The Origins of the Greek Colony at Panticapaeum

Author(s): Thomas S. Noonan

Source: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 77, No. 1 (Jan., 1973), pp. 77-81
Published by: Archaeological Institute of America
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/503240
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 1973] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES 77
circular construction, projecting the best course would havethe
from been through
slope, the central
al-
most flat on top, and withpart a of the Livadhorrakhi
complete area to fill,
rock the NW. In
isthis
ca.di-
6 m. in diameter. The E face of the wall measured rection, toward the village of Oiti, there would have
been a gradual incline to a minimal height above sea
over 2 m. in height and the w face, against the slope,
is ca. .5 m. higher.3 The outer face of the E wall level without the construction of too many S curves.
To have gone over the ridge between Oiti and the
is ca. 65 cm. thick (pl. i16, figs. 9-o10). The second
watch tower, of approximately the same measure- Pournaraki area would have required a very sudden
ments, is 700 m. to the SE, with a clear view of Am-ascent and an equally sudden descent into the Asopos
phissa. River valley. At about three km. NW of Oiti is a
At the 540 m. level, on a narrow plateau, was found plateau running E-w at the level of ca. 700 m. At the
a circular ruin which seemed to have guarded the pass w end of this plateau were found traces of what appears
discussed above and a valley directly w of it. The to be a Mycenaean road descending to the N in the
stone foundations, somewhat overgrown, outline an direction of the village of Kouvela (pl. i6, fig. 12).
area 40 m. N-s by 30 m. E-W. At the southernmost This road was traced in a gradual descent for ca.
point are two huge Cyclopean stones separated 5o00 m. Now heavily overgrown, Cyclopean retaining
by what seems to have been an entrance gate to this walls support the road on the N side where the "cut
fortification. It is indeed in a position typical of and terrace" technique was used. Time did not permit
known Mycenaean fortifications, and excavation will tracing the road any further to the N; however, topo-
help to clarify its identity. graphically it appeared that the road could well have
Bordering on the village of Prosilion, to the s and gone on N through the vicinity of the village of Kou-
on approximately the same level, was found what ap- vela, across the Pergara area plateau, and could have
pears to be a prehistoric fortification outlined by huge descended into the Malian Gulf area near the village of
Cyclopean stones arranged to form a circular struc- Ano-Vardhatais. This is an area where pottery evi-
ture ca. 20 m. in diameter, with extant walls varying dence seems to confirm settlements in Mycenaean
from 2.5 m. to 4 m. in height and in up to four or more times.14
courses. Below what seems to have been a citadel
were found foundation walls of a number of build- Thus, the evidence of Mycenaean roads extending N
from Amphissa through the Vininani area, at Gravia,
ings at successive levels. This could be the remains
of a prehistoric settlement on or near the Mycenaeanand on N beyond Oiti certainly supports the hypothe-
arterial road described above. sis that there was indeed prehistoric road communica-
The pass immediately s of Gravia was next ex- tion between the Krisaean Gulf and the Malian Gulf.
amined for a distance of ca. 1500 m. Traces of a Myce- EDWARD W. KASE
naean road were found on the w slope. The typical LOYOLA UNIVERSITY, CHICAGO
Cyclopean retaining walls, on the exposed side where
the "cut and terrace" technique was used, could be
seen in several places along three clearly defined seg- THE ORIGINS OF THE GREEK COLONY
ments of the road (pl. 16, fig. i i). A modern trail and AT PANTICAPAEUM'
the highway interrupted any further investigations to
the s. North from Gravia the course of the Mycenae- The emporia thesis has, on the whole, predomi-
an road was very difficult to determine because of agri-nated in both prerevolutionary and Soviet scholarship
culture in the upper reaches of the Kephissos River on the origins of Greek colonization in the northern
valley. Spot checks were made in the area betweenBlack Sea area,2 although recently this explanation
Gravia and Apostolias and no traces were found. has been specifically criticized as it applies to the
northwestern Black Sea colonies of Berezan and
Realizing that the Mycenaean engineer would have
taken advantage of gradual inclines and natural con-Olbia.3 To date, however, there has been no special
tours of the land wherever possible, it appeared thatattempt to evaluate the accuracy of this theory with

in Ia. V. Domanskii, "O nachalnom periode sushchestvovaniia

13 These dimensions are almost identical to those of the watch
grecheskikh gorodov Severnogo Prichernomor'ia," AS 7 (1965)
tower in the s ravine at Krisa, as identified by Jannoray and
van Effenterre (supra n. 3) 325. 116-14i, and Helmut Neubauer, "Die griechische Schwarz-
14 R. Hope Simpson, A Gazetteer and Atlas of Mycenaeanmeerkolonisation in der sowjetischen Geschichtsschreibung,"
Sites (London 1965) 139-140. Saeculum II (1960) 132-155. A concise statement of the three
most frequently advanced theories (emporia, fishing stations,
1 The following abbreviations have been adopted for settlements
Soviet of craftsmen-agriculturalists) can be found in I. T.
periodicals: ArkhO = Arkheologicheskie Otkrytiia; AS Kruglikova,
= Ar- "Rol' zemledeliia v antichnykh gosudarstvakh
Severnogo Prichernomor'ia v rannii period ikh sushchestvo-
kheologicheskii Sbornik (Gosudarstvennyi Ermitazh); KSIA =
Kratkie Soobshcheniia Instituta Arkheologii (Moscow); vaniia,"
MIA= KSIA io9 (1967) 4-
3 V. V. Lapin, Grecheskaia kolonizatsiia Severnogo Pricher-
Materialy i Issledovaniia po Arkheologii SSSR; SA = Sovet-
skaia Arkheologiia; VI = Voprosy lstorii. nomor'ia (Kiev 1966) sharply attacks the emporia thesis in
2 For the prerevolutionary period see Ellis H. Minns,general
Scythi- but focuses upon the Greek settlement at Berezan.
ans and Greeks (Cambridge 1913) 436-444, 451-453. Ia. Soviet
V. Domanskii, "O nachalnom periode," also raises doubts
about the emporia thesis.
scholarship on the origins of Greek colonizations is reviewed

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78 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [AJA 77
regard to Panticapaeum, the earliest of the Greek
found at Panticapaeum, but Blavatskii admits that
colonies in the Cimmerian Bosporus.'
the question of a Cimmerian settlement there has not
V. D. Blavatskii, for many years Director
been definitely of
decided. the
Such a settlement, if it ex-
Panticapaeum Archaeological Expedition, has
isted, was very small long
and dated to the last centuries
of the second
been one of the leading advocates of themillennium and the first centuries of
emporia
thesis. In his well-known article the
on first
themillennium
archaics.c.9'-thus
periodthere is no evidence
of a native settlement
in the Cimmerian Bosporus, Blavatskii tried at thedem-
to time when Greek settlers
onstrate that all early Greek colonies of this
first appeared along area de-
the Kerch strait. The steppe and
veloped from emporia in three stages:zones
forest-steppe i) sporadic
of Russia contain numerous sites
visits by Greek merchants-pirates; 2) inhabited
which were the develop-
at different periods by dif-
ment of trade ties between Greeks and native tribes ferent peoples without continuity, but the pre-Greek
which resulted in the foundation of temporary and history of Panticapaeum remains unknown. Mytho-
then permanent emporia; and 3) the transformation logical heroes may have visited the area and may
of these emporia into cities of the polis type.5 Since possibly have come into contact with Cimmerians,
Blavatskii has repeated his views on the emporia but this is little more than conjecture.
origins of the Bosporan colonies in numerous moreBlavatskii argues that the archaeological excavations
recent works,6 any effort to examine the origins at of
Panticapaeum since World War II provide evi-
Panticapaeum must, of necessity, focus upon his dence in- for the second or emporia stage which he has
terpretation. dated from the second half of the seventh century to
The fragmentary information in early Greek sources some time during the first half of the sixth century
provides no specific data about Panticapaeum during s.c. The evidence cited for the existence of an em-
Blavatskii's first stage of Greek colonization. In fact, porium at Panticapaeum during the seventh century
it is not at all certain that the stories of the Argo- consists of finds of East Greek pottery from this pe-
nauts, Achilles, Odysseus, Jason, etc., as recorded in riod both in Panticapaeum and in a nearby native
Greek mythology, are of any real use for an analysis burial.10 Furthermore, the presence of such pottery
of Greek colonization of the northern Black Sea area. in the remains of an archaic house at Panticapaeum
They may suggest some knowledge about the Blackhas prompted Blavatskii to call this dwelling "The
Sea, but these tales, which Blavatskii attributes to the House of the Emporium.""
period from the thirteenth to the eighth centuries Over 250 fragments of painted archaic pottery were
B.C.,7 do not explain why the Greeks began to settle uncovered during the 1945-1958 excavations at Panti-
in this region during the late seventh century s.c. capaeum.12 While some of these finds date to the
In recent years, there has been much discussion second
of half of the seventh century s.c., the quantity
pre-Greek settlements on the sites of later Greek is not very great. Among the Rhodian-Ionian finds
colonies and the role of these settlements in Greek co- there are a few sherds from the second half of the
lonization.8 Some Cimmerian(?) artifacts have been seventh century,13 two fragments from its last dec-

4The most recent and best work on Panticapaeum is V. D. o10 Blavatskii, Pantikapei 16-17; G. A. Tsvetaeva, "K voprosu
Blavatskii, Pantikapei: Ocherki istorii stolitsy Bospora (Mos- o torgovykh sviaziakh Pantikapeia (Po materialam privoznoi
cow 1964). raspisnoi keramiki iz raskopok Pantikapeia 1945-1949 gg.,"
5 V. D. Blavatskii, "Arkhaicheskii Bospor," MIA 33 (i954) MIA 56 (i957) 183-186; N. A. Sidorova, "Arkhaicheskaia
7-44. keramika iz Pantikapeia," MIA 103 (1962) 148. A discussion
6 "Protsess istoricheskogo razvitiia i istoricheskaia rol' an- of all archaeological excavations and chance finds at Panti-
tichnykh gosudarstv Severnogo Prichernomor'ia," VI (i96o) no. capaeum between 1811-1948 can be found in V. D. Blavatskii,
Io, 76-88; "Le processus du developpement historique et le "Materialy po istorii Pantikapeia," MIA 19 (1951) 35-62. The
r6le des 6tats antiques situes au nord de la Mer Moire," XIe results of the 1945-58 excavations have been published in MIA
Congres International des Sciences historiques, Rapports II 19 (1951), MIA 56 (i957), MIA 103 (1962), and V. D.
(Uppsala 1960) 98-116; Antichnaia Arkheologiia SevernogoBlavatskii, "Raskopki Pantikapeia v 1954-1958 gg.," SA
Prichernomor'ia (Moscow 1961) 8-io, 6o; Pantikapei, 9-54; (1960) no. 2 168-192. Unfortunately, the results of the ex-
"Vozdeistvie antichnoi kul'tury na strany Severnogo Pricher- cavations since 1958 have been only partially published. A
nomor'ia (v VII-V vv. do n.e.)," SA (1964) no. 2, 13-26; "Levery brief account of the most recent excavations can be found
rayonnement de la culture antique dans les pays de la Pontidein I. D. Marchenko, "Raskopki Pantikapeia," ArkhO (1968)
du Nord," VIIIe Congras International d'Archdologie classique, 3oi-303; (1969) 265-266; (1970) 263-264; (1971) 346.
Rapports et Communications (Paris 1963) 139-149; "Ancient 11 V. D. Blavatskii, "Stroitel'noe delo Pantikapeia po dannym
Greek Towns on the Northern Coast of the Pontos," Greek raskopok 1945-1949 i 1952-1953 gg.," MIA 56 (I957) 13-14
Heritage (1965) no. 5, 4-14. and fig. 7; Blavatskii, "Otchet o raskopkakh Pantikapeia v
7 Cf. Blavatskii, "Arkhaicheskii Bospor," 7-13, and Panti- 1945-1949, 1952 i 1953 gg.," MIA o103 (1962) 8-12 and fig.
kapei 9-1i for a discussion of these sources. 3; Blavatskii, Pantikapei 15-23 and fig. 5.
8 A. A. lessen, Grechleskaia kolonizatsiia Severnogo Pricker- 12 These finds are discussed in detail in Tsvetaeva, "K vo-
nomor'ia (Leningrad 1947) 59-68; Lapin, Grecheskaia koloni- prosu," I82-201o, and Sidorova, "Arkhaicheskaia keramika,"
zatsiia 35-39. 94-148. Tsvetaeva generally dates the earliest finds to a slightly
9 Blavatskii, Pantikapei 11-15. For a comprehensive dis- earlier period than does Sidorova.
cussion of the Cimmerian period see Marija Gimbutas, Bronze 13Tsvetaeva, "K voprosu," 183 and fig. i, 1; I84 and fig.
Age Cultures in Central and Eastern Europe (The Hague 1965) 2a, 1-2.
479-527.

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1973] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES 79
possibly forfrom
ades,14 another fragment only a shorta time.25 The earliest homes
slightly later
riod,15 one piece from in any new settlement,
the late however, are likely to be very
seventh-early si
century,' an amphora modest,
sherd and Blavatskii
from has shown
the that same
almost all thetim
archaiclate
and several pieces of the homes atseventh
Panticapaeum were andsimple first
one- or h
two-room
the sixth century B.c.18 Onedwellings.26
pieceFurthermore,
of Chiotit is not sur- pot
prising that the early
was dated to the late seventh settlers would take withand
century,19 them se
fragments of Naucratiansuch valuable possessions asto
vessels fine pottery.
the Thus, late thereseve
is nothing to connect either the earliest archaic pot-
early sixth century B.C.20
In summarizing thetery or the House of
archaic the Emporium
Greek with an em-
pottery f
porium at Panticapaeum except
the Panticapaeum excavations, the theory thatnoted
Sidorova the
although there were many colonies of the northern Black
finds from Sea developed thefromfirs
of the sixth century B.c.,emporia. most of the Greek pot
dated to the middle and Thesecond
only conclusive proof
half for the existence
of that of an centu
emporium is the discovery
The earliest Greek material from of significant
the evidence of
Panticapae
trade. According
necropolis also dates to the first to Blavatskii,
halftheof entirethe
economicsix centu
Therefore, given the very life of an emporium
limited was based number
exclusively upon of sev
century Greek finds, it trade.27
is Consequently,
difficult if he is correct,to
we should find
accept the
ment that an emporium Greek imports of the late seventh
existed at century B.c. in na-
Panticapaeum
the second half of thetive sites; in fact, the first
seventh Greek imports should B.c.
century date The G
settlement at to an earlier period since
Panticapaeum it was supposedly the
appeared, at the
earliest, sporadic trade relations
in
seventh the of the initial merchants-pirates
late
century and more p
bly dates to the early which sixth
led to the establishment
century. of an emporium. AtThe so-
House of the Emporium present, however,
alsoonly three Greek finds
dates from of the sev- this ea
period of Greek settlement atreported
enth century B.c. have been Panticapaeum,
from the north-
eastern Black
probably the first quarter ofSeathe area outside
sixth the Greekcentury.23
colonies: a
Rhodian-Ionian
Was the Greek settlement vase from a native
which appearedburial at Temir-at Pa
capaeum around the end gora near ofPanticapaeum,
the seventh the upper part of a century
Rhodian-
Ionian vase inarchaic
an emporium? The earliest the shape of an ox head from a burial
pottery find
not, in themselves, showalong the the Don River, and a large Fikellura
existence of an vessel em
um: they indicate the with the top formed like a ram's
presence ofhead a fromGreeka burial s
ment, not the motivealong for a tributary
its offoundation.
the Northern Donets River.28 This
true of the so-calledThe Greek pottery
House offound in the Emporium
the Taman peninsula
remains of the stone and adobe walls of this house before World War I and originally dated to the later
enclosed an area of some eight square meters. In- part of the seventh century has since been redated
side, a hearth was uncovered with its foundation to the first half of the sixth century B.c. or even later.29
slightly below the level of the floor. The three pits Of the three "seventh-century" finds from the
found within the house as well as the stratum cov- northeastern Black Sea, the Fikellura vase from the
ering the floor contained numerous sherds of archaic Kalitva River on the Donets has recently been dated
pottery.24 Blavatskii maintains that the contrast be-to about the second quarter of the sixth century B.c.,30
tween this modest house and the fine pottery found and the other two finds from the middle to the end
of the seventh century.31 The more conservative dat-
in it suggests that it served as the home of a merchant,
14 Sidorova, "Arkhaicheskaia keramika," xo8 and fig. I, 1-2.27 Blavatskii, "Arkhaicheskii Bospor," 15.
15 Ibid. fig. I, 3-.
28 T. N. Knipovich, "K voprosu o torgovykh snosheniiakh
16 Ibid. fig. I, 5. grekov s oblast'iu r. Tanaisa v VII-V vekakh do n.e.," Iz-
17 Tsvetaeva, "K voprosu," I184 and fig. 2a, 3. vestiia Gosudarstvennoi Akademii Istorii Material'noi Kul'tury
18 Sidorova, "Arkhaicheskaia keramika," 115 and fig. 5, 3-6.104 (I934) 90-IIo; lessen, Grecheskaia kolonizatsiia 55; D. P.
19 Ibid. 121 and fig. 7, I. Kallistov, Ocherki istorii Severnogo Prichernomor'ia Antichnoi
o20 Tsvetaeva, "K voprosu," 184 and fig. 2b, 3. Epokhi (Leningrad 1949) 6; N. N. Bondar', "Torgovye sno-
21 Sidorova, "Arkhaicheskaia keramika," 147-148. sheniia 01'vii so Skifiei v VI-V vv. do n.e.," SA 23 (I955)
61; N. A. Onaiko, "Antichnyi import na territorii Srednego
22 Blavatskii, "Arkhaicheskii Bospor," 17; M. I. Rostovtsev,
Skiflia i Bospor (Leningrad 1925) 183-187 = M. Rostowzew, Predneprov'ia (VII-V vy. do n.e.)," SA 1960 nO. 2, 27 fig. I;
Skythien und der Bosporus (Berlin 193I1) 169-173; G. Ia. A. V. Domanskii, "Zametki o kharaktere torgovykh sviazei
Tsvetaeva, "Gruntovoi nekropol" Pantikapeia, ego istoriia, grekov s tuzemnym mirom Severnogo Prichernomor'ia v VII
etnicheskii i sotsial'nyi sostav," MIA 19 (195I) 66-67; G. v.
A. do n.e.," AS 12 (1970) 47-53.
Tsvetaeva, "Kurgannyi nekropol' Pantikapeia," MIA 56 (I957) 29 Cf. S. A. Zhebelev, "Vozniknovenie Bosporskogo gosudar-
232; E. G. Kastanaian, "Gruntovye nekropoli Bosporskikh stva," Severnoe Prichernomor'e (Moscow and Leningrad 1953)
gorodov VI-IV vv. do n.e. i mestnye ikh osobennosti," MIA 48 n. 3; Kallistov, Ocherki 7-8.
69 (1959) 257-262. 3o0 Sidorova, "Arkhaicheskaia keramika," o104.
23 Blavatskii, "Arkhaicheskii Bospor," I7; Sidorova, "Arkhai- 31 Cf. R. V. Schmidt, "Grecheskaia arkhaicheskaia keramika
cheskaia keramika," io6-ii6. Mirmekiia i Tiritaki," MIA 25 (1952) 223, 226; Tsvetaeva,
24 Cf. n. II. "K voprosu," 183; Sidorova, "Arkhaicheskaia keramika," 96,
25 Blavatskii, Pantikapei i18. io2 n. 67; W. Schiering, Werkstdtten orientalisierender Kera-
26 Ibid. 28-29. mik auf Rhodos (Berlin 1957) II.

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 80 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [AJA 77

ing would allow us to connect Thethe oinochoe

original from grew during
colony at Panticapaeum
Temir-gora with the nearby settlement at Pantica-
the sixth century B.c., but it was still of modest size
paeum. In any case, only two and
findspopulation.
from Manythehomes from this time have
entire
now been
second half of the seventh century excavated,
B.c. can be most of which were small one-
associated
with the supposed emporium at Panticapaeum.
or two-room The was a house
dwellings.33 One exception
trade of this emporium wasofmore than sporadic-it
the late sixth-early fifth century excavated in i949-
was practically nonexistent. Therefore, 1952, which had the no lessevidence
than three rooms and en-
now available does not supportclosed theanviewarea of that
some 40 Pantica-
square meters. The increase
paeum began as an emporium in
in the the of
number late
housesseventh
was only part of the gen-
century s.c. eral economic growth of archaic Panticapaeum. Not
Proceeding to Blavatskii's third stage,
only did the issue
Panticapaeum transi-
its own silver coins for
tion from emporium to polis, internal transactions,
his evidence but there
here is evidence for the
is also
unconvincing. He suggests that localthis transformation
production of pottery, terracotta statuettes, and
may have taken place in thesmall second quarter
metal objects cast fromofstonethe
forms.4 Thus, by
sixth century B.c., since Panticapaeum began
the end of the sixth centuryto issue
B.c., some dozen or more
silver coins around the middle of definitely
houses the sixth existedcentury.
and local artisans had begun
He also notes that the amount of material from the to supply many of the city's needs.
excavations significantly increases during the second Agriculture also developed in archaic Panticapaeum,
half of the sixth century.32 While both developments
although the evidence is minimal-a series of grain
show the growth of Panticapaeum during the course storage pits and implements for grinding grain.35
of the sixth century, neither one proves that it Our was
knowledge of the agriculture of the Bosporan
an emporium during the first half of the century and has been greatly advanced in recent years by
colonies
a polis thereafter. The exact date at which Pantica-
the discovery of many small Greek agricultural settle-
paeum became a polis would not tell us why the around the periphery of these colonies. While
ments
original settlement was founded nor the reasons mostforof these settlements date to the fourth-third cen-
its growth, even if such a date could be established
turies B.C., at least two have been identified from the
solely on the basis of archaeological evidence. sixth century: 5 km. from Nymphaeum and 3 km.
Utilizing the data uncovered by the postwar excava-
from Cimmericum. Another agricultural settlement
tions, it is possible to reconstruct, if only tentatively,
of the late sixth-early fifth century was found some
the origins of Panticapaeum without postulating an north of Nymphaeum.36
6 km.
emporium. Since building activity of later periods These three sites seem to show not only that agri-
destroyed much of the early city, this initial period
culturalists were among the early Greek immigrants
in its history will probably always remain obscure.to the Bosporus, but that these colonists very quickly
Nevertheless, it seems clear that Panticapaeum beganwas to farm the area. The finds of Greek ceramics
first settled by a few Greek colonists around the settlements along with the absence of evidence
in these
late seventh or early sixth century B.c. These settlers
for handicraft production suggests very strongly that
were perhaps attracted to the site by information ob-
these Greek agriculturalists exchanged their grain for
tained from one or two adventurous ship captains thewho
products available in the nearby colonies. In short,
had sailed along the Kerch strait and possibly theinto
Greek colonies of the Cimmerian Bosporus were
the Sea of Azov, leaving behind a few pieces ofprobably
fine not dependent upon imports of grain from
pottery that ended up in native burials. But the theab-
surrounding native population. Very soon after
sence of any other evidence for early trade with the foundation, these colonies became largely self-
their
natives strongly suggests that these first settlers were
sufficient in agriculture and in many areas of craft
motivated by reasons other than commerce. The
production. While no agricultural settlement has yet
small one-family house and the pottery finds from
several areas constitute the entire evidence for this been uncovered around Panticapaeum, such a dis-
covery would not be surprising.
period. Consequently, the reasons for the migration
of the few original colonists to the distant shores The
of importance of trade with the indigenous popu-
the Kerch strait are more likely to be found in lation
Eastin the development of Panticapaeum during the
Greece than in some as yet unsubstantiated sixth desirecentury B.C. should not be exaggerated. Greek
to trade with the inhabitants of the area around the pottery of this period has been found at several native
Cimmerian Bosporus. sites in the Kerch peninsula, near modern Taganrog
32Blavatskii, "Arkhaicheskii Bospor," 17, and Pantikapei
materialy (Moscow 1966) 8, 17-18, 30 #127, and pl. i18. 5.
23-24. Local pottery of this time is shown in pl. 19, 1-7.
33 These houses are described in the studies cited in 35
n. Blavatskii,
ii. Pantikapei 32-35.
Recent excavations have uncovered not only archaic homes36 but
Kruglikova, "Rol' zemledeliia," 3-8. More complete ac-
a street dating from the late 6th century B.c. Cf. Marchenko,
counts of these agricultural settlements, many with a native
"Raskopki Pantikapeia," ArkhO (1968) 301-303; (1969) or Hellenized population, can be found in I. T. Kruglikova,
265-266. "Issledovanie sel'skoi territorii evropeiskogo Bospora," SA
34 Blavatskii, Pantikapei 29-41I. For the potter's kiln of the
(1957) no. I 217-231, and I. T. Kruglikova, "Issledovanie
late 6th-early 5th century B.C. from Panticapaeum see Kerami- sel'skikh poselenii Bospora," VDI (1963) no. 2 65-79.
cheskoe proizvodstvo i antichnye keramicheskie stroitel'nye

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 1973] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES 81
in the Don basin, at two settlements the Greek homeland who and sought to start a new
two life
burials
in the Don delta, at several abroad. The colony
sites they established
along the soon Don developed
and
Northern Donets Rivers, its in ownseveral
handicraft production
native and probably
burials a reliableon
the Taman peninsula, in the source delta
of grain. Panticapaeum
of thehad extensive ties
Kuban with
River,
at several Sind(?) settlements the Greek worldinfrom the whichsouthern
it imported fine pottery
part
of the Taman peninsula, and and wine, but its trade relationsHowever,
elsewhere. with the non-Greekas
Zeest points out in his comprehensive world were not importantreview in the archaic of
period. The
these
finds, Greek trade with most artisans and
of agriculturalists
the above who founded
areas the town
only
began in the late sixth century.7 sought to establish Furthermore,
a basically self-sufficient outpost
theof
Greek finds dating to the first Greek civilization
half on of foreign
thesoil rather than
sixth to ex-
century
from the Taman peninsula ploit theare
alleged riches
most of theprobably
native trade. In fact,the
result of relations with Hermonassa, the remains of part of the the defensive town wall from
earliest layer
of which is now dated to the this sixth century
period.38 B.c. suggests that relations with the
During the sixth century native tribes were not always friendly
Panticapaeum no or even neu-
doubt
developed some trade relations tral.40 Only in the classical
with the periodnative
did the descendants
popu-
lation. But if the Greek finds of this time from the of these original settlers create one of the major com-
Asiatic Bosporus were connected with such contem- mercial centers of the ancient world.
poraneous colonies as Hermonassa, Patraeus and THOMAS S. NOONAN
Phanagoria, then the native trade of Panticapaeum UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA
was confined to the Kerch peninsula and possibly the
lower Don basin. Intensive recent archaeological ex-
ADDENDUM. Recent excavations at the ancient agr
cavations in both areas have failed to uncover a sig-
tural village of Southern Andreevka, 13 km.
nificant number of archaic Greek finds from any
native site in either area.39 In addition, the establish-
Panticapaeum, indicate that this settlement app
in the 6th century B.c. Thus there was at least
ment of Nymphaeum, Myrmecium, Tyritace and
archaic Greek agricultural settlement in the vic
Cimmericum on the shores of the Kerch peninsula
of Panticapaeum. Cf. I. T. Kruglikova, M. A. R
during the middle and second half of the sixth cen-
novskaia, "Antichnye poseleniia u dereven' Andre
tury raises the possibility that part of the early Greek
trade with the natives of the Kerch peninsula arose i Novo-Otradnoe," ArkhO (1970) 252-254.
from contacts with these colonies. It is still uncertain
with which Greek colony the early trade in the lower EDITOR'S NOTE
Don should be associated. In other words, even dur-
ing the sixth century the trade of Panticapaeum Miss Margaret Crosby, for many years a memb
with the surrounding non-Greek areas was appar- of the Archaeological Institute of America, died
ently limited. summer, leaving her valuable classical library to
It therefore appears more reasonable to see Panti- Department of Classics, Dartmouth College, w
capaeum as a settlement established by emigrants fromit will be available for the use of faculty and stud
87 I. B. Zeest, "Ekonomicheskie sviazi Bosporskikh Kerch peninsula.
gorodov Recent Greek finds from the lower Don
s plemenami severnogo Prichernomor'ia," MIA (5th-3rd centuries
83 (1960) 50- B.c.) are discussed in I. B. Brashinskii,
55.- "Novye dannye o grecheskom importe na Nizhnem Donu,"
8 I. B. Zeest, "Arkhaicheskie sloi Germonassy," KSIA 83 KSIA 124 (1970) 12-18.
(1961) 53-58; Blavatskii, Pantikapei 42 n. 67. 40 Blavatskii, Pantikapei 28.
3 See the studies cited in n. 36 for the finds from the

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