Religious Beliefs and Practices

The Tinguian believe in the presence of spirits in their midst. These spirits, called sasailo, dwell in the
natural surroundings or move among human beings, and exert influence on events and activities in
human society. The sasailo possess powers and intelligence which are equal or superior to those of
human beings, and they become the basis for certain sanctions and prohibitions that must be followed
by people, on pain of retribution. They are to be feared and respected. Taking the form of human beings,
they move about, aware of everything that is going on. The Tinguian classify supernatural beings into
three general categories: spirits who have existed through all time; spirits of inferior rank which are
neither benevolent nor evil; and spirits of ancestors and other mortals who are invisible, but who may
enter the bodies of mediums so that they can communicate with the living (Fortin 1978:37). In Tinguian
cosmogony, the first inhabitants in the world were their very ancestors. The world was created by a
Supreme Being named Bagatulayan, who lives and rules the celestial realm, directing its activities.
Kadaklan is a deity subordinate to Bagatulayan. He is a friendly spirit who teaches the Tinguian how to
pray, harvest their crops, ward off evil spirits, and overcome bad omens and cure sicknesses. Apadel or
Kalagang, another deity, is known to be the guardian and dweller of the spirit-stones called pinaing
which play an important role in the spiritual world of the Tinguian. Of various sizes and shapes, the
pinaing are usually found in spots marked out as hallowed ground, often under old trees, and are
deemed to be the protectors of such places and of the creatures who live in the forests.Spirits are of two
kinds: the malevolent and the benevolent. One benevolent spirit who dwells in the natural surrounding
is Makaboteng (one who frightens), believed to be the guardian of the deer and the wild pigs. A key
figure in Tinguian mythology is the kumau, a malevolent spirit who can change its appearance at will,
taking on the appearance even of the human being it wants to waylay in the forest. For ages, the myth of
the kumau appears to have exerted a strong social control effect, analogous to the influence of the
granary gods in other Cordillera societies. There is only one person who has the power and ability to
communicate with the sasailo: the alopogan or medium, usually a middle-aged woman. In rituals of
communication with the spiritual world, the alopogan undergoes possession by the spirits, who guide
and inspire her words and her actions. The alopogan presides in the various rituals and ceremonies held
by the Tinguian, such as the say-ang, which is performed in connection with the construction of the
balawa, the largest temple dedicated to the sasailo, and built for the supplications of cures in a time of
illness. Other rituals in which the alopogan presides are the sugayog, dawak, calangan, and bawbawa or
calcapao, which aim to combat the combined workings of evil spirits, as well as to seek the blessings of
the benevolent sasailos.

Social Organization and Customs

The French writer Paul de la Gironiere who traveled to several parts of Luzon in the 19th century noted
that early Tinguian society was animistic in belief and patriarchal in social organization. Other accounts
described the Tinguian as an industrious, peaceful, and clean people. Cole (1922:237) observed that this
group had a lifestyle similar to those of the more advanced groups during the Spanish conquest. The
social institutions and practices mentioned in these accounts have survived to a certain extent,
particularly in the interior of the Tinguian homeland in western Abra. In Tinguian society, the basic unit
of social village organization is the family, in which kinship ties have remained strong, despite the
absence of kinship terms reckoned along paternal and maternal lines (Fortin 1978:43). Social status is
measured by wealth, particularly the ownership of heirloom treasures such as ancient Chinese pottery,
porcelain, copper gongs, as well as possession of work animals and rice fields. A family which has a
substantial ownership of such forms of material wealth is regarded as belonging to the baknang
(affluent). Wealth is hereditary, so that the traditionally rich and poor could be expected to pass on their
social status to succeeding generations, but social mobility is possible through hard work and thrift
(Fortin 1978:25). A traditional Tinguian practice is parentally arranged child marriage. Children are
usually matched with each other at a very young age (six or eight years old). When the time for the
actual marriage comes, a series of ritual negotiations takes place: yellow, agate, and red beads are
offered by the future grooms intermediary to the future bride, as a token of affection; the boys
desirable traits, and his family background are recounted to convince the girl of the advantages of
marrying the prospective groom; upon the girls acceptance of the proposal, beads are attached to the
girls waist as a sign of engagement; the date for the fixing of the pakalon (bride-price) is set; the pakalon
having been agreed upon, a feast is held for the relatives of the couple at the girls house; the bride-price
is finally settled after pigs are slaughtered and favorable omens are read; and the grooms family pay the
pakalon, in the form of livestock, jars, blankets, and other valuable items, with a downpayment being
given to the parents and relatives of the girl (Fortin 1978:31). This kind of arrangement immediately
starts interfamily relations involving obligations that are mutually beneficial to both sides of the
contracting parties. These include assistance in making a clearing, in planting and harvesting, and in food
exchangea basic necessity among subsistence people. Several practices are associated with the
marriage ceremony among the Tinguian. When the girl comes from another village, it becomes
necessary for the boys parents to make gift offerings for every stream crossed, in addition to the
pakalon agreed upon. The bride-price strengthens the family and kinship structure. There are numerous
beliefs and practices related to sickness in which the services of folk medicine practitioners, usually
women, are required. In these instances, sacrifices are offered. As far as the Tinguian are concerned,
death is a milestone, the beginning of an afterlife for one who leaves this world. Several ritual practices
are observed in order to facilitate this all-important passage from one life to the other. The corpse is
cleaned and dressed immediately, to prepare it for its journey to the afterworld which is called maglawa
(future home). Burial of the dead is done under the house or within the yard, after which there is much
lamentation in the house of the departed. This is the sansangit (shedding of tears), during which the life
and deeds of the dead person are recounted in a wailing manner. In ancient times, the Tinguian
practiced an elaborate ritual of river burial. A raft was prepared, and on it the dead was laid out with
provisions for the journey. Sent off with prayers, the raft was set adrift downriver, which was the
direction towards the afterlife. The Tinguian put great importance on their communal rituals. They build
elaborate structures and employ various paraphernalia for the rituals held to cure the sick and to honor
the dead. The say-ang is the most important of Tinguian ceremonies. This is observed during the
construction of the balawa, the biggest anito dwelling used for curing sickness and the performance of
magical rites. Other rituals, like the sugayog, dawak, calangan, and bawbawa or calcapao, are meant to
combat the influence of evil spirits, as well as attract the intercession of benign anitos. During the first
two days of the wake, friends and relatives sing and dance in honor of the dead. On the third day, the
mourners beat each others palms and thighs with a stick to express grief, and to share in the pain of the
grieving family. Before the corpse is finally laid to rest, a medium goes into a state of possession, and
recites the dead persons last message to the family. The corpse is sprinkled with pigs blood. As a final
precaution, an iron plow is laid upon the grave to ward off evil spirits. The lay-og (death anniversary) is
celebrated a few months after the burial. Relatives and friends pay tribute to the memory of the dead.
The ceremony also serves to lift the sorrow of the bereaved. The celebrants partake of rice, pork, beef,
carabao meat, and basi. Afterwards, an offering of rice mixed with pigs blood is made by the medium to
the guardian stones. With the offering of diam (rice with pigs blood), the tadek, the dance for religious
occasions, is performed. The medium returns to the gathering, with a group of men who shout to
frighten away evil spirits. Near the house of the dead, a chair is laid out with offerings of food and
clothing. To appease the spirits, beads, food, and clothes are laid on a shield supported by four spears.
The ceremony over, the dead persons relatives enter the house and roll up the mat used by the dead.
They open doors and windows, and life goes back to normal.

Visual arts

The first material used by the Tinguian for their clothing was the bark of trees. With the introduction of
cloth, Tinguian weavers eventually produced the male suit called the ba-al

Another common product of the loom is blankets, which use a wide variety of designs, like male and
female figures, flowers and plants, animal motifs including horses, goats, fish.