The United States Department of State

A Structural Genocide:
The Embedded Disenfranchisement of
the Rohingya in Myanmar
Sarah Syed
April 2016
2 The United Stated Department of State

TABLE OF CONTENTS

I. Introduction.3

II. The Rohingyas...4

III. Political Background..5

IV. Myanmars Democratization..6

V. Main Perpetrators of Violence..7

VI. Results of Violence..............................................................................9

6.1 IDP Camps..9

6.2 Refugee Crises...11

VII. Existing International Policies13

VIII. Analysis: Causes of the Systematic Persecution..14

8.1 Citizenship Act of 1982.15

8.1A Operation Dragon King......15

8.1B Legal Disenfranchisement15

8.2 Rakhine Riots of 2012..16

8.2A Election and Democratic Reforms.16

8.2B State of Emergency..18

8.3 Relative Deprivation...20

IX. Policy Recommendation.20

9.1 Costs.25

X. Conclusion...25

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3 The United Stated Department of State

I. Introduction
Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, 1 has been under close watch for its human rights
abuses. In 2012, the Myanmar military rounded up thousands of Rohingya, an ethnic minority, into
ghetto-like camps with deplorable conditions in the Rakhine state, formerly known as Arakan. On
top of being excluded from citizenship and all forms of legal existence, many Rohingya are detained
and forced to seek refuge in neighboring countries. Major international organizations hold a firm
stance that there is evidence that ethnic cleansing and genocidal acts are being perpetrated under the
government, which is transitioning from a military dictatorship to democracy. The
disenfranchisement and statelessness of the Rohingya have made them especially vulnerable to
religion and ethnic-motivated violence and abuses.
These conflicts came into the global spotlight in 2015, when photographs of Rohingya
refugees escaping Myanmar on boats, was released. Soon after, the U.S. Department of State began
investigating the collective violence against Rohingyas. On March 17, 2016, Secretary of State, John
Kerry, declared that the persecution of the Rohingya in Myanmar is not a genocide, though he
acknowledged and condemned the violence as a perpetuation of the disenfranchisement and
discriminatory rhetoric of prominent Buddhist leaders and politicians. The U.S. Department of State
expects that Aung San Suu Kyis newly elected party will improve conditions. However, Kyi is yet to
acknowledge the disenfranchisement and discrimination of the Rohingya population.2
In order to understand the direct and structural violence against Rohingyas in Myanmar, this
policy brief first outlines the history of the Rohingya in Myanmar and explores the relevant political
background. I then explain the role of Myanmars democratization, including U.S. influence in the
animosity against Rohingyas. In the next section, I describe the perpetrators of the violence and the
mechanisms carried out, including internally displaced (IDP) camps, leading to the Rohingya refugee
crisis. In order to understand why this violence is able to occur without intervention and why more
refugee support is necessary, I discuss the international communitys motives and involvement in the
Rohingya refugee crisis. Before moving onto my proposed solutions, I analyze the causes of the
violence, including The Citizenship Act of 1982 and the Rakhine Riots of 2012. I argue that the
driving force behind the latter is relative deprivation, political scientist Ted Gurrs explanation for
violence resulting from the discrepancy between ones expectations for life and their actual position
in relation to others in society.3
At the end of this brief, I propose policy recommendations on ending the state-sanctioned
violence and disenfranchisement of the Rohingya ethnic minority. This proposal includes a 4-step
comprehensive plan for the U.S. State Department to renew economic sanctions, fund government
reforms and policies, and send personnel support to Myanmar. These policy recommendations are
aimed at changing the discriminatory ideology against Rohingyas, and reintegrating them into
Myanmar society as equals.
1
For more on Myanmars name change, see:
Dittmer, Lowell. Burma Vs. Myanmar: What's in a Name? Asian Survey 48.6 (2008): 885888.
2
For more on Aung San Suu Kyis stance, watch her recent BBC interview:
"Aung San Suu Kyi to Run Myanmar Foreign Ministry." BBC News. 23 Mar. 2016.
3
See more at: Gurr, Ted Robert. Why Men Rebel. Princeton, NJ: Published for the Center of International Studies,
Princeton U Princeton UP, 1970. Ch. 2. Print.

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4 The United Stated Department of State

II. The Rohingya

The Rohingya are an
ethnic Muslim group of
Bengali descent. The
minority group makes up
about one million of
Myanmars total population
of 50 million. They hail from
the country's northwest state
and speak a Bengali dialect.
According to Human Rights
Watch, about 1.3 million
Rohingyas live in Myanmar.
Most of them live in the
north of the Rakhine state,
and are 80-98% of Rakhines
population.4
In 1982, the military
government of Myanmar,
known as Burma at the time,
enacted a Citizenship Law
that revoked Rohingya
citizenship.
The long-persecuted
Rohingya, many of whose
families arrived in Myanmar
Source: The 2014 Myanmar
generations ago, are regarded
Population and Housing Census
as illegal migrants from
neighboring Bangladesh and
are excluded from the
political process. Most
Rohingya work in low-end Figure 1
jobs with little economic Source: Myanmar Census Report of 2014
The Rakhine State on the West is where most Rohingya reside, and the
mobility, making it easier to main location of ethnic violence against Rohingyas.
force them into secluded
ghettos. There are currently 140,000 Rohingya in secluded camps. In these ghetto camps, Rohingyas
are denied access to education and health care, allowing disease to run rampant. They are not

4
Discrimination in Arakan." Burmese Refugees in Bangladesh: Still No Durable Solution, Human Rights
Watch. Vol. 12, no. 3 (May 2000). https://www.hrw.org/reports/2000/burma/burm005-02.htm.

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allowed to leave the camps and are guarded in by the military. Children that are born to Rohingyas
are no longer given birth certificates, a process denying them of citizenship and legal existence.
The Rohingyas status as non-
citizens contributes to their legal status
as Internally Displaced Persons (IDP),
a title that is used for a group forced to
flee their homes due to persecution,
but remain within the country's borders.
Human Rights Watch (HRW) has written
many briefs describing the abhorrent
conditions that the Rohingya have been
subjected to over the decades under the
Myanmar government. HRW labeled Rohingyas as one
Buddhist monks protesting the presence
of the worlds most persecuted minorities, and states that of Rohingyas, 2012.
Myanmars government has attempted to forcibly expel http://www.loonwatch.com/2012/07/wa
Rohingya and bring in non-Rohingyas to replace them.5 rrior-monks-the-untold-story-of-
In 2015, Myanmar released its first census in 30 buddhist-violence-i/
years. However, the census did not include the Rohingyas,
a political statement to further disenfranchise the Rohingya.

III. Political Background

The Rakhine state, where most Rohingyas live, became a part of Myanmar when Buddhist
Burmese conquered it in 1785, when the state was considered a part of the Bengal.6
In 1962, a military coup replaced Myanmars democratic structure. During this time, many
Rohingyas were advocating for a separate Rohingya nation.7 However, when the military succeeded
in obtaining power, it created mass fear and violence among Rohingyas of all political ideologies.
The military exacerbated the discrimination of Rohingyas, turning ethnic prejudices into
institutionalized racism.

5
Discrimination in Arakan." Burmese Refugees in Bangladesh: Still No Durable Solution, Human Rights
Watch. Vol. 12, no. 3 (May 2000). https://www.hrw.org/reports/2000/burma/burm005-02.htm.
6
See more at: Topich, William J., and Keith A. Leitich. The History Of Myanmar. Santa Barbara, Calif. :
Greenwood, 2013. Five Colleges Library Catalog.
7
Holliday, Ian. "Ethnicity and democratization in Myanmar." Asian Journal of Political Science 18.2 (2010): 111-
128.

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Buddhist monks protest against a UN resolution urging Myanmar to offer Rohingyas full citizenship, 2015.
http://www.rohingyablogger.com/2015/03/buddhist-nationalists-stoke-hatred-in.html#sthash.H2irbT6H.dpuf

The recent military-government structure denies all ties with the Rohingyas and insists that
the minority group belongs to the neighboring state of Bangladesh. Many ethnic Burmese even
conspire that the migrants invented the Rohingya identity to gain citizenship and overpower the
ethnic Burmese.
Thousands of Rohingya can no longer vote or participate in the government, and have lost
their agency for activism through imprisonment. As their Temporary Registration Cards for
residence or white cards are no longer valid, most Rohingya were not able to vote in the recent
elections, despite having been able to participate in the 2010 and 2012 elections.8

IV. Myanmars Democratization

Myanmar has been undergoing a gradual transition to democracy from military rule since
2011. The country, which has a majority Buddhist population, has been trying to keep the
disenfranchisement of the Rohingyas quiet in order to receive benefits from other democratic
countries.
On November 8, 2015, Myanmar held a general election to elect parliament representatives.
The National League for Democracy (NLD) won the majority of the parliamentary seats, allowing
the party to form a new government independently under the constitution. The party also has the
right to nominate the president and two vice presidents.
As Myanmar undergoes parliamentary transitions, tensions in semantics of governance have
increased between the incoming party, the NLD, and the former President, Thein Sein of the army-

8
"Myanmar: Elections Marred by Growing Repression and Rohingya Disenfranchisement." Amnesty International
USA. November 5, 2015.

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backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). However, the list of parliamentary and
presidential nominees does not include Aung San Suu Kyi, the NLDs chairperson, as she cannot
constitutionally take position due to the countrys constitution (Clause 59F) that prohibits anyone
with foreign relatives from holding office.9 Many argue that the clause was added by the Military in
order to keep Aung San Suu Kyi, whose husband was from the UK, out of power. However, she has
boldly stated that she will have a position above the president. On March 10, 2016, NLDs Htin
Kyaw was elected as the President of Myanmar. It is understood that Kyaw will hold the position
mainly as a figurehead and will work unofficially under Suu Kyi. The new president took office on
March 29, 2016.
The states that the NLD did not win were unsurprisingly the Rakhine and Shan states, which
have strong ethnic parties. Though the Rohingya population was barred from voting in the
November 2015 general elections, the results showed the preference of other ethnic minorities for
political parties other than the NLD. The Arakan National Party (ANP) won the majority of seats in
the Rakhine state parliament, while the USDP won most of the seats in the Shan state, where most
ethnic Shans live.
The NLD, which does not have many members in the Shan state, has announced that it will
consider appointing the states chief minister from parties that are strong in Shan. However, Aung
San Suu Kyi has appointed NLD lawmaker Nyi Pu as chief minister of Myanmars western Rakhine
state, imposing a strong NLD presence in Rakhine. The choice to withhold a favorable
representative from the Rakhine state is thought to stem from the favoring of the Tai ethnic group
over the Rohingyas in Rakhine.
Aung San Suu Kyi has stayed silent during the forced removal of the Rohingyas into camps,
and claims she does not know whether the Rohingya qualify for Burmese citizenship.10 The Nobel
laureate has faced international criticism for not taking a stronger stance on the Rohingya's plight
and for failing to field any Muslim candidates in November's polls.11 She has continuously shown no
plan to stand up for them, except for when the childbearing limit of two children per Rohingya
household was enacted in 2005, and reaffirmed in 2013. However, some believe that Aung San Suu
Kyi has not spoken out on the discrimination in order to avoid further violence or to lose leverage
that would allow her to compromise with the Rakhine Buddhists. She does not want to lose their
support, as Rakhine Buddhists hold most official positions in the state of Rakhine.12

V. Main Perpetrators of Violence

Most of the violence is carried out and enforced by the military-backed government.
Throughout 2015, military presence and operations in Rakhines Rohingya neighborhoods have
increased, even though a partial ceasefire with several ethnic groups has been discussed nationwide.

9
Francis, Jenny. "Myanmar: Military desperate to hold power." Green Left Weekly 1070 (2015): 19.
10
McCarthy, Stephen. "Myanmar in 2015." Asian Survey 56.1 (2016): 138-147.
11
Hindstorm, Hanna. "Burmese Authorities Targeting Rohingyas, UK Parliament Told. DVB Multimedia Group.
June 28, 2012.
12
Chia, Jasmine. "The Truth About Myanmar's Rohingya Issue." The Diplomat. March 5, 2016.

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Tun Khin, president of the Burmese Rohingya Organization of the UK, escaped persecution in
Rakhine. He stated, More than 1.3 million Rohingya are not citizens of Myanmar and [it leads to]
state-sponsored violence against them, and burning down their houses and pushing them to the
camps.13

The Myanmar government enforces

population control of Rohingyas through its two-
child policy and strict marriage regulations that
require Rohingyas to receive permission from
authorities undergo pregnancy tests as part of the
marriage application process. Rohingyas who wish
to get married are often forced to pay bribes and
must wait for up to two years to obtain
permission. 14 Rohingya women who become
pregnant after having two children or before The remaining of a Quran in the aftermath of the burning of a
getting official approval to marry often resort Rohingya neighborhood, 2014.
https://moritasari.com/2015/05/16/for-rohingya-with-a-torn-heart/
to unsafe and illegal abortions to escape fines
and imprisonment. Rohingya children that are born into a family that already has two children do
not receive birth certificates, disqualifying them from education, travel permissions, acquiring
property, and other government services. 15 Instead, they live their lives in fear of arrest and
incarceration.
Myanmars departing military government used the police and courts to imprison Rohingyas
on politically motivated charges, raising the number of political prisoners to approximately 100,
while another 400 people face criminal charges for peaceful activism. This is the most at any time
since the major political prisoner releases of 2012. The current military-drafted constitution gives
leeway for the military to carry out human rights violations without accountability. It specifically
allows armed forces to appoint the home affairs minister, who controls the police, and the defense
and border affairs ministers. Without any reforms, the constitution will remain corrupt, allowing the
military to exploit vulnerable civilians with complete impunity for past and ongoing crimes.
As the violence and allegations of human rights violations escalate, thousands of Rohingya
are displaced amid allegations of human rights violations by government forces and ethnic armed
groups, including forced labor, torture, and sexual violence against women. Myanmar has signed
international agreements to end sexual violence by its soldiers, a problem that is increasingly
prevalent, especially in areas with ethnic minority women. Widespread sexual violence perpetrated
by Burmese soldiers has been a hallmark of the culture of abuse and impunity in Burmas decades-
long civil wars with its ethnic groups.

13
"Will Anyone Help the Rohingya People? BBC News. 10 June 2015.
14
Lewa, Chris. "North Arakan: an open prison for the Rohingya in Burma."Forced Migration Review 32 (2009): 11.
15
Green, Penny. "Islamophobia: Burmas racist fault-line." Race & Class 55.2 (2013): 93-98.

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The Myanmar government has mobilized the police force to aid in rounding up the
Rohingya, or the polices term Bengali immigrants.16

VI. Results of Violence

Ethnic violence has forced the Rohingyas into IDP camps with deplorable conditions. Many
Rohingyas are forced to flee to different countries, creating an influx of refugees.

6.1 IDP Camps

The Rohingya were forced into the internally displaced persons camps after June 2012, when
communal violence between the Rakhine Buddhists and the Rohingyas led to targeted police sweeps
in which masses of Rohingyas were detained. The breaking point was in October 2012, when
military forces destroyed most Rohingya homes and neighborhoods, leading to their displacement.17
There are currently 140,000 Rohingya in secluded camps, while the remaining 1.1 million face
everyday persecutions and restrictions on their freedom of movement. In these ghetto camps,
Rohingyas are denied access to education and health care, allowing disease to run rampant. They are
not allowed to leave the camps without official permission and are guarded in by the military.
Children that are born to Rohingyas are no longer given birth certificates, a process denying them of
citizenship and legal existence. They are banned from owning land and are required to sign a
commitment to have no more than two children.

A Rohingya IDP Camp, 2013

http://rohingyastudentunion.com/2015/03/10/breaking-news/persecution-of-t-he-rohingya-in-
burmamyanmar-and-t-he-r-esponsibility-to-protect/

16
Hindstorm, Hanna. "Burmese Authorities Targeting Rohingyas, UK Parliament Told. DVB Multimedia Group.
June 28, 2012.
17
Parnini, S. N., M. R. Othman, and A. S. Ghazali. "The Rohingya Refugee Crisis and Bangladesh-Myanmar
Relations." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 22.1 (2013): 133-46.

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As of July 2012, the Myanmar Government does not include the Rohingya minority group
classified as stateless Bengali Muslims from Bangladesh since 1982on the government's list of
more than 130 ethnic races and, therefore, the government states that they have no claim to
Myanmar citizenship.18
Movement restrictions within IDP camps limit income-generating activities for Rohingyas,
who have very little access to resourceful lands and markets, consequently relying solely on food
assistance. Rafts of temporary shelters are on the verge of collapse in unsanitary conditions. Large
families are crammed into small huts, making them more susceptible to disease. Adequate medical
care is not provided within the ghetto camps, and they are not allowed to leave, even for legitimate
health concerns. The Rohingya who are able to escape in search for assistance are often denied
medical care on account of their religion.
John Ging, the director of operations at the UN's Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), released a statement from New York, saying, It was
heartbreaking to see so many children in these dreadful conditions. One mother told me that her
baby, less than a month old, died from lack of oxygen in December after she was denied access to
treatment at the nearby township hospital.19
Due to a lack of proper burials and news coverage, death tolls are largely unknown.

On March 29, 2016, the day

before Myanmars transfer of power to a Figure 2
Source: United Nations, 2015
new government, outgoing President http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e4877d6.html
Thein Sein ordered the lifting of the
state of emergency imposed on the Rakhine State in 2012 during communal violence between
Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims. State media reported that the order was issued after the state
government found that the Rohingya were no longer a threat to people and property. However, no

18
"The 2014 Myanmar Population and Housing Census." Department of Population Ministry of Immigration and
Population, May 2015.
19
"UN: Myanmar's Rohingya left behind by election gains. Qantara.de. German Foreign Office, 3 Apr. 2016.

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11 The United Stated Department of State

IDP camps have been disbanded, nor have there been any policies to reintegrate Rohingya IDPs and
refugees back into society.

6.2 Refugee Crisis

The persecution of the Rohingyas in Myanmar was recently brought onto the World stage in
May 2015, when pictures of stranded Rohingya off the coast of Thailand elicited humanitarian
outrage from the international community. However, the Rohingya have been fleeing the Rakhine
State by boat for the past five years. In their desperate measures, they often take small and fragile
boats that are dangerous on the open seas. According to the UN, since June 2013, 458,381 refugees
from Myanmar, most of who are Rohingya, have fled persecution and violence. They have been
fleeing in dangerous journeys to Thailand, Malaysia, and Australia for refuge. Over 200 have died in
recent years and over 7,000 reached their destinations, only to be held in detention centers again.20

Figure 3
Source: United Nations, 2015
http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e4877d6.html

The journey for refugees has become increasingly dangerous, as human traffickers at sea
capture and exploit the vulnerable boats filled with refugees. The United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees estimates that 25,000 people have been taken to boats from January to
March in 2015 by human traffickers.21 Amnesty International reprimands the hellish conditions

20
Corben, Ron. "UN Reports Increase in Boat People Fleeing Myanmar, Bangladesh." VOA. 24 Aug. 2014.
21
Myanmar: 2015 UNHCR Country Operations Profile." UNHCR: The UN Refugee Agency.

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that refugees face on the risky journey to escape Myanmar.22 Human traffickers have been using
Thailand as a smuggling route, and in December 2013 a Reuters investigative report revealed the
location of several human trafficking camps and senior Thai officials involved in the trafficking of
Rohingya refugees.23 As a result, The Dalai Lama has joined other international voices calling on
Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi to condemn the persecution of Rohingya and enact
policy changes to decrease refugees.24

A Thai-owned boat carrying 200

Rohingya refugees: May, 2015
http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/asiapa
cific/myanmar-navy-carries-out/1865422.html

On the boats, the refugees suffer in cramped and unsanitary conditions for extended periods.
Oftentimes, the food supply is depleted, leading to fights on board and deaths from starvation.
Once arriving at their destinations, many women have reported of sexual abuse on the boats, while
the children are forced to witness such horrendous acts and conditions. These deplorable conditions
have detrimental psychological effects on the refugeesmainly the children. The Geutanyoe Foundation,
which provided humanitarian assistance for the Rohingya refugees who arrived in Aceh, Indonesia,
gave Rohingya children the chance to draw pictures of their experiences in the secluded camps and
boats on the journey to escape Myanmar. The images illustrated their traumatized state of mind,
including drawings depicting death and violence.25

22
"Southeast Asia: Persecuted Rohingya Refugees from Myanmar Suffer Horrific Abuses at Sea." Amnesty
International USA. 21 Oct. 2015
23
Szep, Jason, and Andrew Marshall. Thailands Clandestine Rohingya Policy Uncovered. Rep. Reuters. Web. 5
Dec. 2013.
24
Fuller, Thomas. "Dalai Lama Urges Aung San Suu Kyi to Help Myanmars Rohingya." NY Times. 28 May 2015.
25
Yosephine, Liza. "Incoming Government Told to Lift Restrictions on the Rohingyas." The Jakarta Post. 27 Feb.
2016.

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VII. Existing International Policies Figure 4

Source: Reuters
Many Buddhist Rakhines protested the presence of UN This map shows surrounding countries
peacekeepers and personnel, arguing that the conflict had been that many Rohingya flee towards.
misrepresented internationally to make them look like the
perpetrators.
In 2008, India suspended military aid to Myanmar due to its human rights violations, though
it has preserved extensive commercial ties. India is reluctant to cut off relations due to the large
revenue it receives.26

26 Meenakshi. "India and Burma: Time to Choose." Human Rights Watch. OpenDemocracy, 14 Jan. 2008.

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14 The United Stated Department of State

However, the U.S. and Israel have applauded the governments democratization steps,
ignoring the undemocratic disenfranchisement of the Rohingya ethnic minority. In May 2013, Thein
Sein, the Military-backed President, became the first Myanmar president to visit the White House in
47 years. To reward Myanmar for its democratization efforts, the U.S. welcomed President Seins
visit. President Barack Obama gave a speech, in which he congratulated Myanmars government on
political and economic reforms. This visit marked a new era in U.S.-Myanmar relations, as tensions
had brewed in the past with Myanmars military government. However, many U.S. human rights
activists objected to the visit due to concerns over the abuses and persecution of the Rohingya in
Myanmar. Nonetheless, Obama assured Thein Sein that Myanmar would receive US support and aid
in its political transition. NPR reported, The two leaders discussed to release more political
prisoners, the institutionalization of political reform and rule of law, and ending ethnic conflict in
Myanmarthe two governments agreed to sign a bilateral trade and investment framework
agreement on 21 May 2013.27

President Obamas official visit to

Myanmar, November 13, 2014.
http://www.president-
office.gov.mm/en/?q=media-
room/photogallery/id-4455

Many political theorists believe that the U.S.s newfound alliance with Myanmar is driven by
concerns of strengthening ties between China and Myanmar. Gwen Robinson, Chief Editor of the
Nikkei Asian Review, explained U.S.-Myanmar relations, writing, Its location is strategic, right in the
heart of a very volatile area. Its got a lot of resources, its got gas.28

VIII. Analysis: Causes of the Systematic

Persecution
In analyzing the key factors behind the persecution of the Rohingyas in Myanmar, I divide
the complex reasons into three categories. The first factor is the Citizenship Act of 1982, which

27
Lederman, Josh, and Aye Aye Win. "Obama Vows US Support As Myanmar Leader Visits: NPR." NPR.org. The
Associated Press, 20 May 2013.
28
"Will Anyone Help the Rohingya People? BBC News. 10 June 2015.

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disenfranchised the Rohingya and placed conditions on their status as citizens. I break down the
causes of this exclusionary act, dating back to the 1978 military operation Dragon King. The resulting
Citizenship Law contributed to years of disenfranchisement and marginalization of Myanmars
Rohingya population, leading to the second category of the 2012 Rakhine State Riots. These riots
stem from democratic reforms and a gradual build-up of ethnic tensions. Eventually, the riots
instigated the present violence of the Rakhine state of emergency and confinement of Rohingya
into camps. The third contributing factor that culminated from the causes above is Ted Gurrs
relative deprivation, theory, as applied to Rohingyas status within society. He describes how the
difference in ones value expectations and actual reality may result in violence, a characteristic that is
amplified by surrounding inequities.

8.1 Citizenship Act of 1982

8.1A Operation Dragon King

In order to understand how such an exclusionary act could be passed, one must address the
ideologies and events leading up to the legalized marginalization of Rohingyas. The distinct ethnicity,
language, and religion of Rohingyas make them a threat to the governments nation-building project
of unification through the rhetoric of a shared Buddhist faith. Consequently, the eradication of
ethnic and linguistic differences became a mission that united the ethnic Burmese.29
In 1978, Myanmars military conducted the operation Dragon King. The military claimed
that their mission was to eliminate Mujahid rebels, who had been fighting for an Islamic state in the
Northern Rakhine area. However, the operation mainly detained Rohingyas under violation of
citizenship laws, despite most of them having ancestors in Myanmar dating back hundreds of years.
The operation escalated, leading to mass killing and the expulsion of the Rohingyas from their land.
Thousands of Rohingyas were killed and over 200,000 were forced to repatriate to Bangladesh.
Spies and military personnel were planted in Muslim majority villages in Rakhine, creating a constant
fear of detainment and violence. The army personnel harassed the Rohingya Muslims on a daily
basis and destroyed many mosques.19

8.1B Legal Disenfranchisement

In 1982, a new citizenship law was passed, effectively classifying an estimated 750,000
Rohingyas living in its western Rakhine State as stateless Bengali Muslims from neighboring
Bangladesh. 30 The Citizenship Act of 1982 created three categories of citizenship: citizenship,
associate citizenship, and naturalized citizenship. Citizenship belongs to those who are of the
national races, or Burmese, Chin, Kaman, Kayah (Karenni), Karen, Mon, Rakhine, Shan, or
Zerbadee. Associate citizenship is for people who do not have evidence that their ancestors were in
Myanmar before 1823, but can prove they have an ancestor who applied for Burmese citizenship in
1948 or carried citizenship from elsewhere. 31 After passing this law, the Chairman of the Law

29
Charney, Michael. 2009. A History of Modern Burma. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
30
Parnini, S. N., M. R. Othman, and A. S. Ghazali. "The Rohingya Refugee Crisis and Bangladesh-Myanmar
Relations." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 22.1 (2013): 133-46.
31
Kin, Aung. "Burma in 1982: On the Road to Recovery." Southeast Asian Affairs (1983): 87-101.

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Commission, Dr Maung Maun, stated, "the year 1823 was taken because after that year the Anglo-
Burmese Wars were fought and Burma lost her independence with the result that foreigners freely
entered the country to reside and work in the country and these foreigners and their descendants are
not classified as citizens.32 The Rohingya are also exempt from Naturalized Citizenship, which is
only given to those who have at least one parent of a national race, or can provide "conclusive
evidence" that their parents came to Myanmar before independence in 1948.33

Citizenship Act of 1982

Figure 5
Type of Citizenship Conditions
Citizenship National Races
Associate Citizenship Pre-1823 ancestor who applied for citizenship
in 1948
Naturalized Citizenship Parent of a national race, or evidence of
ancestors before 1948

Though the first Rohingya people arrived in Myanmar as early as the seventh century, many
do not have the papers to prove their ancestors presence in Myanmar due to mass burnings of
Rohingya neighborhoods. The Citizenship Act of 1982 left them vulnerable to persecution,
discrimination and abuse. They were stripped of their documents, prohibiting them from traveling
within and outside the country.
Myanmars military-ruled government passed the Citizenship Act of 1982 due to the ethnic
Burmeses fear that the Rohingya would overpopulate them.34 The law was intended to ensure that
the Rohingya would always be othered so they could not flourish in the country. Citizenship
signifies a sense of belonging and legitimacy from the state, but when it is revoked for a certain
group, the state is creating a nation-wide declaration of marginalization.

8.2 Rakhine Riots of 2012

8.2A Election and Democratic Reforms

At first glance, it is easy to rationalize the escalation of violence from 1982 to 2012 as
happenstance, but many political changes were happening that explained the inflammation of ethnic
hatred and fear. It is also important to understand why the Rakhine Riots of 2012 were different
from other forms of violence that occurred through the years.
The 2012 national elections brought Thein Sein in as president, a moderate military general
in comparison to previous leaders. The U.S. enticed Myanmars government to carry out democratic
reforms in exchange for loosening economic sanctions that were placed in 2003 as punishment for
Aung San Suu Kyis arrest while protesting freedom of speech limitations. These sanctions included
strict restrictions on Myanmese financial institutions and a ban on all economic ties, such as imports
from Myanmar. Once these sanctions were somewhat alleviated, Myanmars GDP increased

32
Ibid
33
Smith, Martin. Burma (Myanmar): The Time for Change. London: Minority Right Group International. 2002.
34
Ibid.

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17 The United Stated Department of State

substantially, as is shown in Figure 6. The GDP is projected to increase significantly in the coming
years.

Myanmar Annual Growth Rate & Projections

However, due to the GDP spike, wealth disparity between

Figure 6
Rohingyas and ethnic Burmese increased, as the former were not Source: Central Bank of Myanmar
included in the flourishing economic sectors. Myanmars Integrated
Household Living Condition Survey estimated that 43.5% of the Rakhine population is living below
the poverty line, compared to the national average of 25.6%.35
Despite the GDP increase, politicians in Rakhine were worried about the promises of the
new government to instill democratic reforms. Many Rakhine Buddhists support democratization,
but they also insist on preserving power structures that disenfranchise Rohingyas. Before the
Rakhine Riots of 2012, there were talks within parliament of restoring Rohingya citizenship and
lifting the ban on teaching in ethnic languages. 36 Consequently, the ethnic Burmeses fear of
becoming a minority was even more amplified. In 2015, Parliament proposed a bill to allow
Rohingyas to hold voter ID cards. However, many Buddhists and monks immediately revolted, and
President Thein Sein dropped the bill.37
Many other democratization efforts have excluded Rohingyas, such as the recent freedom of
speech laws in 2012. Before these reforms, Myanmars strict censorship laws required all news
outlets to pass through government approval, and imposed harsh prison sentences for those who
criticized the government.38 The Myanmar government made an effort to release political prisoners
who were incarcerated for protesting against the government (See figure 7). However, most of the
prisoners released were ethnic Burmese, many of whom rejected the Rohingyas as equals. As a result,

35
"Rakhine Emergency Situation." Myanmar Information Management Unit.
<http://www.themimu.info/emergencies/rakhine>.
36
Schatz, Joseph. "In Myanmar, Attacking the Rohingya Is Good Politics." In Myanmar, Attacking Rohingya Is
Good Politics. 29 Mar. 2015.
37
Ibid.
38
"Myanmar Country Report." Freedom House. Web.

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18 The United Stated Department of State

Burmese citizens are able to spread anti-Rohingya sentiment, while those who speak out about the
persecution are detained or killed. Furthermore, the loosening of freedom of speech laws were not
inclusive of Rohingyas, straining the already tense ethnic relations. Furthermore, as many Rohingyas
lack ID cards and birth certificates, their arrest or disappearances cannot be proved.

Figure 7
Source: Freedom House
Left: The increasing release of protesters who were accused of violating censor laws after democratic reforms in 2012
Right: In comparison to other East Asian countries and the U.S., Myanmar has very poor ratings for freedom of press,
though it drastically improved after the 2012 democratic reforms.
*NOTE: Rohingyas are most likely not included in these statistics, as they are not included in any surveys or
population censes within Myanmar.

8.2B State of Emergency

The latest outbreak of violence and systematic discrimination stems from the 2012 Rakhine
State Riots. The riots broke out when a mob of ethnic Rakhine Buddhists killed 10 Rohingyas in
revenge for the gang rape and murder of a Rakhine woman by three Rohingyas on May 28, 2012.
On June 3, a mob of Rakhine Buddhists attacked a bus carrying Rohingyas, prompting protests by
Burmese Muslims in the commercial capital, Yangon. The Rohingyas protested the lack of
accountability of the Buddhist perpetrators who burned the bus carrying Rohingyas. These protests
were not well received by many Buddhists and Rakhine officials, culminating in police and civilian
violence. The killings caused an eruption of ethnic violence with 80 dead, hundreds of houses
burned, and up to 140,000 displaced persons.39
Myanmar authorities arrested three UNHCR staff during the unrest. According to the UN,
leaflets advertising graphic pictures of the incidents were circulated to mobilize violence. In October
2015, Amnesty International released a briefing documenting Myanmars new generation of

39
UN refugee agency redeploys staff to address humanitarian needs in Myanmar. UN.org. (2012, June 29).
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=42356#.VtuWdvkrLGg

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19 The United Stated Department of State

prisoners of conscience who have fallen victim to the increasing clampdown. 40 The police took
violent measures to repress Rohingya activism, particularly closer to the March 2016 elections. Josef
Benedict, Executive Director of Amnesty International Malaysia, said, Their actions have ensured
that those voices considered undesirable are silenced behind bars, and created a climate of fear so
that those critical of the government think twice before speaking out.
On June 10, the military government declared a state of emergency in Rakhine, citing the
Rohingya as a threat to national security. The martial law allowed the military to impose curfews and
mobilize troops in the region. Myanmars military also increased security and patrolling of Rohingya
cities and neighborhoods in case of rebellion. A month later, Thein Htay, the Myanmar Immigration
Minister Thein Htay asserted [the Rohingya] are not included among our more than 130 ethnic
races.
The violence was a culmination of anti-Muslim sentiments and ethnic inequalities. Before the
riots, there was a widespread fear among Buddhist Rakhines that the Rohingyas would outnumber
them, making them a minority in their own ancestral country. This sentiment was an added cause for
the brutal violence, and the Rakhine state of emergency was not lifted until March 29, 2016, hours
before the new government was to take office. The Myanmese governments lifting of the state of

Figure 8
The gap in major violence from 1982 to 2012 is explained by the
uneasy peace of a build-up of anti-Rohingya ideology.

40
"Myanmar: Elections Marred by Growing Repression and Rohingya Disenfranchisement." Amnesty International
USA. November 5, 2015.

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20 The United Stated Department of State

emergency in the Rakhine State proves that the abusive restrictions on ethnic Rohingya are not for
safety measures.41 Although ethnic tensions and incidences of altercations have always been a part
of the Rakhine state, the gang rape was able to instigate large-scale violence because local officials
used the specific incidence to build up fear and justify violence against the Rohingya population in
Rakhine.

The gap in major violence from 1982 to 2012 is explained by the uneasy peace of a build-up of anti-
Rohingya ideology. Political rhetoric against Rohingyas increased, and the military government
subjected the Rohingya to a steadily increasing campaign of persecution.42 The major government
changes in 2012 created a tense atmosphere, allowing one incidence of violence to culminate into
riots and a state of emergency.

8.3 Relative Deprivation

Ted Gurrs description of relative deprivation is appropriate in explaining the dynamics that
led the discrimination to violence. He defines relative deprivation (RD), as the difference between
what one expects and what one actually has. He theorizes that this discrepancy of collective value
satisfaction, disposes men to violence.43 Expectations for ones life are formed by surroundings
and what those around us have. When a persons realistic goals are not met, despite being capable of
obtaining them, they are relatively deprived. Gurr uses a three-pronged approach to classify values,
which he defines as goal objects of human motivation. (1)Welfare values include basic necessities,
such as food, shelter, and health care. (2) Power values are the presence of security and participation
in the government, while (3) Interpersonal values includes the ability to relate to ideologies, and hold
status within a cohesive support group. With the gradual democratization of Myanmar, ethnic
Burmese are given more freedoms and economic autonomy, whereas Rohingya rights are
increasingly violated. Due to the principles associated with democracy, equity for all Rohingya
value expectations increased, especially as their Burmese counterparts exercised their freedom of
speech, and became increasingly more involved in the government and economy. Unfortunately,
through the Citizenship Act of 1982, direct ethnic violence, poverty, and persecution, the Rohingya
lack all three of the values stated above. On the other hand, their ethnic Burmese neighbors are
entitled to each of these values, creating a climate for RD and high risks of violence.

IX. Policy Recommendation

Though the U.S. State department has declared that a genocide is not occurring in Myanmar,
the UN Dispatch released an analysis of Myanmars ethnic conflict. Breaking up genocide into eight

41
Slodkowski, Antoni, and Aung Hla Tun. "Myanmar Lifts State of Emergency in Conflict-torn Rakhine
State." Reuters. Thomson Reuters, 29 Mar. 2016.
42
Matthew J. Walton (2013) The Wages of Burman-ness: Ethnicity and Burman Privilege in Contemporary
Myanmar, Journal of Contemporary Asia, 43:1, 1-27.
43
See more at: Gurr, Ted Robert. Why Men Rebel. Princeton, NJ: Published for the Center of International Studies,
Princeton U Princeton UP, 1970. Ch. 2. Print.

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21 The United Stated Department of State

stages, it argues that Myanmar has reached the extermination stage of the Rohingya population.44
The U.S. has a duty as a democratic country to reopen the investigation of genocide within
Myanmar. We must support the transitionary government in ending the ethnic violence and
implementing precautions and institutional changes to change the ideologies that perpetuate violence
against Rohingyas. Myanmars transition period is a prime opportunity for governments and human
rights organizations to work with the new government to address deeply entrenched rights violations.
Such reforms include repealing disenfranchisement laws and reproduction restrictions upon
Rohingyas; ending the internment and systematic persecution of Rohingya; and providing a guideline
for constitutional reform that allows for an inclusive democratic political system.
Since 2012, the U.S. has provided over $500 million to support Myanmars democratic
transition. To prepare for the 2015 elections, the U.S. trained over 7,300 political personnel in
Myanmar on democratic values and voter education. In 2015, the United States provided more than
$50 million to address humanitarian needs in Myanmar, mainly focused on IDP camps. In 2015,
once photos of the refugee crises were leaked, the U.S. allocated $6 million towards the emergency
appeals from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.45 However, in allocating these
funds, the U.S. did not address the source of the disenfranchisement and violence against
Rohingyas. The $50 million that the U.S. State Department has allocated towards Myanmars
humanitarian crises can be redistributed to be used in a more productive manner that will hit the
root causes of Rohingyas discrimination and refugees.

I have created a 4-step plan for the U.S. State Department to systemically assist in ending the
violence and everyday marginalization of Rohingyas in Myanmar. Due to the significant amount of
money that the U.S. contributes to Myanmars economy, the U.S. State Department will levy the
threat of renewed sanctions if all four steps are not carried out within the allotted time spans. The
U.S. State Department will be able to enforce this reform with the threat of renewed sanctions,
which had been in place since 2003, due to the repeated arrest of Aug San Suu Kyi. These sanctions
include a ban on all economic ties to Myanmar, such as imports from Myanmar, and strict
restrictions on Myanmese financial institutions.46 However, in 2012, the U.S. lifted some restrictions,
causing a boost in Myanmars economy. In November 2015, the U.S. lifted these economic
sanctions in Myanmar for six months to reward them for electing a democratic party, the NLD.
These test-run six months are expected to boost Myanmars economy extensively, indicating the
advantage that U.S. has over Myanmars government.47 Aung San Suu Kyi also acknowledged the
effectiveness of U.S. sanctions, stating, Sanctions have helpedespecially on the political
frontThe very fact that theres a strong desire to have sanctions limited shows they were
effective.48

44
Greenwood, Faine. "The 8 Stages of Genocide Against Burma's Rohingya | UN Dispatch." UN Dispatch. May 27,
2013.
45
"U.S. Relations With Burma." U.S. Department of State. U.S. Department of State, 18 Dec. 2015. Web.
<http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/35910.htm>.
46
"Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003." www.treasury.gov. U.S. Treasury, 28 July 2003.
47
Hookway, James, and Samuel Rubenfeld. "U.S. Temporarily Lifts Trade Restrictions on Myanmar." The Wall
Street Journal. 7 Dec. 2015
48
"The Changing Nation of Burma." The Washington Post, Editorial. 29 Sept. 2012.

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22 The United Stated Department of State

In my policy recommendations, the U.S. will contribute personnel and work with the UN
and Myanmar Parliament to carry out these policies. The costs of my policy recommendations will
solely use the money that the U.S. Department of State already allocates towards Myanmar's
humanitarian needs. More on the costs will be in section 7.1. These policies will be implemented in
the state of Rakhine, where most Rohingyas reside.

1. Repeal Citizenship Act of 1982

Figure 9
The first step in ending the violence against the Rohingyas is Source: Sarah Syed
to reinstate their citizenship. The Citizenship Act of 1982 should
immediately be repealed, as many of the benefits and protections from state come with
citizenship rights. Once Rohingyas are eligible for birth certificates and ID cards, they will
have the right to mobility and will be able to participate in the economy and acquire
education. Subsequently, Myanmar must lift the restrictions placed on Rohingya marriage,
reproduction, movement, and education.
The success of this first policy will be assessed based on the number of citizenship
cards, ID documents, birth certificates, and marriage licenses that the government reinstates
or grants to Rohingyas. Rohingyas who are denied these rights will be given legal assistance
from U.S. personnel on the ground.

2. Reintegrate Rohingyas in IDP camps back into society

Immediately after repealing the Citizenship Act of 1982, the government must
reintegrate the Rohingyas in internally displaced persons camps back into society with the
help of international organizations, specifically the United Nations. The first step of this
provision is to provide counseling for all IDPs, as many were displaced due to extreme cases
of violence. Due to the stigma oftentimes associated with needing counseling, these
treatments will be mandatory for all IDPs before being reintegrated into society. The
counseling will be carried out for an hour in small groups of 5-7 IDPs, segregated by gender.
Within these sessions, victims will be educated on the resources available to them.
This money should also be used to improve healthcare in IDP camps, and as these
camps are disbanded, U.S. and UN personnel must be vigilant that the quality of the already
poor station hospitals, rural health centers, and clinics do not disintegrate. More funds

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23 The United Stated Department of State

should be allocated to the IDP camps and outwards transitions, as we help the Rohingyas
rebuild their lives, including houses, jobs, education, and healthcare support. When
rebuilding Rohingya neighborhoods, the U.S. State Department and UN should conduct
geographic spatial surveys to determine the best geographic areas with water and agriculture
resources. Once these two entities have laid out a geographic plan, they should incorporate
the Myanmar Parliament into the plan, hiring Rohingyas on adequate wages to build
irrigation systems, roads, neighborhoods and schools. The wage will be 4,000 kyat for an 8-
hour workday, or 500 kyat per hour (43 U.S. cents). The minimum wage in Myanmar is
3,600 kyat for 8 hours49, so a wage higher than the minimum wage will allow the Rohingya to
economically catch-up to ethnic Burmese.
However, IDP camps reintegration must be taken with careif it is carried out too
quickly, many Rohingyas may be left homeless without any support. Thus, the
implementation of this policy will be don gradually in the period of 5-7 years. The success of
the provision will be assessed by accounting for the number of refugees who have an
established location of shelter and source of income that provides at least 500 kyat per hour.
At least 90% of refugees within each IDP camp must meet these criterions.

3. Enforce equal treatment and end ideology against Rohingyas through education
reforms
Steps 1 and 2 are not sustainable if the prejudices against Rohingya Muslims are still
widespread. We must prioritize initiatives to improve acceptance within host communities,
as can be done through education reforms. Workshops for teachers on cultural competency
and educational equity will be carried out in the state of Rakhine. School textbooks and
national songs play a big role in enforcing ethnocentric ideals. An integration of children
from all ethnicities in government school will be a step towards changing the ideology
against Rohingyas in Myanmar. The U.S. Department of State should enforce that the
Myanmar Parliament repeals the law prohibiting education in the Rohingya language,
Ruingga. Rohingya children who do not speak Burmese need to catch up in school
alongside their peers, and a familiar language will preserve their culture, but also make
education more accessible. However, there is a lack of Rohingya teachers, due to education
restrictions, so teachers from other towns should be brought into Rohingya neighborhoods
with incentives to support Rohingya children in academic endeavors.
These education reforms and ideological conditioning provisions will be carried out
over the span of 3-5 years, with periodic assessments based on the number of racialized
violent outbursts in schools and communities.

49
Mclaughlin, Timothy, and Aung Hla Tun. "Myanmar Sets $2.80 Daily Minimum Wage in Bid to Boost
Investment." Reuters. Thomson Reuters, 29 Aug. 2015.

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24 The United Stated Department of State

4. Programs parallel to affirmative action that allow Rohingyas same job and education
opportunities
The fourth step in ending the discrimination against Rohingyas is to allow a space for
them in the political and economic systems. This provision includes creating programs
allowing the Rohingya to participate in Myanmars newly developed global stock market, so
that they do not fall behind and have same economic opportunities as other Myanmar
citizens. The country has recently joined the stock exchange in an effort to globalize and
integrate itself into the capitalist market. The government of Myanmar has made it
increasingly difficult for the Rohingya to participate in such activities that can improve their
socio-economic standing. ID cards are necessary, and many of the Rohingyas have lost their
official cards in the process of being forced to give up citizenship cards for foreigner IDs.
In their dire situations, many Rohingyas have resorted to drastic measures to make a living.
Their involvement in bootlegging, prostitution, and drug trafficking has increased. It is vital
that the Rohingya are included in Myanmars mainstream economy, otherwise the wealth
disparity between the ethnic Burmese and Rohingya will continue to increase.
To allow Rohingyas to have unobstructed access to livelihood opportunities that
increase income, education and job quotas should be implemented. Many universities in
Myanmar have discriminatory loopholes that do not allow Rohingyas to take exams, barring
them from graduation. These rules should be eradicated, and the schools will be closely
monitored to enforce equality among the students. Furthermore, quotas of at least 10
percent Rohingya graduation rate should be administered. This percentage will increase by
two numerals each year until the universities reach 25 percent. The Myanmar parliament will
be required to enforce these regulations with U.S. supervision.
In the job sector, the U.S. Department of State will work with private companies and
the international community to expand the scope and depth of vocational training available
to Rohingyas. Ethnic quotas gradually increasing from 10 to 25 percent will also be enforced.
The following sectors are ones that can be particularly strong in Rakhine: agriculture and
livestock management; farming technologies; fisheries management; textiles; IT and
computer skills. For the training workshops, the U.S. Department of State should include
Myanmars newly elected parliament into the implementation of the workshops to ensure
sustainability long after U.S. funds subside in seven years. These vocational training sessions
should be tailored to the geographical locations best suited to the development of such skills.
Each session will be one month long for approximately thirty people, and the overall
program will be carried out for three years.
The education and job quotas will be periodically assessed using the criteria of ethnic
ratios within schools and businesses.

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25 The United Stated Department of State

9.1 Costs

Figure 10
Source: Sarah Syed

X. Conclusion
As the U.S. State Department, we have already relaxed international scrutiny of a possible
genocide of the Rohingyas, though the new Myanmar government has not even had the chance to
implement any reforms. There have also been talks in the UN of moving Myanmar from an Item 4
situation, the agenda category for states with serious human rights issues, to Item 10, which is
intended for states of lesser concern that only need technical assistance. However, our haste in
overlooking the situation due to Myanmars pending democratization is premature. The military is
keen on keeping their constitution intact, while the NLD is hoping to incorporate democratic ideals.
50
Furthermore, the military has only partially withdrawn from the government, as the full transition
of government is not promised to be easy.
Myanmars human rights violations against Rohingyas are an urgent matter that must be
addressed, especially due to our well-known financial support of Myanmars government. If we do
not act quickly, our international reputation will be at stake. The U.S.s global position as a
superpower and human rights advocate deems it necessary to support equality and justice; otherwise,
we may be setting a dangerous precedence.

50
Fisher, John. "Dispatches: Keep Up the Pressure on Rights in Burma." Human Rights Watch. March 10, 2016.

Sarah Syed April 2016