of
the Inviter 3 and being enlivened
with meat and drink, began to
combather Ladies obtinacy ; and
what will it profit you, faid fhe,
thus to conume your felf? why
will you bury your felf alive? or
why will you render you pirit to
the Fates before they ask it?
- Think.
 On Petronius. 75

Think you the gods do for our afhes

care ? .

Will all your mournings give

light to what the Fates have ex
tinguihed ? why will you not ra
ther renounce this womanly error,
and enjoy life while you may ? '
that very dead body lying there,
hould admonih you, to live.
There's none do unwillingly give
ear, when they are compelled ei
ther to eat or live. The Lady
wearied with feveral days abti
nence, permits her reolution to
be broken, and with the fame de
fire which before had vanquihed
her Maid, falls to, and eats; you
might gues the reft, who know
the effects of human fatiety. With
the fame allurements wherewith
the Soldier had perwaded the
Matron to live, with the fame he
affaults her Chaftity. The young
- - II13. Il
76 os Petronius.
man appeared to her neither de
formed, nor of unpleafant dif
coure ; and the Maid was affifiant
with her counfel :

Will you (faid fhe) a pleaing love

- difdain ? -

Think how you are refor'd to life

again. -

Why hould I prolong my fto

ry ? Neither in this cafe could
rhe woman preferve her vow'd
abtinence ; the Soldier becomes
Vior both ways : they there
fore lay together, not only that
night in which they made their
clofe and fudden Nuptials, but
likewife the following , and
the third day 3 fhutting up the
entrance of the Tomb, that both
known,or unknown, which paffed |
that way, believed this Mirror of
Chaftity to be ::::: on the bo
dy of her dead Husband. The
Soldier
 On Petronius. 77
Soldier in the mean time, delight
ed as well with the womans ex
cellent beauty, as the ecret of
* the adventure, bought all necef
faries, as far as his flender means
would go, and every night brought
them to the Monument. But whilft
he thus enjoyed his love, fome of
the friends of one of the crucifi
ed perfons, perceiving the guard
negleed, took down the body
and payd it the lat Rites ; which
when the Soldier the next day
found himelf thus robd off, and
beheld one of the Crofies with
out a body, he runs to his wo
man, bitterly complaining, and
tells her, the like punihment was
to be inflied upon him ; nor
would he tay the Judges fentence,
but with his own Sword do jutice
upon himelf for his neglet. So
that now he was like to behold
in the fame fatal Sepulcher, the
dead bodies of her Husband and
her
78 On Petronius.
her Gallant 3 but the woman was
as merciful as he was chaft. The
gods forbid, faid fhe, that I hould
at once behold the Funerals of
two men whom l held fo dear 5 I
had rather hang up the dead than
kill the living 3 and accordingly
he hids him take the body of her
dead Husband out of the Coffin, |
and hangit on the Cros that want
ed one, the Souldier teads him
felf of the ingenuity of this pru
dent woman 5 and the next day,
all the Town admired, how, a
dead body could creep to the
Cros.
7

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