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Journal of Intercultural Communication Research
To cite this article: Nourollah Zarrinabadi & Ensieh Khodarahmi (2017) L2 Willingness to
Communicate and Perceived Accent Strength: A Qualitative Inquiry, Journal of Intercultural
Communication Research, 46:2, 173-187, DOI: 10.1080/17475759.2017.1301981
Download by: [Mr Nourollah Zarrinabadi] Date: 10 March 2017, At: 07:01
Journal of Intercultural Communication Research, 2017
VOL. 46, NO. 2, 173187
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17475759.2017.1301981
Introduction
In the past few decades, communicative approaches towards second language (L2) learning
and teaching have attached overriding importance to the role of meaningful and interactive
use of language in L2 acquisition inasmuch as interaction is regarded as the most important
element in the curriculum (van Lier, 1996, p. 5). Independently of their L2 proficiency,
however, learners may or may not be willing to communicate in an L2. In effect, L2 will-
ingness to communicate (WTC) functions as a mediating layer between having the L2
competence and using this competence to communicate (Dornyei, 2005). Engendering L2
WTC in learners, therefore, is viewed as an integral component of modern L2 pedagogy
(Kang, 2005; Macintyre, Drnyei, Clment, & Noels, 1998). Macintyre et al. (1998) described
L2 WTC as a readiness to enter into discourse at a particular time with a specific person
or persons, using an L2 (p. 547). A high L2 WTC would facilitate L2 acquisition as it can
increase the frequency of L2 use (Clment, Baker, & MacIntyre, 2003) and heighten learning
opportunities inside and outside the classroom context (Kang, 2005).
Despite the extensive attention paid to WTC in L2 acquisition research, there are still
areas which have remained relatively unexplored. One such area has to do with the potential
influences that L2 speakers` perceived accent strength is likely to exert on their willingness
to initiate a conversation. Accent strength is the most salient feature of L2 speech (Derwing
& Rossiter, 2002) which is independent of L2 communicative competence (Cook, 1999)
and constitutes an important component of learners` L2 identity (Gluszek & Dovidio,
2010a, 2010b). It refers to the extent to which speakers` first language (L1) deviates from
the L2 and the extent to which speakers of the same L1 differ in the way they deviate from
the L2 (Derwing & Rossiter, 2002). Research on accent attitudes, conducted mainly from a
social-psychological perspective, has demonstrated that non-native speakers (NNSs) accent
strength can have negative stereotypic consequences for them in interactions with native
speakers (NS) such as being seen as less proficient (Boyd, 2003), less intelligible (Bresnahan,
Ohashi, Nebashi, Liu, & Shearman, 2002), or even less talented (Rubin, Healy, Gardiner,
Zath, & Moore, 1997). Given the status of English as an International Lingua Franca (EILF),
and the pervasiveness of NNSNNS interactions in international settings, examining the
role of accented speech on WTC in interactions between non-native-speaker and listener
pairs from the same and different mother tongues merits attention. The present study seeks
to make contribution to this gap by focusing specifically on the nexus between learners` L2
WTC and perceived accent strength in NNSNNS interactions in the Iranian EFL context.
In addition, to take dynamics of social interaction into account, the relationship between
learners` perception of the other interlocutors` accent strength and their L2 WTC will also
be examined.
Literature Review
The Construct of L2 WTC
The construct of WTC was originally developed by McCroskey and Richmond (1990) as a
trait-like predisposition to account for individual differences in L1 communication. It was
defined as the probability to engage in communication when given the choice (McCroskey &
Richmond, 1990) and was considered as a personality trait reflecting a stable predisposition
to initiate communication in different situations (McCroskey & Richmond, 1990). After
being introduced to L2 literature by MacIntyre and Charos (1996), L2 researchers began to
investigate whether L2 WTC is a trait-like predisposition. These studies corroborated, inter
alia, perceived communicative competence (MacIntyre & Charos, 1996), communication
apprehension (e.g. Baker & MacIntyre, 2000), age and gender (Baker & MacIntyre, 2000),
culture (Peng, 2014), and motivation (Peng, 2007) influence L2 learners` willingness to
initiate a conversation.
Macintyre et al. (1998), however, developed the notion of WTC as a trait-like predisposi-
tion and argued that L2 WTC comprises both trait (stable) and state (transient) properties.
Within their situational framework, WTC was defined as a readiness to enter into discourse
at a particular time with a specific person or persons, using a L2 (Macintyre et al., 1998;
p. 547). Considering WTC as a situational construct, Macintyre et al. (1998) suggested a
heuristic model to show the influence of both individual and situational variables on will-
ingness to initiate L2 communication. The model, presented in the shape of a multi-layered
pyramid, integrated various social-psychological, linguistic and communicative variables as
precursors of L2 communication. The first three layers, namely social and individual context,
affective-cognitive context, and motivational propensities were deemed to have more endur-
ing influences on L2 WTC. The second three layers, to wit situated antecedents, behavioral
JOURNAL OF INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION RESEARCH 175
Accent Strength
Accent, defined as a manner of pronunciation (Giles, 1970), is an integral part of the spoken
language and can have significant consequences for interactants and the interaction between
them (Gluszek & Dovidio, 2010a, 2010b; Lindemann, 2003; Munro & Derwing, 1995). This
is a common feature of adult L2 learners speech (Moyer, 2004; Munro & Derwing, 1995;
Scovel, 2000) in which the manner of pronunciation differs from the accepted standard
(Gluszek & Dovidio, 2010b). Past research indicated that while adult L2 speakers might
develop native-like proficiency in many areas of the L2, achieving a native-like accent is
quite difficult, if not impossible, even under the most ideal conditions (Derwing & Munro,
2009; Moyer, 2004).
L2 speakers, however, speak the L2 with varying degrees of accent strength (Munro
& Derwing, 2001). Munro and Derwing (2001) defined accent strength as the degree to
which the listener believes an utterance differs phonetically from native-speaker utterances
(p. 454). It serves as an indicator of speaking a nonnative language (Kinzler, Dupoux, &
Spelke, 2007) and may affect the way speakers and listeners approach interactions (Gluszek
& Dovidio, 2010a). Though basically independent from L2 competence (Cook, 1999),
accent strength may be taken to mean that one is not able to speak the language fluently
176 N. ZARRINABADI AND E. KHODARAHMI
(Lindemann, 2003; Marvasti, 2005). This is likely to generate negative feelings and biases
in both speakers and listeners which in turn affect the communication process (Cargile,
Giles, Ryan, & Bradac, 1994; Giles, 1970; Giles, Williams, Mackie, & Rosselli, 1995; Gluszek
& Dovidio, 2010b; Lindemann, 2003; Munro & Derwing, 1995).
To date, research has demonstrated diverse effects of nonnative accent on communi-
cation processes and outcomes in NSNNS interactions. This line of research which has
been mainly conducted from NSs perspective (Gluszek & Dovidio, 2010) has generally
confirmed that non-natively accented speech is perceived negatively on the part of the NSs
(e.g. Derwing & Munro, 2009; Fuertes, Gottdiener, Martin, Gilbert, & Giles, 2012; Giles,
1973). The general impression gleaned from the studies on accented speech among L2
speakers of English also indicates that accented English is perceived negatively compared
to the natively accented one in regard to social status, educational background, and intel-
ligence (e.g. Cargile et al., 1994; Jenkins, 2007) and NNSs with accented English are often
confronted with prejudices, discrimination, and stigmas in their social life (e.g. Derwing,
2003; Flege & Fletcher, 1992; Lindemann, 2003; Moyer, 2004). Such perceptions exert a
negative influence on nonnatively accented speakers` feelings about their accent which
in turn affect their approach to the interaction process (Derwing & Rossiter, 2002). Such
accent-related stigmas can have psychological and behavioral influences on NNSs` percep-
tion of their own accent and the way they approach interaction with NNSs.
Method
Context and Participants
As the study aimed to examine accent strength in a context in which English communication
occurred between NNSs of English, the present study was conducted in a private language
teaching institute in Iran. The institute provided courses for foreign language learners in
German, Spanish, English, and French. The instructional approach employed by the institute
JOURNAL OF INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION RESEARCH 177
encouraged communicative and interactive use of the language. The classes were held three
times a week and each class lasted for 90min.
Participants were 20 Iranian EFL learners (10 males, 10 females) who were selected based
on purposeful sampling. To this end, the researchers tried to find participants who would
best enable them to answer their research questions. This method of sampling was chosen
as it helps to obtain a rich understanding of the phenomenon under study (Creswell, 2012).
The participants all spoke Persian as their native language and their age varied from 16 to
24years old (M=18.6). They were all classified as upper-intermediate level students based
on their scores on OPT. 40% of them had immediate family members (e.g. father, brother,
sister) and 60% had extended family members who spoke some English. They all reported
that they had had interactions with NSs of English. The language learning experience of
students ranged from 18month to 7years.
Instrumentation
Data for the study were collected in a series of semi-structured interviews with each partic-
ipant. The interview questions were planned to explore the extent to which the participants
paid attention to their accent during interactions and the ways in which their accent might
affect their willingness to approach or avoid communication. After the first draft of the
interview framework was prepared, it was submitted to two experts well-familiar with L2
WTC and nonnative accent literature to pass judgment on its content and relevance to the
focus of study. The expert review resulted in some modifications in the diction and order
of the questions. The revised interview protocol was then pilot-tested with five learners
to identify any potential ambiguities or problems that might occur during the interviews.
Learners were also asked to state whether they could understand each question clearly.
Accordingly, some wording problems were resolved.
Data Analysis
To analyze the data, audio-recordings of the interviews were transcribed verbatim using
Microsoft Word and were printed for the purpose of analysis. The analysis of individual
participants` interview transcription was then carried out in several stages. In the first
stage, the researchers perused the transcripts and open-coded them. This was accomplished
through examining, comparing, and classifying the data to produce as many alternative
178 N. ZARRINABADI AND E. KHODARAHMI
categories as possible. As suggested by Strauss and Corbin (2008), the researchers tried to
frame the categories as activities or processes (e.g. using words such as avoiding, resisting,
and talking). The categories were filed with the interview excerpts. To keep track of the
categories generated at this stage, the researchers wrote the notes on the margins of the
A4-sized prints of the interview transcripts and then cut and pasted the segments generated
into different files. This led to files containing different excerpts of a category. For example,
classroom file contained more than 50 excerpts.
In the next round of coding, i.e. the axial coding stage, the coded data fragments were
examined for recurring ideas to establish more general themes. To this end, the set of cat-
egories were inspected as an entirety to find those higher-order ideas or categories which
allowed the clustering of ideas. This stage involved the identification of the characteristics
of categories and putting them together to form a whole picture. Next, categories were
constantly compared and contrasted with each other to refine them as a whole system. By
way of illustration, there were some categories which were classified as different at first but
then collapsed into the same category (e.g. classroom, school, tourism sites into context
category). There were also cases where nuances of meaning resulted in a categorys division
into two or more specified codes (e.g. pronouncing into mispronouncing and accented
pronouncing). In the next phase, the categories that best captured the essence of the data
were selected. In this phase, the relationship between previously identified thought units,
concepts, and categories were further examined, developed, and refined. This stage resulted
in six themes, of which four featured predominantly. There were three to five thought units
in each of the predominant themes. Moreover, the analysis showed that the identified core
themes were almost equal in prominence and importance (the themes are the ones that
were identified and they are not based on order of importance and quantity of codes). The
researchers kept memos which made it possible to store ideas generated at coding stages
for future use. When involved in coding the interviews, the researchers tried to not only
describe the data but also find those main concepts which might capture the meaning of the
phenomena under study. In addition to the ideas fine-grained in the iterative process of data
analysis, the researchers also interpreted the findings in the light of previous research find-
ings to avoid any imposition of pre-existing ideas and assumptions on the interpretations.
audit did not ask for further data gatherings but suggested some changes in higher-order
category naming.
Several ethical considerations were attended to before, during, and after data collection
and analysis. Prior to the interviews, participants were thoroughly informed about the pur-
pose and the nature of the study. Furthermore, they were assured that their privacy would be
guaranteed, their identity would not be revealed, and the information they provide would be
confidentially treated. They were assured that the study would not affect their course grades
and that they might withdraw from the study if they seemed to have problems with it. All
the participants signed an informed consent. During the interviews, the researchers tried
to establish rapport and friendship and to create an environment which was trustworthy.
The interviewer also tried not to intrude into the learners life and time (e.g. He did not ask
questions which might require the participants to give information about their personal
life or he allowed them to decide on the time of the interview). Throughout the study, an
attempt was made to present only participants views and avoid bias and misinterpretations.
I think accent and pronunciation was the yardstick for assessing all of my abilities or even my
personality. For example, everyone reacted with surprise when I said I have a PhD in chemistry.
Or they explained simple social issues to me as if I didnt know themI didnt like to talk for I
couldnt speak with a native accent. Whenever, I talked I did it with shame for I thought they
would think of me as illiterate and silly.
180 N. ZARRINABADI AND E. KHODARAHMI
Moreover, the participants noted that they experienced similar feelings and reactions
from their teachers as well. They posited that when they talked in the classroom, they felt
that the teacher developed a negative image of them due to their accented speech. As one
of them commented:
The teacher negatively reacted to my speech! After that he always asked me did you get it?
He did it about very simple things. He talked more with those whose accent and pronunciation
was better. I didnt like to talk in his class for I thought he believed I am not a good learner. I
think I was not important for him.
Another participant referred to the teachers underestimation of his abilities as the cause
underpinning his unwillingness to communicate (UnWTC) and believed that the teacher
underestimated his ability because of his non-native accent. As he commented:
The teacher used pronunciation as a judging criterion for my ability. I was better than others
at vocabulary and grammar but the teacher thought I am lazy or less intelligent. He looked
at me when explaining simple structures and always asked me whether I understood but did
not ask others. I could easily understand what he thought about me. I did not like to talk in
the class for the content of my speech was not important.
Another participant pointed to the same behavior on the part of the teacher and men-
tioned that the teacher`s interaction with him decreased because of his accent and pro-
nunciation and became limited to simple and short discourse in the classroom. He noted:
The teacher told me that pronunciation was very important. After two or three presentations,
he did not talk much with me. He only asked me simple questions like do you agree? or yes
or no?. But he talked profusely with others and discussed important things with those whose
accent and pronunciation was better.
Interestingly, some participants who palpably felt that they had managed to get rid of
their non-native accent and that their accent was nice to listen to mentioned that they did
not like to talk to people with strong accents. As one of them commented:
If an individual speaks English with accent, honestly, I dont have positive feelings toward him.
I feel he is not much proficient, educated, or classy. I dont like to talk to such people for I think
they dont have enough knowledge. They dont have something to say.
Another student expressed similar feelings and said:
The first thing which comes to your mind when someone speaks with a bad accent is that he
does not know much English. You think he has poor grammar and vocabulary, too. I dont like
talking with such individuals as I think I talk to someone who knows less than me.
Another student echoed similar ideas and commented:
Often, such persons dont have high degrees, classy jobs, and interesting characters. I think if
they did, they would try to improve their accents.
On the contrary, those with native-like accent were not only considered as linguisti-
cally knowledgeable but also perceived as classy and prestigious. As some participants
commented:
Yes, I like to talk to people with beautiful accents. They think they have good command of
English. You know, it also seems classy.
You know, it gives me the impressions of being literate, classy, and, yes, being prestigious.
As can be seen in the above excerpts, individuals with a strong accent became the target
of prejudice, stereotyping, negative attitudes, and discrimination which are the hallmarks of
JOURNAL OF INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION RESEARCH 181
stigmatization. Individuals with strong accents were thought of as illiterate and uneducated.
These negative attitudes and prejudices were translated into unwillingness to talk for both
the speaker and the listener. Participants who perceived their accent as being strong noted
that they were unwilling to speak an L2 because they feared being thought of as silly, uned-
ucated, and illiterate. Also, individuals who spoke to interlocutors with native-like accent
were willing to resume conversation for they perceived the speakers English to be classy
and prestigious. On the other hand, participants with native-like accents were unwilling to
talk to people with accented speech for they thought that such communication could not
enhance their linguistic knowledge.
It seemed that the extent to which L2 learners believed that accents were under ones
control, they might negatively react to individuals who display accents. Accordingly, accent
appeared to serve as a determining benchmark in characterizing good language learners in
NSSNNS communications, too, and accent stigmatization could not be seen as exclusive
to NSNNS interactions.
across as he thought his accent was a major hurdle in doing so and the listener might stop
trying to make sense of what he heard as he pre-judged the speaker`s ability to make himself
understood by his accent. These attitudes and feelings were conducive to UnWTC on the
part of both the listener and the speaker.
I compared my accent to that of others. I think my accent is better. I mean more beautiful. This
gives me the perception that I am good at English. You know, speaking is the most important
skill and when I have a good accent why not using it? I speak with confidence and in every
situation for I wont be ashamed of my accent and pronunciation.
Moreover, the data showed that negative ideas about ones accent adversely impacted per-
ceived L2 competence and self-confidence. These negative perceptions were eventually trans-
lated into lower L2 WTC. The following extracts can be taken as representative examples:
I compared my accent and pronunciation to those of my classmates. It was not as good as
theirs. I felt I could never be a good language learner. I was worried about my accent and
pronunciation in the class. And sometimes I decided not speak because of this.
My accent was not good. My friend was much better. This influenced my feelings about my
language learning abilities. Sometimes, I thought that maybe I was less intelligent. I didnt
participate much in the classroom discussions. Because I was worried about my pronunciation.
Moreover, the participants noted that comments given by peers and teachers influenced
their perceptions about the quality of their accent and pronunciation and increased their
competence and self-confidence. This can be found in the following comments:
The teacher told me that my accent and pronunciation is good. Honestly, I was doubtful about
my accent and pronunciation but after his comments I became more motivated to speak. His
comments gave me the courage and confidence to talk more.
My classmates told me that your accent is beautiful. I got happy when I heard these comments.
They reduced my stress about talking in the classroom. I relied on my accent and talked in
most situations even when I had little ideas.
As seen above, accent strength affected L2 WTC through influencing their perceived
competent and L2 self-confidence. If they thought that their accent was good, they would
become more confident to speak, and therefore, more willing to communicate. On the
contrary, if participants perceived their accent as strong and noticeable, they developed a
negative attitude about their language abilities, became less confident, and therefore, became
less willing to talk. This finding provides further support for Subtirelu (2014) study which
showed that L2 learners` perception of their communicative competence was affected by
their language ideology which subsequently impacted their L2 WTC.
Overall, the findings, taken together, suggest that, perceived accent strength as a
social-psychological factor, influences EFL learners` L2 WTC in NNSNNS interactions.
In other words, the participants perceptions about their or the interlocutors` accent strength
could positively or negatively affect L2 WTC.
Conclusion
This study used a qualitative methodology to examine the effect of accent strength on Iranian
EFL learners` willingness to initiate communication with NNSs of English. Four themes
featured prominently in participants` responses to the interview questions which showed
how accent-related attitudes might influence L2 WTC. First, accent strength was found to
arouse feelings of being stigmatised which are, in turn, translated into reluctance to par-
ticipate in communication and UnWTC. Individuals with accented speech were depicted
as illiterate and less talented by some participants and were stereotyped as incompetent
language speakers. Second, participants referred to disruptiveness in communication due
184 N. ZARRINABADI AND E. KHODARAHMI
to bad pronunciation and accented speech which led to the speaker or other interlocutors
abandonment of communication or code-switching to L1. Third, aspiration for showing
off one`s native-like accent was found to exert differential effect on the speaker and the
listener`s L2 WTC. More specifically, the speaker`s satisfaction with his supposedly native-
like accent heightened his L2 WTC but dampened the listener`s willingness to maintain
communication. Finally, perceived accent quality affected L2 WTC by influencing ones
perceived competence and L2 self-confidence. When participants perceived their accent
as native-like or beautiful, their perceived competence and L2 self-confidence increased
which in turn promoted their L2 WTC. Moreover, when the participants found that the
interlocutors spoke English with a beautiful accent, they became more willing to talk to
him/her for the speaker was perceived as literate, classy, and prestigious.
As the findings of the study show, in the Iranian EFL context, the ideas of prestigious
accent and ownership of English have largely gone unchallenged and speaking native-like
accents continues to be privileged. This highlights the need for an ideological critique of
the hegemonic status of American and British accent norms and points to a clear direction
forward for heightening teachers and learners` awareness of the discourse of English as a
Lingua Franca (EIL) in L2 pedagogy. To this end, the pedagogy of EIL needs to be inte-
grated in teacher education courses to highlight the priority of mutual intelligibility over
speaking a native or native-like English and to reconfigure teacher`s definition of a good
language learner. Teachers should not only be adequately prepared to teach issues such as
pronunciation, stress, and intonation but also should have an appreciation of their reaction
towards students accent so as not to hinder their L2 WTC. Additionally, they might try to
be cautious about students reaction/attitudes towards accented speech in order to avoid
discriminating and stereotyping, and eventually UnWTC. Through maintaining positive
views on their accents, L2 learners can be more assertive in communication and experience
more positive interactions.
Of course, it should be mentioned that further research on the role of perceived accent
strength on other EFL contexts is needed to get a clearer picture of the ways in which
accented speech might influence WTC. An interesting line of inquiry might be to examine
perceptions of accent among NNSs with different native languages in EIL settings.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Notes on contributors
Nourollah Zarrinabadi is a PhD candidate of TEFL at University of Isfahan, Iran. His area of interest
is communication-related individual differences in second language learning and acquisition. His
current research involves both theoretical and empirical research on directed motivational cur-
rents, willingness to communicate, and Implementation and innovation research. His latest articles
appeared in journals such as System, TESOL Quarterly, Teachers and Teaching, and Language and
Linguistic Compass.
Ensieh Khodarahmi is a PhD candidate of TEFL at Allameh Tabatabai University, Iran. Her areas of
interest are second language acquisition, pragmatics, and teacher education. Her current research
involves investigating WTC and pragmatic fossilization in second language leaning. She has published
in national and international journals on these subjects.
JOURNAL OF INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION RESEARCH 185
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