Oceania Publications, University of Sydney

Growing Knowledge in Bolivip, Papua New Guinea

Author(s): Tony Crook
Source: Oceania, Vol. 69, No. 4 (Jun., 1999), pp. 225-242
Published by: Wiley on behalf of Oceania Publications, University of Sydney
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OCEANIA
Vol.69 No. 4 June1999

GrowingKnowledgein Bolivip,
Papua New Guinea

TonyCrook
University
of Edinburgh

ABSTRACT
Knowledge in theMountainOk or Minarea of Papua New Guineahave,
practices
sinceFredrikBarth'spioneering Baktamanstudy,cometo exemplify 'secrecy'in
Melanesian ethnography andhaveconsequently represented somethingofan enigma
to anthropologicalinterpretation.This paper reportsresearch among the
Angkaiyakmin ofBolivipvillage, Western andaddresses
Province, theproblem posed
byMinrevelatory TheBarthian
practices. paradigm awem
interprets as 'secretknowl-
edge',andholdsthatrevelations arerestrictedtoinfrequent performances ofmaleini-
tiationritualswhichserveto managethedistribution of secretsexclusivelyamong
suitably men.TheBolivipdata,however,
qualified suggest thatawem(glossedhereas
is morewidelyknown,
'important') andconventionally revealedtowomenandjunior
initiates
inhiddencontexts.Through analysingthemovements involved
incomposing
efficacious
formsbycombining 'halves'in Bolivip,and illustrating
thecomparison
Angkaiyakmin drawbetweentarogardening and cultritual,thepaperarguesfora
reorientation
ofapproaches to 'secrecy'andtoconceptions of'knowledge'.

SUNG MIIT - PROBLEMS OF KNOWING

My firstimpressionof researchingknowledgepracticesin the Angkaiyakminvillage
of Bolivip was of being presentedwitha kaleidoscope of dislocatedimagery.Each
timean understanding seemed to be settling,myknowledgewas disruptedagain,and
was constantlybeing shifted.The turnsin conversationwere oftensuch that one
momentmyfriendsand I mightbe talkingabout a red parrot,thenthe blood spiltin
a fightwith Seltamanmin neighbours long ago, then a snake in a tree whose
butcheredlengthswere unequallydistributedso thatAngkaiyakminmen had little
successin satisfyingtwowives;topicsappeared (and reappeared) as iffromnowhere
and disappearedwithouttracein a sprayof disparateand complexdetails.The effect
was confusing, as effectivein limitingmyunderstanding as anyothertechniquein the
repertoireanthropologists mighttake as 'secrecy'. I only ever seemed to have half
thestory.

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Growing inBolivip
Knowledge

OftenI was givenanotherexampleto helpme see whatthepreviousexample

might mean,as iftheinsideofone wererevealedbytheother,theimplications only
beingmadeexplicit bythejuxtaposition. Each prospective additionto thesequence
of conversation revealedretrospective implications; settledimagesbeganto sway.
This practiceof juxtapositionwas reiteratedeverySundaymorningduringthe
Catholicchurchserviceswhichbeganwiththetellingof a popularancestralstory
thateveryonemighthave heard(gulaksung- unimportant story).Thiswas then
followed byreadings from the New Testament, portrayed as Jesus havingtranslated
thisancestral story from and
Bolivip put itinto hisown words. The gospelhadfirst to
be revealedas Jesus'turnon theirownAngkaiyakmin example,otherwise people's
skinwouldfeel'tired'(kal kakan)as theywondered whytheywerehearing someone
else'sstory.
Myconcernin thispapermayin hindsight appearto be aboutelucidating some
fixedconventional of
imagery Bolivip, an unfashionable attempt to settle upon some
structure ofsharedunderstandings perhaps.And indeed,Angkaiyakmin are overtly
concerned withconvention themselves - thereare paths(leip) of ancestralprece-
dent,example(kukup) and advice (sawa) thatshouldbe followed'straight' (turon)
andstrictly adheredto.Butsuchconcerns seemnotto presentthebarrier to a diver-
sityof shifting multipleperspectives thatwe mightimagine.Paradoxically, these
seemrather to enableit.
An earlyintroduction to thisprocesscamewhenI was offered namesforthe
the most food. Taro, Colocasia esculenta, is a
partsof a taroplant, important staple
member of the Aroid family, known to Angkaiyakmin as iman. A teenager's descrip-
tionhad theheart-shaped taroleafas a face- withears,eye,noseandtongue.One
-
manplacedhishandovertheleafand said theywerethesame withleafribs-as
bones,andleafveinsas muscles. Another suggested plant a complete
the had body
backbone and leg. Another thatthe stalk was an umbilicus. Yet
buttocks, hips,ribs, from the back
another suggested thatthespoton theleafsurface wherethestemjoins
whererainwatercollectsinglobules, wascalledaukum- firehearth. Joan1 suggested
thatthetopedgeoftheleaf(whichdips between two lobes) was amguga - mountain
- mostintriguing set of names
edge,and the dip wok tern 'waterchannel'.The his names wereawem
was from Keith, a senior man, who emphasised that
though, the lobes wasthe
sung_ important knowledge fromthemalecult;thedipbetween
vulva(abuk)ofAfek(themotheroftheMinpeoples), and the point of the leaf her
clitoris(ning).In tellingme this, Keith had turned his back on the mixed company
withwhomwe shareda gardenshelter, and heldup a taroleafwitha mischievous
smile.He teasedme,askingmewhatI thought theleaflookedlike.Morespecifically,
whichpartofa womandiditlooklike?He addedthatthenamefortheleafpointwas
thesameas thereedofthemouthharp(taram),butas I didnotknowthateitherat
thetimeitwasoflittlehelp.Finallyhe leton.I waseagertocheckthisbackinBolivip,
whereitwastreatedas an important matter. An initialreactionmight be to thinkof
thesenamesas deeperlevelsoftruth, and to findout which one was the truest. My
brother Louis (who was absently looking through magazines in my houseat
younger whohadalsobeen
thetime)wassenton an errand, leavinganothersenior,Matthew,
in the with
gardenshelter, myself and Dean, a renowned and knowledgeable
present themouton a
elder.We explainedtheissue,circumstances and thenames,pointing
taroleafto makethemclear.Witha smallshake ofthe head, Dean beganto laugh.It
wasclearthatitwas thefirst time he had heard the suggested names. The gravity of
themoment When I attempted to reiteratethat the suggestion was made
evaporated.
to me in all seriousness, Dean justsaid thatit was goodthatearlyon in mystayin
BolivipI hadlearntthatpeopleplaytricks. Louisreturned to thehouseandwasletin
the
on thejoke, similarlyenjoying exposure mygullibility. of It was clear that

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 Crook

Matthew hadbelievedthenamestoo (havingheard'something' aboutthembefore);

and afterwards said theymightstillbe true.Whatever the'truth'ofthenames,the
incident resulted inLouis- a juniormaninthemen'scult- comingto knowsome
namesthatwereregarded byKeithas one ofthemoreimportant thingsthereis to
know.Forhispart,Dean leftsayingthatifI reallywantedtosee a leafthatwasAfek's
vulvaandthatwasusedina ritual, he'dbringonealongthenextday.
Perhapsthemostpowerful demonstration of theseAngkaiyakmin knowledge
practices came from Allen in to
response mycomplaints ofconfusion thatourcon-
versations witholdermenseemedonlyto fracture intoarraysofimagery. He drew
on hisexperience ofBolivipCommunity School,reminding me thatwe wereonlyin
the'crownoftheknowledge treewhereall thebirdssingat once';he addedthatit
be
might confusing at that stageforme,butbeforeleavingBolivipI mightsee that
everything I had been told from so manydifferent domainsreallycamedowntojust
'one sentence'.He suggested thattheconfusing movement of imagesat thebegin-
ningmight be stilledbytheotherendofmystay.Paradoxically, thisdecreasedmove-
mentwouldbe thecounterpart ofincreasing thevarietyand multiplicity of images
through our work. Yet, whether in smaller scale conversations or largerscales of
knowing, it seemed Angkaiyakmin were simultaneously solving and creatingcom-
plexityforthemselves. Whatwas 'one sentence'was soon renderedincomplete.
IndeedAngkaiyakmin knowledgepracticesare carriedby reiterating imagesthat
movethrougha sequenceofjuxtapositions alternating between completionand
incompletion. I have borne this of
experience knowing Bolivipin in mind whenseek-
ing to rehearse my own movement from initialconfusion.
My approachfollowsrecentprecedentscharacterising the analogicbase of
Melanesianknowledge andrelational practices. The lasttwenty yearsofMelanesian
have
anthropology given us models of analogickinship(Wagner1977)and analogic
gender(Strathern 1988, 1991) to account forinstances whensocialrelationships and
genderseemto be thesubjectsofexchange. Thisworkhas helpedus to understand
thattheflowofsociality oftenhas itsmetaphorical base in imagesofdifferentiated
reproductive movement within the bodies of men and women,and theproductive
movements ofpersonsinthelandscape(Weiner1991).It is as ifwe arelearning now
to lookinsideone to geta viewoftheother.Hirsch(1995)revealsthewayinwhich
variousmovements are gathered in and heldbyFuyugeduringmoments ofthegab
in
ritual an attempt to recreate a primordial state of unity. objectivehereis to
One
explore these analyses of 'movement' byapplying them to movements ofknowledge.
By thisI mean theway in which metaphors move each other,how knowledge moves
people,and howtheseare manifested in turnthrough othermovements evidentin
tarogardening andcultritual.
Bolivipvillagelies in montanerainforest beneaththeHindenburg wallescarp-
mentintheWestern ProvinceofPapuaNewGuinea.Angkaiyakmin tracetheances-
tryof kinimmiit('man base' whichI glosshereas 'clan') to theTelefomin origin
place,and tellof arriving in Bolivipby a numberof paths.Some followedunder-
groundpathsto emergewithinthevillage,whilstotherscameover-land or
directly
The
indirectly. diaspora continues as many have subsequently moved to several
towns(predominantly to Tabubil,theOk Tedi miningtownship)foremployment,
educationand religioustraining. Widespread changeshaveaccompanied thedevel-
opment of the mine since the early 1980s 1996
(see Jorgensen's regionaloverview),
whichfollowedtheestablishment ofa Catholicmissionin Bolivipin thelate 1960s.
Clanshipis patrilineal, witha patri-viri localresidenceidealaftermarriage. Children
sharetheirfather's blood,and,inthisidiom,peoplebelongto a single'clan'.In prac-
tice,a cognaticrelationship can be foundor a friendship forgedwhichprovidesan
additional formofreckoning. Forthepurposesofgardening, thismayenableone to

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GrowingKnowledgein Bolivip

gardenwhereone pleasesbutwithdegreesof freedomto initiatea newgarden.

Youngboysare expectedto leavethewomen'shousesandjointhebodyofinitiated
menwhoideallyresideseparately. Newinitiates areinducted as a group,therebeing
fivesuchgradesat different stagesconcurrently. This division into'thoseof the
women'shouse' (wanangam alin) and 'thoseof themen'shouse' (kinimam alin)
remainsan importantaxis,amountingto alternateformulations of sociality2.
Whereasthemanywomen'shousescontaina singlegroup- 'thoseofthewomen's
house',themen'shousecontains theseveralgradesundertheumbrella'thoseofthe
men'shouse'.In termsofthenumberofhousesthen,'thoseofthewomen'shouse'
havemanywhereas'thoseofthemen'shouse'haveone3.Equally,whilstthemen's
househasa multiplicity ofgroups, thewomen'shouseshaveonlyone.Themultiplici-
ty of one is thesingularityoftheother.The formalhierarchy ofthemen'shouseis
absentin thewomen'shouses;thisasymmetry has implications forthewaygender
relationswithin andbetweenthetwogroupsareconfigured andconducted.
Marriageis ideallyclanexogamous, although thedistances involved, relationally
or geographically,arenotthesubjectofprescription. A gender-differentiated expec-
tationofmovement is revealedbymarriage: menachieverenown byattracting a wife
fromfaraway,whereaswomenwho remainclose to theiragnatesfindapproval.
Householdsarecomposedaroundmalesiblingship, anddrawon closeconsanguineal
and affinalkinin co-operative gardening projects.Domesticlifeis exemplified by
generosity, visitors
attracting to sharestoriesandfoodaroundthehearthat thecen-
treofhousesandofvillagesociality.
As muchas by blood,residenceor historical ties(and all of theseidiomsare
drawnupon), whatwe mightcall 'kinship'is also composedin Bolivipby the
'straightness'oftalk.Amongst closestkin,talkis saidtobe 'straight'; siblingswillput
requestsdirectly,discuss plans and concerns clearly.In other contextsa varietyofdis-
cursivetechniquesexiststhroughwhichto coverup the directness of one's talk;
wordscanbe 'turnedaround'suchthatotherpeopleareleftto completethesestate-
mentsthemselves byaddingtherealisation ofwhatthetalkis about.Angkaiyakmin
considerit shameful to putsomerequestsdirectly to certainrelatives: forexample
ratherthanaskinghiswife'sparentsdirectly, a husbandwillask hiswifeto ask her
parents.Sometimes requestsaremadeto clankinbutwithin earshotofaffinal kin(to
whomgreaterrespectis due), who are leftto gatherforthemselves thattheyare
beingaskedto help.As widelyreported amongtheMin,theexpectation ofa sideto
thingsalwayskepthiddenis pervasive. In Bolivipthistakestheformof a sceptical
assumption ofincompletion - thatexamplesrequireotherexamples, newknowledge
old and
requires knowledge speakersrequirelisteners forcompletion - ratherthan
referringto some inaccessible secretrealm. Given that talk,images and actorsare
neverself-sufficientin theseknowledge but
practices require combination withoth-
ers,therepertoire of techniquesaffecting 'straightness' is consequently extensive,
requiring bothsubtlety and skilland constituting a kindofPapuanetiquette. Good
relationsare demonstrated and maintained through themediumof talk,deflecting
theforceof one's thoughts through indirectness in somecases,and allowingclear
accessto one'sthoughts inothercases.The skillsmayrequirea gentletouchbutare
oftendeployedin a robustmannerwitha greatdeal of emotion.Manyethnogra-
phersofthearea comment upona pragmatism thatis joyouslyrobustyetpolite,but
mediated bysorrowful feelings whichmotivate everysituation.
ManyAngkaiyakmin formsreiterate a commontripartite composition whichis
oftenindicated bysimilar nomenclature. Trees,gardens, sequencesofgardening tasks
andmaleinitiations, theyolamculthouseandstoriessharea similar aesthetic.Rather
than,say,assuming thattrees(as) providea symbolic modelor template uponwhich
otherformsand processesare fashioned(cf.Rival 1998),I take theseas various

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 Crook

refractionsof a commonmotivatingimage. Angkaiyakminmake explicitanalogies

between these in particularcontextswhen theywish to reveal a specificcapacity,
whilstat other times,and to other people, such similaritiesmay remain tacit (cf.
Whitehead'sexplorationof Seltamanminpractices1995). For instance,the way in
whichstories(sung) are extendedby further information whichsimultaneously severs
possible interpretations was explainedthroughthe example of a tree: one begins at
theground(sungmiit),continuesto thetrunk(sungeip) beforefinishing in thecrown
(sung arik arik). Yet Angkaiyakmin storiesreturn to where theybegan; only after
having reached the uppermost leaves is thebase (miit dam) thestoryrevealed.
or of
Only throughexplicationare the implicationsrealised: 'one sentence'mightbe
distilledfroma confusingmultiplicity of possibilities.This recursiveexample of mov-
ing between 'trunk'and 'branches' recalls Feld's (1982, 1996) portrayalof Kaluli
poeticswhichdrawson the capacitiesof partsof a tree as an analogyof how knowl-
edge and emotionare revealedand carriedby song.
Having introducedBolivip and groundedthispaper in Angkaiyakminproblems
of knowing,I wantto continuemydiscussionof these mattersby apparentlytalking
about otherthings,beforereturning again to knowledgemoreexplicitly. The trunkof
my discussion, then, will considertaro gardening, whilst the crown will considerthe
male ancestorcult. My invitationhere is to look inside each to get a view of the
other.The insightsrevealedby thisjuxtapositionwillbe returnedto anthropological
problemsof knowingin thefinalpart.

SUNG EIP - TARO GARDENING

Gardenersin Bolivip talk of theirtaro plantsand childrenwiththe same consider-
oftenbeingmovedto tearsin discussingtheirdistantgardenswithme.
able affection,
The experienceof enteringone's garden to findthe taros dancing,theirleaf faces
noddinghappilyin the breeze, rejoicingat the visitof theirfatheror mother,gives
evidentsatisfaction.People would describehow sorrytheyfeltfortheirtaros out in
the garden;how like a childwho has lost one parent,unvisitedtaros do not growso
well as those with a full complement of attention. This sorrow is only partly
explainedby the evocationof the memoryof thosewho firstgifteda certainvariety,
or by the developinginterestof a parentwatchinga particularplant grow through
successivegardens.There is a tangibledelightin the appreciationof the size,number
and richtextureof taro leaves,warmto the touch.As witha person'sskintone and
shine,healthyplantshave a depthto theirskinwhichcapturesthe lightin a particu-
lar way,and draws admiration.Taro plantssuffering injuryor illnessfrompests or
disease are readily apparent; theirskin is loose and withoutshine, theirposture
weakened. People explained sayingthat,like people sufferinghungeror sadness,
theydrop theirheads,castingtheirgaze to the ground.It is the tautnessof stalkand
leaf thatenables the happyoscillationon the breezes ofjoy thatseem to accompany
gardeners.People noticethesebreezes especiallyin the earlymorningwhen the sun
firstbringslightand warmth,accompaniedby the flutterof leaves fallingfromthe
dryingshade trees.Between the shadows cast across the garden,the taros appear
alight,playingin the youthfulsunshine.Whateverpeople's uncertainty over whether
taroshave spirit(finik),tarosevidentlyanimatethatof theirparents.
Gardens are made on the sites of previousgardens approximatelyonce every
generationor else cut fromprimaryforest,and are selected on a varietyof factors.
Gardensmade near the limestoneescarpmentproduce analogouslystrongand large
corms,whereas a site withinthe taros' earshot of runningwater will be chosen if
plentifulnew off-shootplants are sought.Locations containinga tree called auk
-
('mother') are desireable;such trees are never cut men say the taros would run

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Growing inBolivip
Knowledge

awayifsuchtreesare cut.Theyare knownto giveplentyof 'water'(wok) to the

plants,and some mensaid thisis because theirleaves resemblestinging nettles.
Peoplelookto thetypeofsoil,typesoftreesgrowing andtheattitude to thesunbut
alsoto otherlessevidentindicators - to thehistory ofwhopreviously madegardens
there,whether tarospellswereusedor not,andthequalityofthegrowntaros.Once
severedfromthecorms, theharvested stalksbecometheplanting stockbutmustnot
be replantedin the same garden.Insteadtheyare removedto new gardensites,
eitherfollowing relationalconnections to previousgardeners, or settingtheirown
precedents ifplanting amongstprimary forest.These intricatehistories are heldby
olderpeople,and complement thoseconcerning genealogies. The healthof future
plantscanbe anticipated bytherelationship a gardener hadwiththosein a previous
generation. A close relative whom one had respected andhelpedcouldbe trusted to
keep the taros free from rats, a of
variety pests and diseases, and to ensure good
qualities.
Peoplefirst cometo owntarowhentheymarry. Halfa gardenis givenbyboth
setsof parents;theplantingstockfromthesehalvesis combinedto completethe
married couple'sfirst gardeninwhichtheylearnto nurture theirownstocksoftaro
children. It is uponmarriage thatpeoplefindthemselves in thecapacityof'mother'
or 'father' to otherchildren too- thesebeingtheappropriate termsforthespouse's
younger siblings to call their newaffine. Marriedcouplesaimto increasetheirtaro
stocks,notonlyto keeppace witha growing family butinorderthattheyinturncan
gifthalfa gardenupon themarriageof each of theirownchildren.Furthertaro
plantsareobtainedfromthosewithwhomone choosesto garden.Whether fromkin,
friends or visitors, peopleare alwayskeento add a newvariety to theircollection.
Theserelationships are evidentin thevarietalmake-upof collections; people are
fondofrecalling thatso-and-so gave them that and
plant, telling storyofa visitto
the
anothervillagewherethisplantwas givento them.The composition ofplantvari-
etiesina particular placere-presents therelationships flowing fromtheprevious gar-
dener.Thecollections inone areareflect therelationships figured through thatplace:
giftshavecomefromparticular kin,varieties entertheareathrough specificgifts and
spreadfollowing relational paths.Collections elsewhere similarly reflectotherpartic-
ularconstellations ofrelationships. The composition ofa gardenandtheveryshape
ofharvested taroare inspectedas artefacts oftherelationships bywhichtheyhave
grown.People explainquality variations between plantsgrownonlymetresaway
fromeach other,butbelonging to different people,through reference to pastinci-
dentswhichshouldhavebeen takenintoaccountwhenassessinga relationship to
thatplace.
Thereare overa hundrednamedvarietiesoftarowhichsharebloodand have
theirownclans.Like theclansofbirds,trees,marsupials and Angkaiyakmin them-
selves,eachclanhasitsdistinctive character. Tarovarieties aredividedintotwotypes:
'sweet'(minimn)and'unsweet'(wyiman),reflecting receivedopinionofthetastier
varieties.'Unsweet'tarosareplantedtowardstheoutsideofa garden, beingthefirst
onesa ratmayencounter. 'Sweet'tarosmayfindthemselves planted there alsoifthey
havenotgrown well,theshameofthepredicament is saidtomakethetarosreflect on
theirbig-headedness towardstheirparentsand encouragethemto do wellthistime.
People say a mixof bothtypesis necessaryto prolongthelifeof thegardenand
reduceconsumption. Plantingonly'sweet'taroswillencourageeatingthemall at
once,whereasan entirecropof'unsweet'taroswouldbe unenticing - eitherwaythe
garden would not providetastytarosforlong.A reducedpace ofconsumption is the
counterpart ofincreasing themultiplicity ofvarieties.Tarosarealsodividedintothose
cookedwrappedina containing leaf(angiman),andthosecookedwithout (al imn)]
incorrect cookingaccording to thisdifferentiation willaffect thefuture growth ofthe

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 Crook

severedstalksand new cormsthatgrowfromthem.Whenseveredand broughtto the

house,cormshave their'heads' turnedawayfromthefirehearthin case theysee their
friendsbeingeaten and decide to make someoneill in retaliation.
Gardens are made by proceedingup-slope,and womentend to clear the under-
growthand smallertrees,whereasmen tendto fellthe largertrees.Straighttreesare
leftstandingto provideinitialshade, whilstcrooked ones are cut offto leave only
stumps.Besides thisjoint work,men have an exclusiverole in dryingout the tree
stumpsand standingtrees.Firstly,firesare made withthe cut material,laid on a
framesuchthathot charcoalsfallto thebase wheretheyare collectedin a barkshov-
el. The heat of the fire(called bakan as), the smoke and floatingsparksare said to
give 'water' to the plants. Secondly,men place charcoals around the bases of the
trees,conscientiously attendingto the stumpsbeforethe standingtrees.Puzzled by
this, I was told thatiftheywere leftuntillast the stumpscould give sicknessor cause
death.The same reason explainedwhythe youngerplantsare protectedby planting
themawayfromthestumpsand trees,theseplaces of closerproximity beingreserved
formore matureplantswhichhave grownin previousgardens.Any limestoneboul-
ders in the garden are similarlycooked with charcoals in order to release their
'water'to the plants.There are spells (lukom) foreverystep in makinga garden,but
the repertoireis eitherused in entiretyor not at all. If spellswere used in a previous
gardenthenrepeatingthemin the succeedingone wouldjust spoil them.A tracestill
adheres to the plants and adding again would work to opposite effect.This was
explainedby a storyabout the timethatAfek firstgrewtaro: seeingthemnot grow-
-
ing well she added her vaginalmucus (abuk gom) to the plants mostgrewreally
well but some got too much and developed the softcorm rot whichcan stillafflict
plants.This explanationturnedon the propositionthat'too muchof the same thing
mayspoil'.
Two flowersare set aroundplantsin the centreof the garden- the whiteiman
miitkaiyak,and the red fapkas (whichsome men say originatedfromAfek's men-
strualblood). These flowersare said to please the taros - older men especially
regardthemas fundamentalto theirconceptionof the garden.Some gardenerssort
theirtarosby shades of colour and variety,plantingthemtogethermakes the plants
happyand encouragesthemto growwell. As thenewlyplantedtarosestablishthem-
selves,theyare shaded by the remainingtrees as theyslowlydryout and begin to
shed theirleaves. The driedfallingleaves contributetheirown 'water' to the plants.
The growingplantsare visitedoften,and forperiodsof several days on threeocca-
sionsforweeding(alfakong). The firstinvolvessimplygatheringup thefallenleaves,
the second involvespullingout establishedweeds whilstthe thirdis a more substan-
tial job. In each case the leaves and weeds are put into heaps to give 'water' to the
taros. As much as the physicaldifferenceweeding makes in providingspace and
'water',taros are said to thriveon the attention.Plantingfirstfillsthe space opened
at thebase of the garden,and proceedsup-slope.This patternis followedthroughout
the garden's maturation:clearing,planting,the threevisitsto weed the plants and
harvestingeach startat the bottomand finishat the top. Gardens share the familiar
tripartite spatiality,havinga base (miitabin), middle(eip) and top (atal). These three
spaces carry differentcapacitiesformovement(most evidentperhapsin a tree). The
one importantexception to the usual scheme of work is that certain large and
favouritetaros (called iman tumal) are the firstones planted but should be leftin
place whenharvesting begins.Havingreachedthetop of thegardenwhenharvesting,
people say you should be able to turnaroundand see thesetarosstillgrowingat the
base of the garden. Their purpose is to anchor the garden; older gardenersmock
inexperiencedgardenerswho eitherdo notplantimantumalor else harvestthemtoo
early.People say thatif you harvestiman tumalearlythenthe othertaros will 'run

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Growing inBolivip
Knowledge

away',eitherphysically or else theircapacityto satisfy willdisappear- youwould

haveto eatmanyofthembeforefeeling Hereagain,movement
satisfied. inone area
is qualifiedbycounterpart stillnessinanother. Thestateofmovement inone hasthe
capacity to affect
thestateofmovement intheother.Byleavingmantumalinplace,
themovement ofothertarosis checked.Gardeners inturnneedto movelessto sat-
isfytheirappetites.As is evidentintheexpectation thatwomenshouldremainclose
to homeuponmarriage, menare particularly concerned to limitthemovements of
women.Men claimthatmanyof theaspectsthatthreaten to weakenBoliviphave
comethrough themovements ofwomenfarther fromthevillagebase.The veryfact
ofwomenbranching outto Tabubiland Kiungaforschooling has brought thedark,
wetmoss(sesol) intothevillageplaza and even to themen'shousedoor.Places
which,forthehealthoftheentirecommunity, shouldbe keptdryandfreefromwet
things.
Manyofthepractices and spellsinvolvedin makinga gardenseekto affect the
dry, quality(aukor)oftaros.Whenstarting
satisfying theharvest, manywomenknow
to warncloudspassingintheskynotto touchthetarosandcarrythemaway- they
shouldbe leftforvisitorsfromTelefomin, Oksapminand Feranminto eat first.
Anotherspellcallsthenameofa treefrog- itolim - whichis fondofjumping into
waterwithquick'splash!'in orderto savethetarosfroma similarly shortlivedfate.
If theveryfirsttaroof theharvestprovesresistant to beingpulledup,somemen
knowto call on themarsupial kwiyam askinghimto letgo: manyspellsduringthe
garden'sestablishment call on kwiyam to go downand holdthetarostill.Men say
thatifone harvests a tarobeforethethirdroundofweeding, thenone stealsitfrom
kwiy ant'sgrip- hisholdingclawsareimagined to be therootsofthetaroplant,and
theholdis releasedonlyas theplantreachesmaturity.
At thebase ofthegarden, mensaythattheplantsarefurther anchored byplant-
ingstinging nettles,and by leavingthediggingstick(mananggal)and firetongs
(binai) thereto intimidate them.The nettlesare thoseused in someban ('place',
'showing'- 'initiation')foryoungmen,but tarostoo have their'initiations' (cf.
Harrison1983).One technique forhurrying tarosto maturity is calledimanlafet- a
gardener takeshisdigging stickor a switchofthinsaplingandrunsthrough thegar-
denbeatinghistaros.Thefiretongsaresimilar to thosekeptintheyolamculthouse,
wheretheyareusedfora similar technique calledkonglafet- whenjuniormenrun
thegauntlet ofbeatingsby seniormen.Whenclosedoffafterplanting, thegarden
shouldbe completed by a ritualcalledsum wok takamin which refersto thepractice
ofwaterabstinence whilstin theculthouseWithout this,Allenexplainedto me 'it
wouldwashawaythesoil'. Some menexplainedthateventhebestmadegardens
wouldfailifnotcompleted bythisotherhalfoftheprocess.

SUNG ARIK ARIK - MEN'S CULT

I havepermission fromthemenofBolivipto describeimagesoftheirancestors, their
culthouse,theirritualsandtheirmyth. Thepermissioncamewiththereiteration that
I avoidcreatingvisionsofthesethings forthewomenandchildren oftheMinarea.
In describing
theseimageshere,I pass on thisresponsibilityalso.Bolivipmaintains
an ancestorcultcentred on theyolamculthouse.
Like thediasporaof the Min themselves fromTelefomin, mensay thattheir
yolam(together withothersoncemaintained throughout region)is connected
the to
thelargeTelefolip houseseveraldayswalkawayat Telefomin. Somemendescribe
thisas the'mother taro'ofBolivip'syolam'tarochild',sayingtheyareconnectedby
an underground roadwhichtheylikento therhizomethatproducesnewplantsas
off-shoots,
givingtheroadthesamename'maiyop'(penis).Theyolamis dividedinto

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 Crook

twohalves;itservesthedualpurposesofnurturing thecommunity, tarosanddomes-

ticpigs- the'taroside',and assisting thekillingofmarsupials and,in pre-pacifica-
tiontimes,of enemygroups- the 'arrowside'. By virtueof theirclanship,men
belongto eitherone sideor theother.The houseis also concerned withtheattrac-
tionofwomenandshellwealthtoBolivip.
Theyolamhousestheinitiations whichare dividedintothoseinvolving beatings
forcourageandbravery (aturban),and thosesimply shown(kiinban),a repertoire
whichtogether numbersnineteen.In commonwithmanysuchcultsin Melanesia,
Angkaiyakmin intendtheirritualsto promotethegrowth
men ofbothinitiates and
gardencrops. The yolam is seen as the unmoving 'base' of the Angkaiyakmin - men
saythatit is theirname,whattheystandup on,whatmakesthemgrow,wherever
theymaybranchoutitkeepsthemstrong. Additionally, somemensayitis the'base'
of taro,thatit holdstaroenablingthemto growand is the'meaning'of taro.The
sumwoktakamin riteis performed as a preludeto each initiation and ideallyupon
thecompletion ofeachgarden.
Theritebeginswithmenleavingbeforedawnon a hiddenmarsupial hunt,timed
as theysaylikewomen'smenstrual confinement, lastingforthreedaysandreturning
to thevillageon thefourth daywhentheysmuggle themselves through theforestto
therearoftheyolam.In anticipation, theancestral'guardians'(kinimawem)open
theyolamand makefiresin bothhearths.Upon entering theyolamby stepping
through a holeinthedecorateddoorboard(amit- likenedbysomemento a vulva),
one movesto siton eitherthe 'taro' or 'arrow'side.The yolamhas threespaces:
againstthebackwallareshieldseachwithan arrangement ofancestral sacraat their
base. Thisspace is reservedforthe ancestorsand theirguardians:onlythemost
seniormen,havinggrownin severalinitiations before,are allowedto place them-
selvesin suchcloseproximity to theancestors. The guardians madetheirwaydown
intothisspacegradually overthecourseofan afternoon as theybecameincreasingly
comfortable withtheirancestor, wheretheystayedfortheduration oftherites,seat-
ed orsleeping, goingoutonlyoccasionally andneververyfar.Theguardians saythat
theyare respecting theirancestors bybecominglikethem:dehydrating themselves,
and becomingstilland quiet.Somemetresawayin thecentreofthehouseare the
twofireplacesaroundwhichseniormentakethebestpositions, supporting thework
byremaining withinthevicinity of theenclosure. In frontof thefireplacesas one
entersis thecrowdedand busierspace wheremorejuniormenkeep comingand
going,havingto be calledin fromacrossthevillageforsomemomentof songor
action.The guardians, however, remaincontentto pass theseveraldaysoftherite
away from commotion. The yolam seemsto heighten quietrespectbetweenthemen:
smallgiftsoffoodpassconstantly amongthem.Thejokesbecomemoreribald,lifting
combinedshoutsoflaughter sentup high,lingering on theescarpment as theecho
travelsthevalley, lightening the conversation in other houses and perhapsintimidat-
ing other a
villages day's walk away.
Although thecultleaderbearstheweightofresponsibility forthecommunity's
taro- itswellbeinga judgement on hisownconductinfollowing thepathsofproto-
col and ritual- theseimportant moments at thebase oftheyolamare undertaken
witha surprising lightness.Squatting downbythefire,withtheassembledaudience
carefully watching everymove,Dean was puzzledby a rippleof giggling. He was
invoking theancestor's helpwhilst reaching hishandbehindhim,holdinga morselof
pigfatto thenoseoftheancestor. Or at leasthe thought he was.Whenhe turnedto
lookhimself, he realisedhe had missedand was insteadholdingthemorselup to a
pileofflatstones.Re-aiming andbeginning again,he toojoinedinthegentlelaughter.
At one stageof therite,theshieldfrombehindthemostimportant ancestor
mustbe brought out.Crucially though, theancestorat itsbase mustfirst be pleased

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Growing inBolivip
Knowledge

witha giftofporkfatand whispered respectful wordsofrequest.Havingdonethis,

thecultleadercan safelyremovethecane holdingtheshieldin place,and bringit
matter-of-factlyaroundto thefireplace. Havingrefused to tellmewhathe hadwhis-
pered, Dean reminded me ofhis earlieradvice out in the gardensofFakamwhenhe
had explainedthedangerofattending to thetreesbeforethetreestumpswhendry-
ingthemout.He recalledthestoryofAfeklearning howto growtaro:howshehad
firsttriedto planttaroatopa treestump(as gubomlit.treehead) without success.
Havingthentriedsacrificing to thetreestumpitselfto no avail,she had killedher
brother.Havingretrieved hisskullandputthisintotheyolam,Afeksacrificed tohim
instead.By following thispatheversincethetarohas alwaysgrownwell.Thiswas
thepathDean wasfollowing, thisfollowing ofa pathwasthe'meaning'oftheritefor
him.Withtheshieldremovedto thebase ofone ofthefireposts,themostelaborate
phasehas theassembledmensinging oftheshieldbyitsimportant nameaborim-
thenameofa treewhosepresenceina gardenis an indicator ofa choicesite.As this
was donesmokeissuedfromDean's activities at thebase oftheshield;as hoped,it
roseinonemassup totheridgepoleandoutinthedirection ofthegardens. Theeffi-
cacy ofthe ritual
is therelease of 'water' which is 'smelt' the
by taros,pigs,marsupi-
als,pandanusandwomenalike.But,likethereleaseof'water'inthegardens, itwas
difficult
to see howsucha dryhouseissuingonlysmokecouldpossiblybe releasing
water.
Whenexplaining the'initiations'seniormenspeakofa journeyfromthecrown
ofa treeto thebase - theimageAllenevokedwhenexplaining whythings wereso
initially
confusing forme.Daksal is thefirst rite,duringwhichyoungboysleavethe
'women'shouse'forthe'men'shouse'.Theysleepin a house(calledkimam) con-
structed of smallbranches, twigsand linedwithleaves,and subsiston taroand the
meatofbirdsandmarsupials thatthemselves liveintheforest canopy.Oddly,during
thisritetheboysare called'mangyold dogs'whensummoned to eat bytheir'elder
brothers' in theroleofinitiators. Grounddwelling birdsand marsupials are forbid-
dento menforseveralyearsafterjoiningthemen'shouseforfearofmakingthem
similarly'heavy'(irum).The timing and choiceof an initiation is drivenbyseveral
factors:theappearanceofwomenand menand theirbehaviour, thereadinessof a
newgradeto enterthecultor ofanothergradeto attract wivesin marriage, andthe
movements ofwomenaroundtheforestawayfromthevillage.The appearanceand
healthofthetarogardensand plantsare equallyimportant. Thisis a topicofdaily
concern: howsuchan areais suffering fromthelamincaterpillar, thekwengaphidor
thetaukbeetle,howthetarosfromanotherarea are producing dryandverysatisfy-
ingcorms.Thesefactors implicate each other.The initiations are seenas varying in
degreesof 'heat' (marnivi), the earlierones beingless hot thanlaterones. Men
explainedthatifthetarosweredoingwell,andthevillageitselfwas 'hot'andlively,
thenonlydaksalneedbe shownto youngboys,whereasifthings wereinan unhappy
stateonlycompoundedby poor tarothena 'hotter'initiation wouldbe shownto
moreseniormen.In explaining this,menlikenedtherepertoire ofinitiationsto that
ofgardening tasks.Each intendsthesameresults, and in thesamewaythatgardens
receivedthreeroundsofweeding,theinitiations can be roughly dividedintothree
groups.As withthefirst weeding, thefirst initiation is lessdemanding workandadds
least'heat'to things.Someinitiations involvebeatingswithstinging nettlesor sticks,
whilsttheamaukban('motherhouse'rite)involved initiates standing up straightand
holdingcanesdropping fromtheleafroofwhilsttheirlowerlegsare showered with
hot charcoalsfrombark shovels.In describingthe sumwoktakaminrite,Dean
explainedthattheyolamcopied(kikseip)a growing tarogarden.
At thetimeI tookthisto meanthattheskullsand shieldswereequivalentto
stumpsand trees,and thattheassembledcongregation ofmendispersedthrough a

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 Crook

whosemovements
spatiality werecommonto a gardenweresubstitutes forthegrow-
ingplants- as iftheyolambecamea growing tarogardenfora momentduring
sumwoktakamin. It was latermadeexplicitto me thattheinitiations wereequally
of
techniques gardenmagic intended to 'hold'the taros and their qualityandthereby
limitthemovements ofwomen.Duringtheritesmenasktheancestors to 'close'the
belliesoftheirwives,to reducetheirappetitesand thustheirjourneying. The coun-
terpartthen,ofwomen'smovements outsidetheirhousesandawayintotheforest to
harvestmoretarosis takenby menwho,insidetheirownhouse,movethemselves
through theinitiation sequence.By affecting the qualitiesof taro,themovement
insidetheculthousebymenis intended to qualify themovements ofwomenoutside
theirownhouses.Here,thestillness oftheunmoving culthousebase is animatedto
makestilltheanimations awayfromthewomen'shouses.The stateof movement
withinone affects thestateofmovement fromtheother.Dogmatically at least,the
menmaintain thatthisability to affectthequalityoftaroandthemovement oftheir
spousesis something thattheyalonehold.
Andyetsomewomenhavetheirownideas aboutthis.Theymaintain thatthey
can affect thedryqualityof thetarosbythemannerof theirmenstruation, forthe
duration ofwhichtheyusedto confine themselves in a smallhouse(thewokam) on
theedgeof thevillage.BothAlice and Phyllisenjoyedtellingme aboutthis:their
matter-of-factrevelation ofwanangawem(women'simportant knowledge) was free
ofthegravity thatthemenseemto generateabouttheirownimportant knowledge.
Partofthefunforthesetwoseniorwomenwastheirconfession thattheyhad taken
refugein themenstrual hutfromhusbandswanting sex all thetimeand used men-
struation to countertheirbigheadedness. By improper disposaloftheirdischarges,
and by returning to thevillageprematurely womencouldspoiltheappearanceof
theirhusbands bymaking themheavyandunattractive. Alternately,theycouldmake
a spouse'light'(kalfong),makehisskinshine,enablinghimto becomeactive,filled
withenergyandmovearoundswiftly to makenewgardensandcompleteotherpro-
jects.All too oftenthough, theysaid,menwoulduse thisaddedvigourto attracta
secondwife:at whichpointtheywouldbe brought backdownto earth.WhenAfek
madethefirst yolam forherselfat Telefomin, her brother is saidto havetricked her
intoswopping houses:thehouseintended foronewomanis nowusedbythecommu-
nityofmen.TheTelefolmin arereported to holdthattheorigins oftheirkatiamcult
houseand themenstrual houseare one and thesame (Jorgensen 1983).Insteadof
themen'smovement within theculthouse,a womanmight haveusedtheduration of
herconfinement in themenstrual hutto affect themovement ofa spouse.Similarly
theflowof 'water'producedbythebodyofmenthataffects thedryness oftarois
achievedinsteadbya flowof'water'fromthebodyofa woman4.
Twootherethnographers oftheMin(Jorgensen 1983,Poole1983)havereported
an asymmetry betweenmenandwomen'saccountsofconception. In Bolivipthereis
someagreement amongmenthattwosubstancesare involved:semen(manwok)
andvaginalmucus(abukgom).Fortheirpartwomen,however, suggested thatthey
additionally made an exclusive contribution - their menstrual blood (abuk kas).
Thisclaimthat,inadditionto thejointwork,theyalonemakea contribution thatthe
menhaveno partin,recallsthemen'sclaimthat,in additionto thejointworkof
making a garden, theyalonemakea ritualcontribution thatthewomenhaveno part
in. Each dependson a substancethatthe othersprofessto knownothingabout,
indeedthatknowledgeof it wouldbe harmful to theirhealth.The examplesdis-
cussedinthissectionhaveillustrated thecomposition offorms through combination,
and revealedinstances whendifferentiated capacitiesof movement takeon a gen-
deredcastin particular moments. Withtheseinsights in mindthe discussioncan
return toproblems ofknowing.

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GrowingKnowledgein Bolivip

DAM - PROBLEMS OF KNOWING

The Min regionhas attractedmorethanits fairshareof ethnographic attention
whichhas producedmuchfineworkcontainedin a wealthof articlesand theses
attesting to thecomplexities ofMinsymbolic practices (see Crook1997fora review).
It is fairto saythatMin knowledge practiceshaveintrigued anthropologists as an
enigmatic problem. The Min are perhaps most widely known through Fredrik Barth's
monograph Ritualand Knowledge amongtheBaktaman(1975)and hiscomparative
workCosmologies intheMaking(1987,andsee 1971,1990).Morewidely, Craigand
Hyndman'scomparative collection(1990) standsbesideMorren's(1986) studyof
Miyanminhumanecology,MacKenzie's (1991) studyof looped net-bagsand
Hyndman's (1994)accountoftransformations brought bymining. Barthwasan early
pioneerof researchin the Min area: his analysisof the Baktaman'sociologyof
knowledge' has becomea classicethnography ofsecrecy, influencing ethnographers
wellbeyondtheMinarea.The Minhavesubsequently cometo represent particular
thingsin the anthropologicalimagination,principallythe 'intricatesecrecy'
(Brumbaugh 1990:87),whichformed thecentre-piece ofBarth'spathbreaking study.
More recentlyethnographers have turnedto everydaycircumstances, yetwhen
Herdt(1990)recently surveyed theliterature on secrecyandcontrasted twomodels,
he wasabletoillustrate eachofthemwithexamplesfromtheMinarea5.
Focusingon Baktamanmale initiations as constituting the 'patternof social
organisation' (1975:258),Barthlookedupontheseritualsas thesiteofcultural trans-
mission, holdingthatmenretainedtheircultpowerovernatureand overwomenby
strictly reserving forthemselves knowledgeof important secrets.In Barth'sview,
Baktamanwomenare 'categorically prevented from ever partaking in theinsights
thatritualcreates'(1975:237).Baktamanmenareportrayed as restrictingtheirreve-
lationsto initiation rituals,therebymanagingthe distribution of levelsof secret
knowledgeexclusively amongsuitablyinitiatedmen:'advanceintothissystemof
is
knowledge through formalthe initiations'
(1975:219).
In Barth'sanalysis, secrecyfunctions as theorganising rubric. Elsewhere(Crook
n.d.)I havearguedthatBarth'svisionoftheBaktamanturnson hisperception ofa
number ofisolatedforms betweenwhichcontactis strictly limited. Amongst theseare
thedifferent maleinitiation grades,menand women,theknowledge of one group
fromanother, performances ofan initiation separatedbymanyyears,levelsoftruth
whollydisplacedbydeeperlevels,theBaktamanfromothernearbyMinvillagesand
Barth'sownethnographic methodofdisengaging fromquestioning to study'sponta-
neous, unelicitedword and act' (1975:226,227;1987:6-7). In each case 'secrecy'is the
separating factor,andoperatesas Barth'suniversal interpretive analytic.
Such controlledconditionsprovidedan ideal case-studyforhis 'generative
model',bywhichtherestricted passageofcosmology can be recordedas observable
realities inparticular andlimited moments. Thisperception offorms inisolationcar-
riesintoBarth'scharacterisation of knowledgeitself:'[p]ursuitof trueknowledge
becomeslikepeelingthelayersof an onion,or exploring a set of Chineseboxes'
(1975:82and see 218f).Theremaybe no notionof 'absolutetruth'(1975:101)in
Barth'smodel,butthereis thisessentialabsoluteness to individually boundedunits
of knowledge in isolationfromothers.The perspective servesto reinforce Barth's
viewthatunitsofknowledge areself-sufficient: eitherknownornot-known, andthat
bydefinition an individual unitofknowledge is eithera secretornot-a-secret.
Usefullyapplying theBarthianmodelto theBolivipdata is problematic. The
premise that takes in the men's dogmaby similarly maintaining onlythat the men
know,is compromised by therebeingwomenand uninitiated menin Bolivipwho
haveknowledge oftheimportant names,and detailsofthecultactivities whichthey

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 Crook

havenotbeenshown.Theyhavethisknowledge becausetheyhavebeentoldbyan
initiated man,a hiddenpracticewhich,despitetheforceful rhetoric of certaincir-
cumstances, is an establishedconvention.But thereare further implications to
Angkaiyakmin knowledge than
practices simply this,and these prompt a reconsider-
ationoftheusefulness inaffording a Barthian notionof'secrecy'sucha centralinter-
pretive role.
As we haveseen,knowledge practices in Bolivipreiterate thegeneralexpecta-
tionoftherebeing'halves'(mari)tothings. Wehavenotedthepervading assumption
whichis so scepticalof thingspresentedas self-sufficient: examplesof ancestral
precedent are as if'completed' byotherexamples, tarogardensrequiretheaddition
ofcultworkandrequestsaremadeinsucha waythatlisteners willgathertheimpli-
cationsforthemselves (cf.Harrison1990,Lindstrom 1990and Keane 1997forother
examplesofknowledge composedbycombining twoparties).Angkaiyakmin assume
thatknowledge in circulation is necessarily incomplete, only'halves'whichrequire
completion through an additionwhichtheymustprovidethemselves. UnlikeBarth's
notionof knowledgeshaped in the imageof a boundedindividualsubjectivity,
Angkaiyakmin regardknowledge as relationally composed, constituted through com-
binationand requiringotherparts(e.g. examples,listeners)forcompletion(cf.
Strathern 1988).
Angkaiyakmin saythatthereis onlyone pathto knowing: one mustfeelsorrow
foran olderman,help,respectandsupporthim.If one 'looksstraight, leavingone's
eyefollowing the skin'of an old man (kal kiin moyamin), then this respectmaybe
reciprocated at some point when he tellssome name or story 'straight' (wengturon)
- ratherthan'turnhiswordsaround'(wengfakong,wengfalmak),he willtake
equivalent careto makethebase ofhistalkclear.The dogmaofthisexchangeruns
against another: thatrevelations ofimportant knowledge incurretaliations through
The
sorcery. exchange is carried by bodilymetaphors. Often Dean woulduse his
right handtofeignan incision intohisleftthigh, he wouldtellmethathe hadopened
up histhighformetosee whatis inside,he hadgivenmepartofhimself (theidiomis
dam- 'meat'or muscle)justforme (see Crook1998).It would,he said,'makemy
skinstrong'.Towardstheend of myfieldwork Dean becamefondof occasionally
telling me that my skinnow covers his own, and thathisskinnowcoversmine(nam
kalfalakmokamiare,kamkalfalakmonamap).Theidiomtalksofboththecareand
knowledgethathas passedbetweenus: thedifference betweenkal 'skin'and kl
'knowledge' is a matter of intonation6.
An analysisbased on the conceptof 'secrecy'as conventionally understood
wouldnotadequately conveythefluidity ofknowledge practices inBolivip.Thecon-
cept'awem' is widelyreported byethnographers of theMinand generally takenas
equivalent to 'secret'. As we have seen,Angkaiyakmin knowledgepracticesprob-
lematiseinterpretations of'secrecy'intheBarthian sense.Takeninthecontext ofmy
intepretive positionand descriptions ofAngkaiyakmin knowledge practices, howev-
er,I followAngkaiyakmin usageand translation ofawemas 'important'. Important
knowledge sometimes formally circulates duringmale initiation rituals(of which
thereare nineteenand onlythebroadestsenseof an orderforthem),circulating
mostoftenwhenpeopleare aloneandonlyeverinrespectofpriorflowsofsupport-
ive giftsand care.Thispathis opento respectful womentoo although neither their
beingtoldnortheirknowledge can ever be made explicit. Women in
are, anycase,
movedbythisimportant knowledge in a different way,claiming to be moreinterest-
ed in thecareofchildren, gardens, pigsand in theirexclusiveloopingofstring net-
bags. Certain men alone bear the capacity to formally circulate knowledge, yet my
pointhereis thatthiscapacity itselfcirculates andmayat timesfalltowomenormen
whenplaced in the relativegenderedstate(cf.Strathern 1988). UsingBarthian

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Growing inBolivipbn
Knowledge

notionsof 'knowledge'in Boliviponlygetsone so far:Barthmaynotdoubtthat

something is eithera secretor not-a-secret, butfortheAngkaiyakmin thisis notthe
issue.Althoughwomenin Bolivipmayin a Barthiansense'know',theirknowing
mustremainimplicit, internal - itis knowledge whoseeffect is implicit, so-to-speak,
andmustadopta distinctive form.In thepresenceofan 'elderbrother', therefore, a
'younger brother' mustmakehisknowledge absentas a womanmustinthecompany
ofmen.The difference ofknowing andnot-knowing inBolivipis markedbygender:
theveryactofrevelation itselfin Bolivipis evidenceofa particular genderedstate.
The capacityofcirculating knowledge put into words is turned to the workofdiffer-
entiatingmenfrommenandmenfromwomen.
In joiningthemen'shouse,a younginitiatemightregardhimselfas a 'man',
althoughhe soon findsout thathe is regardedby moreexperiencedcultistsas a
'woman'.Withrespectto initiations yetto be shownto them,and to moresenior
meninthegradesabovethem, juniormenareregarded tobe 'ofthewoman'shouse'
(wanangam alin). Cultistsin thegradesabove are called'elderbrother', whereas
thoseingradesbeloware 'younger brother'.Thisgendering circulates whenitcomes
to thejuniors'ownturnto showan initiation to thosethenjuniorto them.In turn
theybecometheonesdemonstrating theknowledge ofthemen'shouseto thoseof
thewoman'shouse.Seniormensaythatonlywhenhavingbeenshownand thenin
turnshownothersdo theycometo know:onlywhentheseperspectives ofa 'woman'
and a 'man'are brought together in union is such knowledge conceived to be com-
plete. Rather than the ken of important knowledge, interpretationthe scarce
is
resource subjectto exchanges ofcare(cf.Wagner1984).
An expression 'himkurukuru' is usedto explainhowone comesto knowledge.
Kimis a middlesection- a log cutfromthemiddleofa treetrunkor the'middle
section'of a story.Kurukurudescribesthecollecting, thegathering in of several
pieces.Kimkurukuru describestheaddingofthese'halves'together withwhatone
alreadyknows:putting piecesofstoriestogether, putting the'halves'ofa conversa-
tiontogether and thepositionsofinitiateand initiator together. Knowledgeis com-
posed of two halves: clear (fitap) and hidden (ati) (cf.Jorgensen 1984),onlyone half
ofwhichis everin evidence.Angkaiyakmin demandthatinterlocutors look inside
cleartalkand add thehiddenotherhalfthemselves fromtheirownknowledge. It is
as iflistenershaveto providethe'secret'themselves! I had to learnto hearother
wordsinsidethosespokenandsee otherforms within thoseon show.Thisputting of
halvestogether is bothalwayscompleteand nevercomplete:eachmoment bringsa
completionwhena new halfis added to whatone knows,and setsup a stateof
incompletion again.It is as iftheMin have made explicitto themselves thatone
simultaneously solves and creates one's own complexity. This is what appearedso
in
kaleidoscopic myearly months in Bolivip.Even the most senior men in Bolivip
whohavecompleted thesequenceofinitiations lamentthattheirfathers neglected to
tellthemall theyknewortoexplainentirely.
We have seen thatdifferent partsof a tarogardenand yolamhave different
capacitiesfor movement: the largeimantumaltarosin thebase anchorplantselse-
whereinthegarden, thesumwoktakamin riteis efficacious partlythrough therespect
shownto ancestors bytheguardians whokeepthemquietcompany whilst thejuniors
are offplayingtouchrugby. At times,theimageof a treeis evokedto conveythe
senseofthesedifferentiations, notonlysimply thepartsofa treebutalso theirown
formand capacityformovement - movingand multiple at thetop,sedentary and
singleat thebottom.In certaincontexts, thisequivalence - multiple andexplicated,
singularandimplicated - becomesidiomsfordifferent capacities formovement. For
example, we saw that the
increasing verymultiplicity of tarovarieties in a gardener's
collectionwillslowdowntherateat whichthegardenis consumed. In somecontexts,

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 Crook

thesedifferentiated capacities ofmovement andstillness acquirea gendered cast:one

exampleofthiswas thewayin whichmenusedtheunmoving yolamas a meansto
counter theranging movements ofwomen.Another exampleinwhichdifferent states
ofmovement becomegendered concerns interactions ofknowing.
Whenjuniormentalkoftheirexperiences ofcomingto knowfromseniormen,
theyoftenreportsimilarsensations to thosewithwhichI beganthispaper.When
seniormen'turntheirwordsaround'thejuniorsfeelconfused, oftensayingthattheir
headsjustspinwithall thesedifferent possiblepaths of talk movingaround.The
Telefomin also employthemethodofturning wordsand 'spinning initiatesheads'in
orderthattheirdizzinessmayeventually induceclearvision(Jorgensen 1990).As
Allen'sadviceaboutthisconfusion suggested, theAngkaiyakmin's ownunderstand-
ingofthisprocessimagines a tree,witha man'spassagethrough thesequenceofini-
tiations equatedto a journeyfromthetopofa treeto thebottom. Junior cultistsare
imagined to be in the crown, senior cultistsat the base. As much as the difference
betweenthedifferentiated multiplicity ofbranches inthecanopy, andtheunification
ofthetree'sfibrestowardsthebottomofthetrunk, theimageevokesthedifferent
capacityformovement. The confusion ofnotknowing is likenedto thatofthetree's
moving crown. It is as ifin between being said and beingheard,wordsfroma senior
at thebase fracture intoa numberofpossiblebranches, whereasfortheknowledge-
ablemenat thebasejuniorsseemintheirconfusion alwaystobe talking ofthesame
thing.ThewordwithwhichtheAngkaiyakmin translate theEnglishword'meaning',
is miitwhichis base,causeandorigin- a termusedforthebase ofa treealso.It is
as though'meaning' inBolivipis createdbythemomentary stillingofmovement.
Taroplantsmaybe likeall ofthosethings: a face,a hand,a body,an umbilicus, a
fire-hearth, a mountain edgeor evenAfek'svulva,butyettheyare notall ofthese
thingsin thesame moment, arrangedbehindsomeconcealedhierarchy of deeper
secrettruth. The issueis notone offalsification: theyeachstandas a description of
taroin a particular moment. Onlyone imagecanprovidevisionat a time,producing
a momentary meaning soonlosttoredundancy as a conversation takesanother kalei-
doscopic turn. The base of talk is only revealed throughimagesmovingin a
sequence, each the
revealing meaning of the previousimageby transforming it: it
wasthebloodrednessoftheparrotthatprompted a turninconversation to thefight
withtheSeltamanmin7.
The endofknowing forAngkaiyakmin is neither thesatisfaction ofsomeintel-
lectualcuriosity, norfinally cutting through so much falsification untilthetruthis
approached. Angkaiyakmin are not pursuing knowledge for its own sake, butforits
valueas thedemonstrated fecundity ofa renowned man:itis hisefficacious capacity
to affect growth thatis exchanged. The pointofknowing in Bolivipis growing: in a
sensethetarogardenis thetribunal of knowledge, not'truth'butefficacy is mani-
festedinthegoodshapeandqualityoftheplants.Justas thecapacityofa renowned
manwillenableone to growgood qualitysatisfying taro,thisabilityreciprocally
growsone's name and renown.Renownedmen and taro groweach other.The
'straightness' of knowledgeis evidentin the 'straightness' withwhichthegrowing
plants stand. As refined knowledge shapesgrowing taro, so the shapeofgrowntaros
refines knowledge. Angkaiyakmin inspecttaroplantsas artefacts ofthesocialrela-
tionships producing them.In thissense,knowledge growsandis givenshapethrough
thetarogarden.We have seen thatduringthesumwoktakaminrites,cultistsare
madeequivalent to a growing tarogarden.The samerelations ofnurturing care,the
respect shown to a previousgardener or a renowned cult senior, are returned and
given shape through the garden. Elsewhere in the Min area, the Mianmin inspect
growntarosand initiates as evidenceoftheinternal capacityoftheother(Gardner
1983, and see Battaglia 1995 for a Trobriand perspective). The qualityoftaromani-

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Growing inBolivip
Knowledge

feststherelationsin whichtheyhavegrown,evidencedalso in a man'scapacityto

buoyantly journeytheforest, hunting marsupials andclearing drygardensites,andin
a woman'scapacityto attract visitorsto thehousewithgenerosity andgoodtaro.In
turnthegiftsof marsupialand taroto olderpeoplemaylatermanifest thesesame
qualitiesandcapacities.
Mypurposeinapparently de-touring therouteofmyargument through tarogar-
deningandthemalecultwasto conveytheAngkaiyakmin expectationthatthereare
twosidesto everything. In additionto keepingthings hiddenbyactuallyhidingthem
fromvisionand through avoidinggiving voice to them, Angkaiyakmin keepthings
hiddenbyputting theminclearvisionandbyputting themintowordsalso.We have
seen howseniormenwillapparently talkaboutsomething butappearto juniorsto
haveturned theirwordssuchthatitis as ifthebase oftheirtalkcannotbe heard.
It mayhavestruck somereadersthatthemanypuzzling to the'water'
references
thatis providedby drythingsto thetaroplantsearlierin thepaperremainunre-
solved.Thiswas something thathad me confused untilDean showedme something
thatI had seenoftenenoughthatI hardlynoticeditanymore.Theyolamfireplace
wasfullofashesas dryas drycouldbe,thesmokerising fromitalsodrybutethereal,
risingagainstgravity. Whenratherthanbeingreleasedduring sumwoktakamin, the
rituallyfertile
'water'insteadaccumulates in a pool through a guardian's
divergence
fromthepathsofritualprotocol, seniormenwillsuggestthata countermeasureis
The
necessary. expression of this is callingfortheneedto geta stickand pokethe
yolam firehearth to drain it (wok amun akalo,aukumdak burelf).The ashesmight
clearlybe dry,yetlikethealternate capacityofstillnessto givemovement, theyalso
containthehiddenformofwater(cf.van Oosterhout 1998).Thehearthis thereser-
voirsourceoftheenriching waterthatis smeltas itdrifts notas a wetandcondensed
substance, butas a plumeofsmoke.It is theverydryness ofleaves,limestone boul-
ders,charcoals, pearl-shells,theancestorsand theirguardians thatenablesthemto
givewater.It is onlywhenforms areperceived frombothsides- theclearandhid-
den- thatmeaning attainsmomentary completion.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Thispaperwas givento theDepartment of SocialAnthropology's SeniorSeminar,
Cambridge University in January1998and has been shapedby theensuingdiscus-
sion.A laterversionwaspreparedat Edinburgh University undertheauspicesofthe
BritishAcademy'sPost-doctoral Fellowshipscheme.The paperretainstracesofits
designto be heardandseenalongsideaccompanying photographs, andhasbenefited
fromthecommentsof two Oceania refereesand AndrewLattasforwhichI am
As one ofthesereferees,
grateful. Dan Jorgensen's
comments haveprovenparticu-
larlyhelpful.It is a joy to acknowledgethegeneroussupportgivenme byso many
peopleinBolivip.Thispaperdrawson fieldwork inBolivip(22 months 1994-6,fund-
ed by ESRC Studentship and theRoyalAnthropological Institute's
RAI/Sutasoma
Award,and 2 months1997,fundedby thePapua New GuineaNationalResearch
Instituteand CorpusChristiCollege,Cambridge). The NRI and Western Province
Government granted research I amgrateful
permission. to thesebodiesforaffording
metheopportunity ofresearching intheMinarea.

NOTES
1. I havechangedthenamesofcharacters thetext.
throughout
2. Whilst inthemaleculthaswanedincommon
interest withtherestoftheregion, Bolivipmaintains
its
yolamculthouse.Neithertheideologynorthepracticeofcultactivities dependon the
essentially
yolam(orotherculthouses)remaining
extant.

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 Crook

3. In thelocalidiomthemen'shousecordyline fencedenclosure(kinimamabip)containing theresiden-

tialnonsam, thevolamandkatiam(1995),andremains ofamaukam, is referred
toas a singleentity.
4. Exegesisor interpretationssuggesting theequivalenceofMelanesianmaleculthouseswitha womb
arefamiliar intheliterature,
e.g.Lattas(1989).Hogbin(1970)givesanalyses ofmaleritualactivities
as
mimicking menstruation,and thegroundsuponwhichsuchinterpretations mightbe madeare dis-
cussedbyLewis(1980:Chap6). Myowninterest hereis thatwomenand menin Boliviplocatethe
effectsof taroqualityand themovement of spousesin thesamerelationships. The Angkaiyakmin
equationofyolam,tarogardenandwombliesin theireachbearingthecapacity to containdivision
withinthemtonroducegrowth thronah re-confipurinp
relations.
5. In hissurvey oftheliterature Herdt(1990)provides
on 'secrecy', twomodels;the'miserly' and'onto-
andbearingouthowparadigmatically
logical'.Interestingly, theMinhavecometo represent 'secret
knowledge' in theanthropological Herdtillustrates
imagination, the'miserly' theorywithBarth's
(1975) Baktamanwork,and the'ontological'theorywithBercovitch's (1989) studyof Nalumin
(Atbalmini bothofwhichareMinerouos.
witchcraft,
6. Thisinsight comesfromDr SviennEggertson whohadjustcompleted hisownfieldresearch among
theKwermin whenwemetagaininTabubilas I prepared tobeginmyownworkinBolivipin1994.
7. Myunderstanding ofthe'sidedness' ofAngkaiyakmin tropicpracticeis informedbyWagner's (1986a)
insightintofigure-ground reversal, feature
a motivating of'symbolic obviation'(1978,1986b,Weiner
1988,1995).

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