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Annu.Rev.Sociol. 1997 23:97-120
? 1997 byAnnualReviewsInc. All rightsreserved
Copyright
ABSTRACT
Feministtheoriesin sociologyreflecttherichdiversity of generaltheoretical
orientationsin ourdiscipline;thereis no one formof feminist theory.The de-
velopment of thesetheoriesoverthelast 25 yearshas onlyrecently begunto
influencethemainstream theorycanon,whichhas muchto learnfromtheirin-
sights.This chapterdemonstrates whyfeminist versionsof thefollowing the-
orytypesshouldbe morefullyintegrated intomainstream sociologicaltheory:
neo-Marxist, macro-structural,
exchange, rationalchoice,network, statusexpec-
tations,symbolicinteractionist,
ethnomethodological, neo-Freudian, and social
role. Feministstandpointtheory, an epistemological
critiqueof mainstream so-
ciology,is discussedat thebeginning, and thechapterconcludeswitha brief
accountofthenewlydeveloping efforttotheorizetheintersectionofrace,class,
andgender.
INTRODUCTION
The term"feministtheory"is used to referto a myriadof kindsof works,pro-
duced by movementactivistsand scholars in a varietyof disciplines; these are
notmutuallyexclusive and include: (a) normativediscussions of how societies
and relationshipsoughttobe structured,theircurrentinequities,and strategiesto
achieve equity;(b) critiquesof androcentricclassical theories,concepts,episte-
mologies, and assumptions;(c) epistemologicaldiscussions of what constitute
appropriateforms,subjectmatters,and techniquesoftheorizingfroma feminist
perspective;and (d) explanatorytheoriesoftherelationshipbetweengenderand
97
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98 CHAFETZ
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FEMINIST THEORY AND SOCIOLOGY 99
EPISTEMOLOGICAL ISSUES
Muchoftheliterature thatis labeled"feministtheory"consistsofepistemology
andepistemological critiques of"malestream" reflect
sociology.Itsfoundations
severalnonfeminist traditions,especiallyMarx'sandMannheim'sdiscussions
ofideology,Foucault'sworkon knowledge andpower,andphenomenological
and ethnomethodological approaches, theexactmixof influences varyingby
author.Whilethisworkmakesimportant contributions for
to thesetraditions,
tworeasonsI believethatitis a misnomertocallthisworkfeministepistemology
(or theory).First,theissuesraisedare notin anyfundamental waydifferent
fromthoseraisedbymanyscholarswhohaveworkedinthesetraditions buthave
notbeeninterested specificallyinwomenorcommitted tofeminism. Feminists
extendtheirinsightsin important a uniquely
ways,butthisdoes notconstitute
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100 CHAFETZ
Sociology
TheCritiqueofMainstream
SmithandCollins(also Cook & Fonow1986,Farganis1986,Haraway1988,
in additionto thosecitedabove)beginwiththeidea thatall knowledgeabout
thesocial worldreflects thesocialposition(s)oftheknowerand,therefore, at
bestcanresultinnomorethana partialunderstanding ofthatworld;thereis no
Archimedian perspectiveoutsideofone's sociallyconstituted standpoint.Un-
likesomefeminists whoargueforthesuperiority ofa woman'sstandpoint as dis-
empowered SmithandCollinsexplicitly
"outsider," recognizethata woman's
or a feminist standpointis no less situatedandpartialthanthosetheycritique.
For Marx and Mannheim,the"standpoint" of a knoweris definedin terms
of social class. Smithadds genderandCollinsaddsrace and genderto class
in defining thechiefdimensions of thosestandpoints.Theybegintheircri-
tiqueof acceptedsociologicalknowledgeon thebasisthat,untilrecently, the
knowershadone commonstandpoint-that ofwhite,middleclassmale;other
standpoints havebeeneffectively silencedas contributorsof"credible"social
scientificknowledge.Virtually all feministscholars(and manyothers)agree
thatbydiversifying thekindsofknowers insociology,newquestionsareraised
aboutsociallife,newdatasoughttoanswerthem,andnewinterpretations ofre-
ceivedwisdomareproffered. In short,different
standpointsleadtodifferences
inwhatscholarsthinkabout.However, forCollinsandSmiththisis merelythe
startingpointin theircritiqueofmainstream sociology.
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FEMINIST THEORY AND SOCIOLOGY 101
TheProposedAlternative
SmithandCollinssharea radicalempiricism;feministsociologistsshouldes-
chewthestandard,"masculinist"conceptualtoolsof thefieldand beginwith
immersioninwomen'sexperiences ofeverydaylife.ForCollins,anAfrocentric
feminist usesthescholar's"ownconcrete
epistemology experiencesas situated
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FEMINIST THEORY AND SOCIOLOGY 103
oftheimportance ofthepreviouslysilencedstandpoints
of(African-American)
womenforunderstanding thetaken-for-grantedaspectsof everydaylife. In
addition,theoretical
discussionsof ideologyandthesociologyof knowledge
needto includetheirworks,inasmuchas theyclearlydemonstrate theneces-
sityof broadening concernfromfocusingon class to includinggenderand
in understanding
race/ethnicity thesocial-rootednessof thoughtsystemsand
theintellectual
rootsofsocialpower.
TheIssue ofEssentialism
Feminist standpoint theory,whichis highlyattuned toreification committed by
mainstream sociologists,cannotavoidreifying thegenders.WhileSmithand
Collins explicitlyrecognizeconsiderablevariationamongwomen(and pre-
sumablymen)in theirexperiencesand consciousness, theirown logics,and
manytimeswording, makeitclearthattheyassumethatthereareoverarching,
gender-specificstandpoints;theycouldnototherwise talkabouta "masculine"
formof discourse. In addition,Collinsexplicitlycitessuch feminist theo-
ristsas Gilligan(1982) and Chodorow(1978, also 1974),who arguethatthe
gendersare fundamentally different in theirmoralreasoningand capacities
for/commitments to interpersonalrelationships.
Positingdichotomous genderdifferences thataretreated as transcultural
and
transhistoricalis termed"essentialism," a view thathas substantial currency
amongfeminists in a varietyof disciplinesbutis hotlycontested in ourown
(e.g. Lorberetal 1981,Coser1989,Epstein1988). The empirical evidencefor
itis flawed,oftenbasedonsmall,nonrandom, American samples,andtypically
findsonlymodestdifferences, alongwithextensive overlap,betweenthesexes.
Essentialistthinking convertsdifferences ofdegreeintodifferences ofkind.The
presumed butoftenunstated originofessentialdifferences includespsychody-
namicsrootedintheparental divisionoflabor(Chodorow1978)andbiological
sex (Rossi 1977,1984). Ithasbecomecommonforfeminist scholarstorecog-
nizewithin-gender categorical differences (e.g.race,class),butthisawareness
ofdifference has oftenfailedtoprecludeessentialist thinking aboutbasicper-
sonalityand value orientations (e.g. theassumption that,regardlessof other
differences, womenare nurturant and oriented towardpersonalrelationships,
whilemenare individuating and orientedtowardabstractmoralprinciples).
Giventhattheevidencesuggestsmodestbetween-sex andconsiderable within-
sex differences on virtuallyall individual-level traits,a dichotomous gender
variableis theoreticallyuselesswhenspeakingofindividual-level phenomena.
Explanationsthatbeginby categorically attributingdifferent characteristics
to womenandmen-cognitive,emotional, relational,and/or behavioral-not
onlyexaggerate differencesinthedistribution ofsuchtraits bygender, theyalso
implicitly treatthesevariablesas dichotomous ratherthancontinuous.They
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104 CHAFETZ
reflectthe"either/or"
thinking inher
rejectedbyCollins,yetimplicit
explicitly
talkaboutaveragedifferences
logic. One canlegitimately betweenfemalesand
variables,
maleson individual-level butcaremustbe takento avoidreification
bydelineating theaveragedifferencesinexperiences/opportunities/constraints
thataccountforthemandbyexplicitly recognizingtherangeofwithin-gender
variationandbetween-gender overlap.Moreover,a dichotomousconceptualiza-
tionofgendercanbe a theoretically
meaningful such
aspectofsocialstructure,
as whenonetalksaboutthedegreeofmale-female occupational or
segregation
theextenttowhichan ideologydevaluesfemalesrelativetomales.
ConceptualProblems
Treating differencesofdegreeas differences ofkindis also manifest inmacro-
levelconceptsemployedby manyfeminist theorists,especially"patriarchy,"
and"oppression:'Onerarely
"exploitation," readsstatements thatcontainvary-
ing levelsof thesephenomena(e.g. societyA is less patriarchal/oppressive/
exploitativethanB). Theyareusuallytreated as constants,andtheemphasisis
placedon understanding theparticular formofpatriarchy/oppression/exploita-
tionin a giventime,place, and/orwithina specificsocioeconomicstructure
(usuallycapitalism).Yettheempiricalliterature clearlydemonstrates consid-
erablecross-societalvariation onthosedimensions thatcanbe takenas indica-
torsofthelevel(notsimplyform)ofgenderinequality (e.g.Martin& Voorhies
1975,Sanday1974,1981,Blumberg1978,1984,Chafetz1984).
These termsare infrequently defined, and whentheyare,theirdefinitions
are oftentoo broad,thereby obscuring thedynamicsof genderstratification
systems.Patriarchy, forexample,has been used to referto some combina-
tionofthefollowing:a typeoffamilystructure, an ideology(religiousand/or
secular),and one or moreproperties oftheeconomyand/or polity.Thiskind
definition
oftruth-asserting obscuresquestionsoftheextenttowhichandhow
thesevariousphenomena arerelatedtooneanother byassuming theirempirical
isomorphism. "Patriarchy" is oftenreifiedby theuse of an activeverb,as in
"patriarchycauses/creates/requires... ." Whenthishappens,theexplanatory
contentevaporates completely. Regardlessofconceptualproblems, in there-
mainderofthischapter I use thevocabularies employed bythetheorists whose
worksarebeingreviewed.
NEO-MARXIST THEORIES
feminist
Marxist-inspired theory,mostofwhichtodayis calledsocialist-femin-
ist,differs Marxism(andorthodox
fromorthodox Marxistfeminism) byinsist-
ingthatthenonwagedlaborthatmaintainsandreproducesworkers,andis done
overwhelmingly as wagedlabor,and that
by women,is equallyas important
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FEMINIST THEORY AND SOCIOLOGY 105
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FEMINIST THEORY AND SOCIOLOGY 107
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FEMINIST THEORY AND SOCIOLOGY 109
concerning technology,work,ideology,familystructure,politicaleconomy,
demography, thatignoretheubiquitousphe-
notto mentionsocialinequality,
nomenonof genderare radicallyincomplete, to
as are theoriesthatattempt
explainsocialchangeand/or reference
without
stability togender.Macrostruc-
turalfeminist provideimportant
theories insightsconcerningthelinkagesbe-
andothermacrolevelstructures
tweengenderstratification andprocessesthat
shouldbe incorporated theories.
intogeneralstructural
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110 CHAFETZ
self-reinforcingpoweradvantage overtheirwivesbecauseofwhatCurtis(1986)
definesas a contractualinequalitybasedonthehusband'sprovision ofgiftsand
favors.Theseincura debtforthewifewhichis unspecified, diffuse,and"can
ineffect"
be infinite (p. 179.) However,as Parker& Parker(1979; also Chafetz
1980) note,as thegenderdivisionof laboroutsidethefamilychanges,men's
resourceadvantageand therefore thenatureof spousalexchangesdo as well.
Unlikesome usesofexchangetheory, inthehandsoffeminist scholarsthemacro
which the
levelenvironment, shapes distribution ofresourcesandtherefore the
opportunities/constraintsofexchangepartners, is takenas theexplicitstarting
pointin understanding thenatureofmicrolevel exchanges, which,in turn,are
oftenanalyzed in terms of their
feedback impact on macrolevelphenomena.
The use ofexchangetheory byfeministsthereforeexemplifieswhatRisman&
Schwartz(1989) refer toas a microstructural
approachtounderstanding gender
inequality.
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FEMINIST THEORY AND SOCIOLOGY 111
SYMBOLIC INTERACTIONISTAND
ETHNOMETHODOLOGICAL THEORIES
Feministversionsofsymbolicinteraction
theory focus
andethnomethodology
on genderas an ongoingaccomplishment thatemergesduringinteraction
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FEMINIST THEORY AND SOCIOLOGY 113
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FEMINIST THEORY AND SOCIOLOGY 115
arevastlydifferentbecauseonlygirlssharethesexoftheirprimary loveobject.
Because girlsneednotseparateformtheirmothers to attaina genderediden-
tity,theygrowintowomenwhoseprimary concernis withconnection toother
people. Givena different-sex primary love object,boysdevelopa gendered
identitythrough separation, inmenwhofocuson individuation
resulting anda
denialofaffect.Thegender-specific psychologicalorientationsthatresultfrom
thefactthatwomenmother childrenofbothsexesunderpin malemisogyny and
dominance.Gilligan(1982) usesChodorow'stheory torefute Kohlberg's levels
of moralreasoning.She arguesthatwomen'smorality is differentfrom(not
at a lowerlevelthan)men'sbecauseitis basedon personalrelationships and
obligationsratherthanabstract principles
(whichKohlbergprivileges).These
twoworksarewidelycitedbyfeminist sociologists,
despiteextensive critique
oftheiressentialistlogic,psychological
reductionism,andotherproblems(see
Williams1993 fora reviewof thosecritiques,and see Lorberet al 1981).
Like socializationexplanations,feministneo-Freudian theorymakesgender-
relatedchangesall butimpossibleto explain.A different kindof criticism of
Chodorow'stheoryis developedbyJohnson (1988), who concludesthatit is
fathers,notmothers, whoreproduce genderdifferentiationinchildren andgen-
derinequalityamongadults.Childrenofbothsexesbecome"human"through
interactionswiththeirprimary loveobject,a motherfigure, whotendsto min-
imizegenderdifference. Fathersdifferentiate
theirchildren muchmoreon the
basis of gender.In addition,childrenobservetheirmothers playingthewife
role,whichmodelsgenderinequality inrelationship
totheirhusbands.
CONCLUSION
TheNewestTrendinFeminist
Theorizing
The"hottopic"inthe1990samongfeminist scholarsis "theintersection
ofrace,
class andgender."Editedbooks(e.g. Anderson& Collins1995a,Rothenberg
1992), specialjournalissues,programsessions,and a new sectionof ASA
havebeendevotedto it. The centralcontention ofthisemerging focusis that
thethreeformsof oppressionare notseparateand additive,butinteractive
and multiplicative in theireffects.However,to date,verylittletheoryhas
been producedon thetopic;thegrowingliterature remainsoverwhelmingly
and too oftendescriptive
descriptive, ofa sampleof womenof onlyone race
andclass (orevenspecificoccupation).
One exceptionis Collins(1990),whosuggests severalinteresting
ideasabout
howtotheorize "oneoverarching structureofdomination" thatincludesage,re-
ligion,andsexualorientation inadditiontorace,class,andgender(p. 222). She
arguesthatpeoplecan simultaneously be oppressedandoppressor, privileged
andpenalized;thatno oneformofoppression is primary, althoughindividuals
andgroupsoftendefineoneas morefundamental andothersas lesser;andthat
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116 CHAFETZ
Theoryand Mainstream
Feminist Sociology
Sociologistshavealwaysassumedthat,as Lorberstates(1994:36), "For hu-
mans,thesocialis thenatural."However, untilrecentlysociologistsexempted
genderfromthisassumption andlargelyignored thetopic.Themostfundamen-
talcontributionsoffeminist theorieshavebeento demonstrate thethoroughly
nature
sociocultural ofall aspectsofthegendersystem andtheomnirelevance of
genderto sociallife.Thiscorpusofworkdemonstrates thedaily"hardwork,"
conductedat themicro-and macrolevels byindividuals and social collectivi-
ties,thatgoesinto(re)producing genderas a fundamental ofsociallife,
feature
indeed,a moreubiquitous featurethansocialclass.
Feministtheoristshaveusedvirtually all theoretical in sociology
traditions
as springboardstounderstand thegendered natureofsociallife.In theprocess,
theyhaveoffered richandimportant critiquesoftheinadequaciesoftraditional
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FEMINIST THEORY AND SOCIOLOGY 117
theoriesthathaveresulted
fromthemasculineblinders theirauthorshaveworn.
Theyhavedevelopedrevisionsofthosetraditions thatbroadenanddeepenthe
of social life. Gradually,
discipline'sunderstanding albeittoo slowly,these
perspectivesarebecomingincorporated intothemainstream theorycanon. It
is myhopethatthisreviewmayhastenthatprocess.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
VisittheAnnualReviewshomepage at
http://www.annurev.org.
Literature
Cited
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