Professional Documents
Culture Documents
outside neoliberalism not only those which are progressive, but also
those that are not.
In this article, beyond challenging arguments that a universal global
neoliberal order exists, I argue that although it may make sense to speak
of the prevalence of neoliberal ideology among certain privileged urban
residents of China, and specific leaders and factions of reformers within the
CPC, recent claims being made by some anthropologists of China about
neoliberal processes of restructuring, neoliberal capitalism and the domi-
nance of neoliberalism in China (Anagnost, 2004; Rofel, 2007; Yan, 2003)
cannot be justified, and in fact are overstatements unsupported by
evidence. Although these thoughtful scholars usually concede that neo-
liberalism in China is not a coherent formation, they fail to take into
account alternatives to neoliberalism within Chinese discursive traditions,
the divisions within the Chinese population over the market reforms they
call neoliberal, the implications of massive social protests against abuses
associated with market reforms that demonstrate that any market logic
(including neoliberalism) is far from hegemonic in China, and the impact
these protests have, not only on the rhetorics of CPC leaders, but also on
state and Party policies to protect those most harmed by market reforms
as in the example of the emergency resolution of the Standing Committee
referred to above.
In terms of an historically informed ethnography of liberalization in
China, there needs to be a franker acknowledgment of the limits to
ethnographic generalizations about the putative national dominance of
neoliberalism and the distribution of market-oriented (neoliberal?) subjec-
tivities in China. This is especially needed given the preference among
those making claims for neoliberal restructuring in China to focus on indi-
viduals instead of social groups; on urban settings instead of rural ones; on
elite and highly educated informants instead of displaced workers, farmers
or members of the floating population of migrants to urban areas; and on
processes of lifestyle and consumption choice instead of those of work,
administration, and social movement activism and protest. Instead, in
considering whether and to what extent the Chinese population buys
into market logics of thinking and acting, one must take into account the
sheer diversity of class (and class-associated traits such as educational, and
urban vs. rural) backgrounds in China, the discursive formations that exist
in China today (Maoist, Confucianist, Daoist, Buddhist, etc.) as alternatives
to ruling market logics, and the presence of large-scale protests exhibiting
widely held moral economies (Scott, 1976; Thompson, 1971) that draw on
socialist values to make claims on the reformist state. There is also the need
to focus ethnographic attention not only on individuals but also on social
relations oriented around collectivities and dyadic personalistic relations
called guanxi or relationship, if one is to understand how boundaries
between state and society, public and private, state and market, are defined
and mediated in everyday life in China. This article also sketches out an
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Nonini: Is China Becoming Neoliberal?
The ideas neoliberal and neoliberalism appear all the rage in anthro-
pology, having supplanted or qualified globalization as an apparent
defining feature of the contemporary world. In recent publications and
intellectual production circuits of anthropology (conferences, paper titles,
etc.), the term neoliberal has recently appeared so frequently, and been
applied with such abandon, that it risks being used to refer to almost any
political, economic, social or cultural process associated with contempor-
ary capitalism. If one does not simply declare from the outset as a matter
of theoretical fiat that the entire global economy is now neoliberal, then it
is appropriate to ask: what is neoliberalism, and what are its specificities
limits, and scope? And is there more than one form of neoliberalism?
Neoliberalism is a term that is difficult to theorize with, because it
has so many different meanings, both formally and in context. Thus it has
been referred to variously as an ideology or, relatedly, a hegemony or
hegemonic project (as used by e.g. Stuart Hall, 1988), or doctrine (as
in the Chicago School of Milton Friedman et al.), or a rhetoric, or
discourse and discursive formation, or a logic of governance and a
governmentality (Gordon, 1991). A term with so many meanings
obviously has great utility, because most progressive scholars can agree that
whatever neoliberalism is, they dont like it, and the ambiguity of the term
allows discursive coalitions of the like-minded to form without the trouble-
some bother of having to clarify exactly what it is they oppose or are critical
of. I want to argue that neoliberalism has many meanings because it has
a variety of contexts of use some of which are political-practical, some
theoretical-academic. In this process, however, the term has lost much of
its theoretical value.
But let me start with what should be an obvious historical point. One
can observe that whatever neoliberalism(s) is/are, it/they are associated
with capitalism. Yet a moments reflection also demonstrates that neo-
liberalisms and capitalism are not the same. Neoliberalism speaks or writes
of governance, in particular, about the relationship between capitalist
markets, the individual, and the state, while capitalism has to do with an
assemblage of economic, technical, legal and political arrangements
centered on the wage-labor relation in the process of production and
appropriation of surplus value by owners of the means of production. An
acquaintance with the history of capitalism demonstrates that capitalism
has existed as a mode of production prior to the emergence of the original
Anglo-American neoliberalisms from the 1950s onward, and that even since
then, capitalist societies have existed without neoliberalism becoming
dominant as a discourse of governance (e.g. 1960s1970s European
corporatist social democratic states). This is important: however we define
a neoliberalism, it is about processes of governance/rule which seek to
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Critique of Anthropology 28(2)
(A) markets are excellent: unregulated markets maximize social happiness and
individual satisfactions;
(B) state control over markets is horrible: state regulation of or interference in
markets distorts the otherwise optimal functioning of markets and
should be minimized to the point of leaving the state to perform only
those social order functions which markets cannot;
(C) globalization is best: free trade in capital and goods across national
borders, and exports defined by comparative advantage without state
impediments to mobility, allow markets to function best;
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Critique of Anthropology 28(2)
(D) rational, self-interested individuals are best: the behavior of rational, self-
interested, entrepreneurial individuals in markets as consumers,
investors, bondholders, taxpayers, etc. is socially valuable as such
because it is efficient in optimizing the use of capital and goods, unlike
the behavior of inadequate market performers (e.g. poor minorities,
poor women raising children). Therefore, entrepreneurial market
actors should be supported by social wealth, while these other kinds of
people should never be supported.
A form of governance of the economy associated with the state now prevails
in China which is distinctive from a Western neoliberal formation. On the
one hand, the Communist Party has promoted liberalization since 1978
and thoroughly installed a socialist market economy in China. On the
other, beginning in the late 1970s when liberalization was being contem-
plated, the Party adopted a paternalist development strategy which has
been summarized by Liew (2005: 335) as to make no Chinese worse off
because of economic reform. Liew (2005: 335) notes that there was a
genuine desire of the Party, at least until 1992, to prevent the emergence
156
Critique of Anthropology 28(2)
of significant income differentials and to avoid social conflict, but the idea
to make no Chinese worse off has been the subject of internal contention
within the Party since then. Observers agree that social inequality within
China has increased greatly since the early 1990s (Guan, 2001: 2469).
Chinas state and its governing logics since 1978 have represented a
recombinant or hybrid assortment of oligarchic institutions, practices and
disciplines of power that have juxtaposed older elements of Maoist govern-
ance (e.g. central planning and an ideology of socialist paternalism toward
peasants and workers) with elements of market liberalization in a kind
of slow-tempo improvisation aimed simultaneously at developing Chinas
forces of production, preserving the position and legitimacy of the Chinese
Communist Party, and, since the 1980s especially, consolidating the base of
economic accumulation of Chinas cadre-capitalist class (So, 2005). Over
the last two decades the boundary between the Chinese state and private
civil society has grown increasingly unclear, as many state cadres, particu-
larly in urban areas, have come to assume new entrepreneurial roles while
enlarging the vertical control of the state over local social and economic
organizations, and incorporating them into governance (Pieke, 2004).
Such ambiguity is in fact central to the new governing logic of the state,
and is mediated by the culturally specific arts of personalistic relationship,
or guanxi, discussed below.
The telos of Communist Party self-reproduction has involved its self-
reinvention (Liew, 2005) and has led its leaders to seek to find new ways
to lead the liberalization of the Chinese economy while maintaining a
monopoly of political power and ideological legitimacy, yet also seeking to
provide for its control over new institutional forms of economic power. Party
leaders have recognized since the 1990s that if the Party is to maintain its
control and legitimacy, it will have to modernize its practices, policies and
staff, especially through the recruitment of the new university-educated
population into the Party (Brdsgaard and Zheng, 2006; Walder, 2006).
However, the processes by which the Party has sought to liberalize the
economy have had the effect of increasing social and economic in-
equalities and are thus in contradiction with its need for legitimacy and
threaten its long-term capacity to maintain power (Brdsgaard and Zheng,
2006; Cai, 2006; Heimer, 2006). Attempts to improve its governance
capacity have had to mediate this contradiction, which is represented
within the Party by the conflicts between opposed factions in general
terms, between those Party leaders who seek to accelerate liberalization,
have ties to private entrepreneurs and others in the cadre-capitalist class,
and tend to come from urbanized and affluent regions, and those who seek
to redress the economic abuses associated with liberalization for workers
and peasants by advocating socialist policies of support and justice for these
revolutionary classes under Maoism, tend to have rural worker and peasant
backgrounds, and come from less developed, more peripheral regions of
the country (Dickson, 2004; Gries and Rosen, 2004). While one modality
157
Nonini: Is China Becoming Neoliberal?
of rule central to this telos has been the emergence of new practices of
reform and liberalization, which also generate conditions for predation on
the population the Party rules, another has been to adopt measures to
maintain Party legitimacy, given challenges to its control from both internal
challenges to liberalization and as I show below external popular
protests against what are widely conceived to be the new abuses. In general,
however, since the 1990s, the modality of rule associated with advancing
liberalization has been in the ascendancy (associated most strongly in
recent years with the factions supporting Zhu Rongji and Jiang Zemin),
while the modality of those supporting a return to socialist values of justice
and redistribution for the majority of the population workers and
peasants has been in retreat. Nonetheless, as my review below of processes
of liberalization or from another point of view, accumulation by dis-
possession (Harvey, 2005) shows, this latter modality has never
disappeared from the Partys relationship with society. Its presence seems
to be one that anthropologists who have done fieldwork in China have
largely ignored in their evocations of neoliberal restructuring.
How have Chinas governing rationalities incorporated market logics
in recombinations different from those found in the West? In China there
has been overt state/Party participation and direction in actively reorganiz-
ing the economy on behalf of the welfare of the population through the
development of the forces of production. In macro-systemic terms, the
state/Party challenge to IMF neoliberalism is set out by Liew:
Chinas market reform programme contains elements of the two key pillars of
the IMF/World Bank neo-liberal model market liberalisation and privatisation.
However . . . Chinas market reform, while it contains these elements of the . . .
model, is mediated distinctly by the Party/State and modifies this model. The
standard IMF/World Bank approach favours the free mobility of resources and
use of undistorted market prices, including wages, to allocate resources. . . .
Political interference with the market, state ownership and management of
sectors of the economy and any form of strategic industry policy are incom-
patible with the model. Economic reform in China has created a market
economy that departs sharply from this model. (2005: 332)
What has changed since 1978 has been neither the directive role of the
Party nor of the state it controls in defining what is appropriate economic
activity there has been clear continuity but instead the activities that
constitute that directive role. Liew (2005) claims that since 1978, that direc-
tive role of Party/state has changed from the prior one of redistributing
social wealth created through the productive process (through early land
reform, the Peoples Communes and collectivization of urban industries)
to that of regulating the creation of social wealth produced. However, the
evidence of extensive popular protest and fears for social stability such as
those expressed by the Standing Committee resolution points to an uncer-
tain, contingent and over the long term possibly unsuccessful effort by
the Party/state to regulate social wealth, just as in the Maoist period it failed
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Critique of Anthropology 28(2)
and Village Enterprises, which created new terms for labor exploitation. In
peri-urban areas, farmers land has been expropriated by local cadres
working with developers interested in new construction. Large numbers of
impoverished rural people have become part of the floating population
(now 100 million people), which has migrated to the large cities of eastern
and central China, where they have sought temporary work, usually as
relatively unskilled construction workers or factory operatives (Solinger,
2002; Zhang, 2001). Because the hukou or household registration system
keeps them from legally residing in cities, migrants form the bottom tier in
urban labor markets, where they compete with laid-off factory workers
(Solinger, 2002; Zhang, 2001). In the cities and towns, beginning in the
1990s, Deng Xiaopings policy of grasping the large and releasing the
small (zhuada fangxiao) de-nationalized large numbers of State-Owned
Enterprises (SOEs) (i.e. the small). With their factories closed down,
millions of urban workers were released and cast into conditions of wide-
spread pauperization and the misery of finding casual work in the informal
sector. A few SOEs (the large) were allowed to remain in operation and
received large injections of capital from state banks. For those still
employed, work tasks intensified, but pay remained stagnant (Liew, 2005;
Wedeman, 2002).
However, even here, socialist Maoist values and practices have been
manifested in the ways in which reform occurred, and the Party responded
to its worst abuses, especially when these led to widespread protests. Central
state and Party cadres have sought to ameliorate the peasant burden of
local cadre abuses by sending down inspection teams to locales, and to
some degree have been receptive to farmers petitions and appeals to
higher authorities (Lu, 1997: 132). SOE workers have often not been laid
off but instead furloughed, allowing them to receive small subsistence
allowances, and to receive subsidized housing and health care for three
years. Those belonging to the floating population can go back to their rural
villages, to what little they have, protected by the use-rights of households
to land provided them in the course of decollectivization. (The new Land
Law may be changing this residual right.) Repeatedly, the double move,
between socialist protection assured by the state and promoted by a faction
of the CPC, on the one hand, and the states provision of the ideal
conditions for their hyper-exploitation and marginalization on the other, is
in evidence. Viewed comparatively, the CPC has proceeded much more
slowly with liberalization and privatization than the post-Soviet ruling
parties of Russia, the ex-Soviet republics and Eastern Europe, and China
retains far more of its economic assets under state ownership than the latter
(Walder, 2006: 1719). My hypothesis is that the anchor of socialist values
within the CPC, and a concern about social stability and order, has slowed
down the movement of the ship of privatization and liberalization. But
anthropologists of China, overly impressed by the idea of neoliberal
restructuring, appear to have entirely ignored the implications of this
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double move, which indicates real tensions within the CPC and Chinese
state about how to resolve the tensions between liberalization, prior
socialist/Maoist values and social stability.
If rural farmers, urban workers and the floating population have all under-
gone dispossession, then who has gained possession of (in Marxs terms)
all the surplus value thus freed? According to So (2005), it is those who
have become the new cadre capitalist class. This is a bit too simple: the
new classes which have emerged with different private rights over the
means of production include geti, small business people, minying, private
entrepreneurs, guoying and dajiti, two related kinds of managers in the
public sector, and guanshang/guanying, former officials-turned private
owners of sold State Owned Enterprises (Lin, 2006: 255).
Nonetheless, for the purposes of this article, these will all be treated as
members of Sos cadre capitalist class. They have been formed by what So
(2005: 486) refers to as the embourgeoisiement [sic] of cadres. Govern-
ment cadres and Party officials have been in the vanguard of those profit-
ing by privatization and liberalization, while private entrepreneurs have
also emerged. Cadres transformed the collective local Township and Village
Enterprises they managed into businesses for their own profit. Many appro-
priated public property and set up completely private enterprises. After the
early 1990s, under the grasp the big, release the small policy, cadre
bourgeoisification expanded on a new scale. Guanshang/guanying cadres,
in particular, systematically diverted the assets and profits of large urban
SOEs into their own hands by using asset-stripping strategies such as the
one manager, two businesses arrangement, whereby cadres established
their own private businesses by taking over the assets of state enterprises
where they were previously managers (So, 2005: 486), while others fraudu-
lently used SOEs as cash cows by milking them of non-performing state
bank loans, funds, and by evading taxes (Wedeman, 2002: 1624).
In this environment, local cadres formed prosperous partnerships with
business people, including foreign corporate investors. Cadres provided
entrepreneurs with vital information and access to credit and to markets;
they shielded their capitalist partners from exactions by other cadres and
from official or irregular taxes; and they accorded their partners the politi-
cal protection they have needed to evade labor, health, pension and other
welfare regulations. In return, capitalists provided their cadres with
money (via fees) and gifts, integrated them into valuable social networks,
mobilized overseas connections, and provided them with shares in the
enterprises they formed (So, 2005: 487).
Sketched out all too briefly, these processes of embourgeoisement
point to the centrality of personalistic relationships between the members
of this new rising cadre-capitalist class within the class formation process.
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Nonini: Is China Becoming Neoliberal?
persons who had migrated from their native rural places to cities elsewhere
in China or overseas to conduct business or serve in administration, to form
conditions of trust between them that ultimately could be vouched for by
family, kin and lineage mates back in the native place (Skinner, 1977:
5414). Other bases for guanxi (which overlapped with native place)
included tongxing, shared-surname imputing common descent in a clan;
tongshi, the shared workplace; tongxiao, a shared college or academy; and
tongxue, a shared educational experience. Some of the relationships con-
figured from these guanxi bases were between equals, such as fellow
students or workmates, while others were putatively benevolent ones
between people unequal in status, such as teacher and student, or labor
boss and ordinary member of a labor gang.
It is crucial to note as well that, prior to 1949, China had a long history
with centralized states and markets (including in labor and land), where
the experiences of people with both the market and the imperial state were
mediated through their guanxi relationships with merchants, officials and
others. From 1949 until the late 1970s, Maoist discourses of loyalty to Party
and state drove guanxi out of public life as corruption. Guanxi re-
emerged in the 1980s with liberalization and marketization: guanxixue
took on new life and in many respects experienced a transformation as it
intersected with a growing commodity economy with its attendant social
mobility and consumer desires (Yang, 1994: 172). What I sketch out in
conclusion is the interplay between the statist discourses central to the
paternalist rule of the CPC and the intersection of guanxi with the new
Chinese capitalism which has mediated the contradictions between the
older Maoist redistributionist ethic and the new conditions of market
socialism. Guanxi knowledge bears the same relationship to market social-
ist ideology as, in Scotts (1998) analysis, metis, local knowledge or
cunning, does to high modernist ideologies in both instances, the
former make the realization of the latters idealized simplifications possible
for privileged elements of the population, while for disadvantaged
elements, it works against their efforts to attain these ideals, but may
provide them with the improvisational capacities needed to survive.
(A) Markets are excellent, and (B) State controls over markets are horrible
At the inception of Chinas economic liberalization, Deng Xiaoping and
other Party reformers turned to markets not to restore Chinese capitalism
of the pre-1949 period or to create a new capitalist class. As Breslin (2006:
115) puts it, Chinas post-Mao leadership did not begin with an ideologi-
cal commitment to neoliberalism far from it. Instead, the autochthonous
move toward markets involved radical rethinking by top Party leaders about
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Critique of Anthropology 28(2)
Chinas development trajectory, and was related to the failures of the social-
ist accumulation process under Maoist central planning (Meisner, 1999:
450). They saw the need to break through the stasis that had set in by the
late Mao period in order to efficiently develop Chinas technology,
resources and labor power, and envisioned the markets then being cel-
ebrated in the US and Europe as the means to do so. Following Marx, they
identified markets as part of a necessary capitalist stage of freeing the forces
of production in order to re-socialize them within a prosperous future
socialist economy (Meisner, 1999: 452; Smart, 1997: 1769). Clearly, accord-
ing markets and private accumulation some constructive role in a complex
economy is not the same as allotting them the paramount role that
neoliberal ideology exalts.
In no way, however, did the reformers admiration of markets extend
to accepting the neoliberal claim that unregulated markets are excellent
and maximize social happiness and individual satisfactions. Although
Dengs reformers regarded markets as part of a capitalist stage leading to
socialism, the idea that they might be left uncontrolled by Chinas political
authority the CPC was anathema. Perpetuation of the Partys rule in
China demanded that it have exclusive control over Chinas productive
resources; no group other than cadres indoctrinated in Party loyalty could
be entrusted with the task of managing capitalist market production, when
it had such momentous social consequences (Meisner, 1999: 475).
This was consistent with the nationalist vision of Chinese leaders if
China was going to modernize through the development of productive
forces, it had to be within the overall framework of Communist rule to
protect the interests of the masses. Allowing unbridled free foreign invest-
ment and access to Chinas markets was out of the question. Nationalists in
the CPC had a critique of that as part of Western imperialism during the
19th-century period, with the Opium Wars and the unequal treaties
leading to the Treaty Port enclaves which the Western powers had pros-
ecuted precisely to establish an unregulated market in opium on Chinas
territory.3 Still, Party leaders and intellectuals believed the harnessing of
Chinas domestic markets, even through the Party, had risks. Markets could
be dangerous to justice and social order. Continuities in such attitudes
toward markets still existed well into the post-Mao period, and account not
only for the argument cadres and intellectuals made that only the Party
could forcefully guide the economy, but also for the moral claim made by
many in the Party that large numbers of people (e.g. SOE workers,
peasants) had to be provided with social protections (e.g. monthly
allowances, housing, health care) against the suffering generated by un-
regulated markets.
Strong ambivalences about, and controversy over, markets (particularly
in labor, land and capital) continue to exist in contemporary China. As
Smart observes: The adoption of market-based reforms continues to
generate serious debate within China . . . there has been consistent concern
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Nonini: Is China Becoming Neoliberal?
with the social and cultural implications of the market-based reforms and
the opening to the capitalist world economy (1997: 17980).
It has been alleged that it is Eurocentric to claim that neoliberalism
requires the absence of state intervention, while neoliberalism in China
exhibits how privatization and liberalization can proceed through state
interventions. This argument is not only ad hominem but also deeply
logically flawed. US and British neoliberal ideology, as I have described it,
clearly rejects state regulation that is, at the level of ideology. As I point
out above, however, US and other Western neoliberals/neoconservatives in
practice call on the state for intervention, periodically in one way (during
crisis) and continually in another (in subsidies to military and surveillance
industries). But what are Western neoliberal ideologies, after all, if not
essential elements of broader hegemonic projects in which business and
allied intellectual groups (e.g. conservative think-tanks) can successfully
define the public interest as the interests of capital and corporations by
gaining widespread consent by citizens to business agendas? This position-
ing of neoliberal ideologies within the hegemonic institutions of capitalism
implying that capitalist enterprise has the power to intervene in state
affairs is precisely what defines a neoliberal social order. This is what does
not exist in China, and below I turn to how widespread protests in China
reveal the absence of hegemony of the state/capital interface. This is not
to say that there are no ideological neoliberals in China especially
among CPC factions, entrepreneurs (e.g. guanshang/guanying) and
among intellectuals there clearly are (see e.g. Wang, 2003).
How were these hostilities and ambivalences toward markets held to,
not only by the population at large but also by CPC cadres connected to
guanxi? Party leaders reservations about markets during the reform
period arose from their anxieties that the Partys lower-level local cadres
were susceptible to corruption that would lead to redirecting state
resources toward their own families, kinfolk and cronies that is, their
guanxi networks, guanxiwang; the operation of markets opened up far
greater opportunities for such personal takings. Still, the state was
embodied in state officials, the cadres of the CPC and their bureaucracies,
and they were to be in charge of the liberalization process. At the begin-
ning of liberalization, local cadres, their families and friends had deep
anxieties about the new market mechanisms and how the latter would
operate and affect them (e.g. by reducing funds from the central govern-
ment to local cadres under decentralization). They therefore sought
under liberalization to form guanxi relationships with the new managers
of the released SOEs, collective Township and Village Enterprises, and
private firms or even to become managers themselves.
Over the same period, those who were not Party cadres but well placed
through their previous experience or expertise sought to use their guanxi
relationships with cadres to take over state-owned facilities, seek state
contracts and other business opportunities, and gain protection from taxes
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Critique of Anthropology 28(2)
and fees. Yang (1994) offers two examples. The first deals with managers
of SOEs and collectively owned enterprises:
. . . [a]mong themselves, there is a lot of guanxi as they do favors for each other
not only in economic matters (exchanging goods, raw materials, market infor-
mation, and so on) but also in political matters. When one of their network is
being pressured or threatened by the state, they often rally to help each other
stay in their positions or rise up. (Yang, 1994: 161)
The second example concerns a private enterprise being set up by its staff
to go into retail trade:
The preparations were extensive. . . . the young corporation managers spent
months laying down a guanxi network to facilitate all aspects of their business.
Their supply sources (huoyuan) were their lifeline, so they cultivated relations
with old acquaintances, old schoolmates, friends, and friends of friends, with
anyone who was in any way connected with state distributing centers, wholesale
corporations, or sales departments of factories. (Yang, 1994: 1678)
Unlike the individual atom (with its affinities for family) in the West,
the Chinese conception of person as manifested in guanxi relationships is
constructed around contextual and relational definitions of the self within
a pre-existing society distinguished by status differences and a moral order,
and around a fluidity between the self and others (Yang, 1994: 192). Guanxi
is a habitus or predisposition to seek to act in the view of other persons with
whom one is in contact as if one expects to benefit oneself only when one
also succeeds in benefiting others with whom one has a guanxi relationship
family members, kinfolk, school classmates, workmates, et al. One can
acceptably act to benefit oneself through market-oriented behavior as
consumer or employer (e.g. in buying a car or hiring a worker) when one
also benefits people with whom one has these relationships buying a car
from a classmate or hiring someone from ones natal village.
This discussion of guanxi personalism is not a diversion from my
theoretical consideration of whether a kind of neoliberalism is hegemonic
in China because it suggests ways in which vast numbers of people are, or
are not, coming to terms with liberalization in China, and helps identify the
sources of truly felt discontent. The everyday workings of guanxi serve to
privilege some at the expense of others in ways recognized by Chinese
popular culture. This is inherent in the instrumental logic of guanxi: its
discourse demarcates various relationships of comity and privilege with
specific kinds of people . . . but this by implication excludes numerous
others with whom one has no acknowledged relationship. . . . These people
can be legitimately taken advantage of, exploited, disciplined, abused, or
cheated (Nonini and Ong, 1997: 22). While new guanxi ties are forged and
maintained among the various diverse elements of the cadre capitalist class
noted above often mediated by gendered strategies of prestations involv-
ing sexual exploitation of young women by wealthy and powerful men
the vast majority of the population is shut out from guanxi which crosses
the divides between state, market and everyday social life. This exclusion
from guanxi is implicit in the acts of dispossession by many cadres of
farmers and urban workers, peculation of the governments funds through
milking SOE cash cows for non-performing bank loans, etc. Although this
is evident, what yet remains untold are stories of millions of lower-level CPC
members and cadres whose own ties to rural peasant villages and urban
working families remain, and who may still engage in guanxi exchanges
with impoverished workers and low-quality peasants. These CPC members
and cadres still form the great majority of the Party members on which the
Party and states paramount leaders rely for legitimacy (Walder, 2006:
1921).
To sum up, the strong version of neoliberalism does not exist in China
as a hegemonic project. It is more plausible that the weaker version which
exalts markets and consumerist values may have a limited purchase on
the Chinese population through the extension of consumerist values.
However, even if market participation has been routinized, I have argued
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Nonini: Is China Becoming Neoliberal?
Notes
I want to thank Erik Reavely for research assistance carried out in connection with
finding sources for this article, and Catherine Kingfisher, Jeff Maskovsky, Kevin
Hewison, Sandy Smith-Nonini and the anonymous referees of Critique of Anthropology
for their careful and thoughtful reading of the article.
References
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