The Grain Trade of the Northern Black Sea in Antiquity

Author(s): Thomas S. Noonan

Source: The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 94, No. 3 (Autumn, 1973), pp. 231-242
Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/293978
Accessed: 16-08-2017 11:14 UTC

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms

The Johns Hopkins University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and
extend access to The American Journal of Philology

This content downloaded from 203.130.107.115 on Wed, 16 Aug 2017 11:14:42 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 AMERICAN

JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY

VOL. 94, 3 WHOLEI No. 375

THE GRAIN TRADE OF THE NORTHERN

BLACK SEA IN ANTIQUITY.1

The importance of grain exports from the area of the nort

Black Sea has been noted in numerous studies on the ancient
Greek world.2 These exports to Greece were mentioned by several
ancient authors and, in the fourth century B.C., the Bosporan
kingdom of the northeastern Black Sea had some claim to the
title of the granary of Athens.3 Consequently, there is a tendency
to consider grain as one of the chief exports of the northern Black
Sea during the entire ancient period. In particular, one some-
times obtains the impression that these exports date to the late
seventh and sixth centuries B.C., i.e., to the period when the
Greeks first colonized the northern Black Sea.4 However, an ex-

1 The following abbreviations have been employed for Soviet journals:

KSIA = Kratkie Soobshcheniia Instituta Arkheologii; KSIIMK =
Kratkie Soobshcheniia Instituta Istorii Material'noi Kul'tury; MIA =
Materialy i Issledovaniia po Arkheologii SSSR; SA = Sovetskaia
Arkheologiia.
2Ellis H. Minns, Scythians and Greeks (Cambridge, 1913), pp. 442-
43, 574-78; Mikhail Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks in South Russia
(Oxford, 1922), pp. 12, 66-70; Fritz M. Heichelheim, An Ancient Eco-
nomic History, II (Leyden, 1964), pp. 47-49. 56, 150-51; Johannes Hase-
broek, Trade and Politics in Ancient Greece (London, 1933), pp. 113-15;
H. Bolkestein, Economic Life in Greece's Golden Age (Leiden, 1958),
pp. 39-40, 139; H. Michell, The Economics of Ancient Greece, 2nd. ed.,
(Cambridge, 1957), pp. 219, 228, 235, 244, 265-70.
In addition to the studies in n. 2, see I. B. Brashinskii, Afiny i
Severnoe Prichernomor'e v VI-II vv. do n.e. (Moscow, 1963) for the
ancient sources and the Bosporan grain exports to Athens.
G. L. Huxley, The Early Ionians (London, 1966), p. 68, notes, in
231

This content downloaded from 203.130.107.115 on Wed, 16 Aug 2017 11:14:42 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 232 THOMAS S. NOONAN.

amination of the written and archaeological evidence su

that grain exports from the northern Black Sea coloni
Greece only began in the fifth century B.C., and that it
leading to speak of a grain trade between these area
earlier period.
The problem of dating the origins of these grain exports to
Greece involves more than determining when trade in a particu-
lar item arose. The start of grain exports from the northern
Black Sea is directly related to several basic questions concern-
ing the motivation for Greek colonization and the economy of
the Greek homeland. Roebuck, for example, argues that the
primary motivation for the colonization of the Black Sea was
a search for new sources of food.5 Others suggest that Greek
colonization arose from trading stations which had been estab-
lished to develop trade with the natives.6 Many recent authors,
on the other hand, attribute Greek colonization to a surplus
agricultural population in Greece and see migration abroad as
a form of land hunger.7

discussing Greek colonization in the Black Sea, that the Milesians

brought grain and dried fish from southern Russia and that they as-
sured themselves of a regular food supply from the Black Sea colonies.
Carl Roebuck, Ionian Trade and Colonization (New York, 1959), en-
titles his chapter on Greek colonization in the Black Sea "The Search
for Food." Roebuck also maintains (p. 129) that Olbia was probably the
main center of the Black Sea grain trade in the archaic period and that
this grain trade began in the first half of the sixth century B.C. Brashin-
skii, Afiny, p. 23, dates the initial interest of Athens in the grain exports
of the northern Black Sea to the mid-sixth century B.C. and connects
it with the growing cultivation of grapes and olives in Attica which
necessitated grain imports. Brashinskii also suggests (p. 26) that grain
was probably used to pay for the increasing amount of Athenian pottery
found in the northern Black Sea during the second half of the sixth
century B.C. Michell, The Economics, p. 265, also sees Athenian interest
in Pontic grain from the mid-sixth century B.t.
5 Roebuck, Ionian Trade, pp. 13, 19, 21, 41, 116-33.
6 Minns, Scythians, pp. 438-40; V. D. Blavatskii, "Arkhaicheskii
Bospor," MIA 33 (1954), 7-44.
7 Hasebroek, Trade and Politics, pp. 105-109; Andrew R. Burn, The
World of Hesiod (2nd ed., New York, 1966), p. 232; M. I. Finley, Early
Greece (New York, 1970), pp. 97-98; Michell, The Economics, p. 224;
Chester Starr, The Origins of Greek Civilization 1100-650 B.C. (New
York, 1961), pp. 358-72. The existence of a surplus population and the

This content downloaded from 203.130.107.115 on Wed, 16 Aug 2017 11:14:42 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 GRAIN TRADE OF THE NORTHERN BLACK SEA. 233

Given these divergent interpretations, the early grain trade

of the northern Black Sea acquires more than an academic im-
portance. Evidence for grain exports in the sixth century B.C.
would tend to support the view that already in the archaic period
Greece had become dependent upon food shipments from abroad
and that colonization was a response to a growing need to import
food. The existence of grain exports in the late seventh and sixth
centuries can also be considered a result of the trade ties de-
veloped by the Greek merchants-colonies grew from those trad-
ing stations which best exploited this grain trade. The absence
of grain exports might support those who emphasize land hunger
and who believe that Greek trade only expanded after migrant
agriculturalists had established Greek settlements abroad.8 Thus,
the date when the northern Black Sea colonies began to export
grain has some bearing upon the level of agricultural production,
the growth of population, and the amount of tillable land within
Greece as well as the colonization and subsequent economic de-
velopment of the early Greek colonies in the northern Black Sea.
* * *

The earliest written ref

Black Sea is found in H
that the Persian ruler Xe
Black Sea passing throug
Since this event dates to
dence of grain exports befo
B.C. Furthermore, Herod
of the Black Sea these sh
that this first recorded ex
Black Sea colonies.
Recent Soviet archaeological excavations tend to confirm the
absence of any significant grain exports before the fifth century
B.C. Since the early 1950's, for example, I. T. Kruglikova and
others have studied and partially excavated numerous agricul-

need to import food may be two different ways of emphasizing the same
basic situation.

s Burn, The World of Hesiod, p. 232, argues that the expansion

Greek trade was a sequel, not a cause, of Greek colonization.
9Cf. Brashinskii, Afiny, pp. 36; 50-51.

This content downloaded from 203.130.107.115 on Wed, 16 Aug 2017 11:14:42 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 234 THOMAS S. NOONAN.

tural settlements of the early iron age on the Kerch penins

These settlements date to three general periods: the six
early fifth century B.C., the fourth-third century B.C., an
second-third century A.D. The great majority of these
tural settlements come from the second period, the tim
Bosporan grain exports to Greece are confirmed by writ
dence. Very few of the settlements belong to the earliest g
In addition, three of the sixth century B.C. agricultural
ments were probably founded by Greek migrants: Geroevka
kilometers south of Nymphaeum), Mt. Opuk (three kilo
from Cimmericum), and Lake Churubashkoe (six kilom
northwest of Nymphaeum).1 These three settlements s
indicate, as Kruglikova suggests, that one reason for
colonization was the growth of population and insuf
agricultural land within Greece.l2 It is also possible that
settlements arose to provide grain for the nearby Greek co
At present, there is no basis to connect these Greek agri
settlements with an attempt to develop new sources of f
Greece.
Very few non-Greek agricultural settlements of the sixth
tury B.C. on the Kerch peninsula are known. One such
ment, at Sazonovka, contained some Chiot amphora frag
of the late sixth-early fifth century B.C.13 However, Saz
ceased to exist in the late sixth century B.C. and was app
not resettled until the fourth century B.C. The few Greek
of the sixth century B.C. plus the distance from any G
colony make the possibility of a grain trade with such a
settlement most unlikely. Thus, there is no evidence to

10 I . T. Kruglikova, "Issledovanie sel'skoi territorii evrope

Bospora," SA, 1957, No. 1, 217-31; I. T. Kruglikova, "Issle
sel'skikh poselenii Bospora," Vestnik Drevnei Istorii, 1963, No. 2,
I. T. Kruglikova, "Rol' zemledeliia v antichnykh gosudarstvakh
Severnogo Prichernomor'ia v rannii period ikh sushchestvovaniia,"
KSIA 109 (1967), 3-8; I. T. Kruglikova, "Sel'skaia territoriia Bospora,"
in Problemy Istorii Severnogo Prichernomor'ia v Antichnuiu Epokhu
(Moscow, 1959), pp. 108-25.
11 Kruglikova, "Rol' zemledeliia," pp. 3-8, and " Issledovanie sel'skoi
territorii," p. 229.
12 Ibid.

18 Kruglikova, "Issledovanie sel'skoi territorii," p. 221, and "Issle-

dovanie sel'skikh poselenii," p. 70.

This content downloaded from 203.130.107.115 on Wed, 16 Aug 2017 11:14:42 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 GRAIN TRADE OF THE NORTHERN BLACK SEA. 235

that the sixth century B.C. Greek colonies of the Kerch peninsula
re-exported grain obtained from the native population.
Various excavations on the so-called Asiatic side of the Kerch
strait, i.e., the area in and around the Taman peninsula, have
identified several non-Greek settlements of the sixth century
B.C.1' In considering these settlements, two points are worth
noting. First of all, the largest concentration of these settle-
ments is found south of Hermonassa in the area of the Sind land.
Of the nine sixth century B.C. settlements in this region, only
seven are considered agricultural settlements. The remaining
two, according to Blavatskii, were probably temporary settle-
ments of herdsmen.15 Secondly, judging from the Greek finds,
trade between these settlements and the Greek colonies of the
Taman peninsula only originated in the late sixth century B.C.16
Consequently, it does not seem that the Greek colonies obtained
any sizeable quantities of grain from this area until the late
sixth century B.C at the earliest.
The comprehensive survey by Zeest of Greek amphora finds
from other areas surrounding the Cimmerian Bosporus (the
lower Don, the Kuban, etc.) also indicates that Greek trade with
these regions did not arise until the late sixth century B.C.17
Thus, the evidence now available seems to show that the earliest
possible date for grain exports from the Cimmerian Bosporus to
Greece was around the end of the sixth century B.C. This does

14 A good bibliography of the recent excavations can be found in

Kruglikova, "Issledovanie sel'skikh poselenii," p. 68 n. 2.
16 V. D. Blavatskii, "Piatyi god rabot v Sindike," KSIIMK 74(1959),
47-48.
16 The archaic finds from these excavations are noted in Blavatskii'q
reports in KJSIIMK: 48(1952), 71-80; 51(1953), 149-55; 58(1955),
88-95; 70(1957), 118-29; and 74(1959), 41-48. Also see D. B. Shelov's
reports in the same journal: 51(1953), 159-65; and, 58(1955), 96-99.
I. B. Zeest, Keramichesicaia Tara Bospora (Moscow, 1960), pp. 54-55,
reviewed these finds and concluded that an active Greek trade with the
local population only began in the late sixth-early fifth centuries B.C.
17 Zeest, Keramicheskaia Tara, pp. 50-55. In most of these areas,
there are some Greek finds dating to before the late sixth century B.C.
However, these few finds, many of which come from burial mounds, do
not demonstrate any real trade relations. Large quantities of Greek
imports, which show more than casual relations, do not appear in any
native settlement before the late sixth century B.C.

This content downloaded from 203.130.107.115 on Wed, 16 Aug 2017 11:14:42 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 236 THOMAS S. NOONAN.

not mean that the Bosporan cities in fact began to obt

from the natives in large quantities at the end of the six
tury or that the grain ships seen by Xerxes around
came from the northeastern Black Sea.
In his famous account of Scythia, Herodotus (4.17) briefly
discussed the natives who inhabited the area between the Hypanis
(Southern Bug) and Borysthenes (Dnieper) Rivers.18 Accord-
ing to this report, the Callippidae were a Graeco-Scythic race
living north of Olbia (the emporium of the Borysthenites). The
Alazonians were located north of the Callippidae. Both of these
groups raised and consumed corn and millet. Further inland
were the Scythian cultivators who did not grow corn for their
own use but for sale. Since this passage has been frequently
cited with respect to the grain trade of the northern Black
Sea, a few observations are in order.
Herodotus' description indicates that the area of the Bug
estuary around Olbia was inhabited by a mixed population of
Greek and Scythian agriculturalists. This would suggest that
Greek farmers in search of arable land had settled in the
vicinity of Olbia and, in the course of time, had apparentl
intermarried with those Scythians who had migrated into t
region. In contrast with his report on the Scythian cultivato
Herodotus makes no reference to Callippidae grain sales. Thu
there is nothing in the account of the Callippidae to suggest
archaic grain trade. In fact, the existence of a mixed Greek
Scythian farming population in the region of Olbia supports the
view that Greek migration to the northern Black Sea was initial
ly motivated by land hunger within Greece.
The Scythian cultivators, who presumably sold their corn
the Greeks, present a different problem. Where were thes

18 wrro roo BopvaOeve'irwv ezt7roptov (roiro ya&p rTv wrapaaXaaatiwv Lecr

Trarov eorT 7rdoar7s r7ls 2KUVO'if), adro rourov 7rpwrot KaXXt7rri'8la vPeJLov
e6ores "EXXrlveys 2EKcat, 7rep 'e Tro'Trw a'XXo 'eYos o' 'A\XLrweCV KaXeov
oVTOt I oKaC Ka XXKt7rwiat r&a /V aa Krat ravTTa KUroe7t e7raCKreoVLo
oirov 8e Kal crTrepovat Kal a'ltrovrat Ka Kpo'6uva Kal aKoposa Kac l fa
Kal K'yXpovs. vw7rp 0e 'AXtSwvwv oiKeovacrtL ZKat dpoTrpes, o' OUK errl acr
rrelipovOL TOv earop dXX' erl 7rp?'at. rovTrwY w KarvTrepOe oiKeova Nevpa
Nevp(Zv Se TO 7rpbs f3ope7'v aveFLov iepr7tos dvctpW7rwv, S'Oov ijteis L1',ev. ra
JeL' 7rap&a Tov "TtravLv 7roralfov e'rt 'Ovea rrpos &e7re6pvs roV Bopvacreveos.

This content downloaded from 203.130.107.115 on Wed, 16 Aug 2017 11:14:42 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 GRAIN TRADE OF THE NORTHERN BLACK SEA. 237

Scythians located and to what period does their grain

belong? Extensive archaeological excavations have shown
the steppe region between the Dnieper and Southern Bug
almost completely uninhabited during the archaic era and
very sparsely settled in the fifth century B.C.19 As we
see, there is some possibility of a brief trade between Ne
on the middle Bug and the Greek colonies of Olbia and Ber
but there is no evidence that the Scythians occupied or contro
the forest-steppe zone along the Bug during the time when
trade may have occurred. Furthermore, Nemirov is the
settlement of the Bug forest-steppe where a significant quant
of Greek finds have been uncovered.
From an archaeological point of view, the most likely loca-
tion of the Scythian cultivators was the Tiasmin River basin.
The Tiasmin is a right bank tributary of the Dnieper whose
upper reaches are very close to tributaries of the Southern Bug.
The appearance of Scythian artifacts in the settlements and
burials of the Tiasmin during the late seventh and sixth century
B.C. indicates that at this time the Scythians occupied and/or
controlled this region.20 However, Greek imports never reached
this area in significant quantities until the late sixth century
B.C.21 As with the northeastern Black Sea, a few Greek objects
from a slightly earlier time have been found along the Tiasmin
but these do not reflect any real trade. Therefore, if we locate
the Scythian cultivators along the Tiasmin, it appears that their

" Cf. I. V. Iatsenko, Skifiia VII-V vekov do nashei ery (Moscow,

1959); N. G. Elagina, "Otchet skifskoi stepnoi ekspeditsii istfaka
MGU za 1957 god," Archives of the Institute of Archaeology, Ukrainian
Academy of Sciences, Kiev, Report F 2969; and, N. G. Elagina and
N. N. Pogrebova, "Arkheologicheskaia razvedka po beregam Ingula,"
KSIIMK 77 (1959), 21-34.
20 The Tiasmin sites of the seventh-fifth centuries B.C. are discussed
in E. F. Pokrovskaia, K voprosu o slozhenii kul'tury zemledel'cheskikh
plemen pravoberezhnogo Pridneprov'ia (bassein r. Tiasmin) v VIII-VI
Vw. do n.e. (Candidate's dissertation, Kiev, 1953); A. I. Terenozhkin,
Predskifskii period na dneprovskom Pravoberezh'e (Kiev, 1961); and,
V. G. Petrenko, Pravoberezh'e srednego Pridneprov'ia v V-III vv. do
n.e. (Moscow, 1967).
21 The Greek imports of the seventh-fifth centuries B.C. from the
Tiasmin basin are enumerated and discussed in N. A. Onaiko, Antichnyi
Import v Pridneprov'e i Pobuzh'e v VII-V vekakh do n.e. (Moscow,
1966).

This content downloaded from 203.130.107.115 on Wed, 16 Aug 2017 11:14:42 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
238 THOMAS S. NOONAN.

grain exports to the Greek colony at Olbia only began,

earliest, in the late sixth century B.C. If we reject the p
location of the Scythian cultivators along the Tiasm
veracity of Herodotus' statements about them comes int
tion due to archaeological considerations.
The information provided by Herodotus probably de
the situation during the first half and middle of the fif
tury B.C., a period close to that at which Herodotus wr
account. Greek agriculturalists had long been settled ar
Olbia where they intermarried with the Scythians and
the Callippidae. A grain trade with the Scythian or Scy
dominated population of the Tiasmin had been developed
late sixth century B.C. and had become especially active
fifth century B.C. In short, Herodotus does not confirm th
istence of grain shipments from Olbia to Greece in the
period nor does he specifically state that Olbia re-expor
grain obtained from the Scythian cultivators starting
late sixth and early fifth centuries B.C.
The archaeological excavations conducted in the area
ing Olbia from 1947 to 1951 uncovered a large number of s
ments dating to the sixth-second centuries B.C.22 As w
Cimmerian Bosporus, the great majority of these sett
date to the fifth century B.C. and later. The most inter
of the sixth century B.C. settlements in the Dnieper-Bug es
was located at Shirokaia Balka less than two kilometers south
of Olbia.23 Twelve of the pits on this site were evidently used

22 The most comprehensive account of these settlements is found in

the still unpublished dissertation of F. M. Shtitel'man, Gorodishcha,
poseleniia i mogil'niki Bugskogo limanca VII-II vv. do n.e. (Kiev, 1951).
Published descriptions are found in S. I. Kaposhina, " Iz istorii
Grecheskoi kolonizatsii Nizhnego Pobuzh'ia," MIA 50(1956), 239-54;
F. M. Shtitel'man, "Poseleniia antichnogo perioda na poberezh'e
Bugskogo limana," MIA 50(1956), 255-72; Ia. V. Domanskii, " Iz istorii
naseleniia Nizhnego Pobuzh'ia v VII-IV vv. do n.e.," Arkheologicheskii
Sbornik (Hermitage), 2 (1961), 26-41; Iatsenko, Skifiia pp. 25-33. A
brief list of the sites in the Dnieper-Bug estuary containing archaic
Greek pottery is found in V. L. Zuts, "Do pytannia pro utvorennia
Ol'viis'koi derzhavy," Arkheologiia 19 (1965), 37-38.
23 Cf. B. M. Rabichkin, " Poselenie u Shirokoi Balki," JKSIIMK
40(1951), 114-24; Domanskii, "Iz istorii," pp. 38-41; Iatsenko, Skifiia,
pp. 25-29.

This content downloaded from 203.130.107.115 on Wed, 16 Aug 2017 11:14:42 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 GRAIN TRADB OF THE NORTHERN BLACK SEA. 239

to store grain. Furthermore, one of the semisubterranean dwe

ings contained an oven. Since there was no evidence that th
dwelling was used to make pottery, Rabichkin suggested th
it was utilized to dry grain which had become moist in the stor-
age pits.24 The Greek pottery found at Shirokaia Balka includ
fragments of amphoras, various Ionian vessels, Attic black-figure
ware and some Corinthian ceramics. Although most of th
pottery dated to the second half of the sixth and the first half o
the fifth century B.C., there were several sherds from the first
half of the sixth century B.C.: an Ionian amphora, the cove
of an Attic vessel of the Vurv style, and a Samian (Naucratia
cup. There was also a significant amount of grey and red cl
wheel-made pottery of a type frequently found at Olbia, whe
it was probably made.25
The conjunction of these various finds at Shirokaia Balka h
led to the suggestion that the inhabitants of this site conduct
a lively trade with Greek merchants who had even established
trade factory here.26 Presumably, in exchange for fine potter
wine and/or oil, and everyday Olbian ceramics, the Greeks ob
tained grain which was dried in a special building before bein
transported. While numerous objections can be raised concern
ing this hypothesis, for our purposes it is sufficient to note that
even if we accept Rabichkin's interpretation, there is nothi
to demonstrate that grain from Shirokaia Balka was exporte
to Greece via Olbia or Berezan.
While the population of Shirokaia Balka is often considered
Scythian or Hellenized Scythian, we should not overlook the
possibility that Shirokaia Balka was a Greek agricultural settle-
ment similar to those near Nymphaeum and Cimmericum. Semi-
subterranean dwellings have been excavated in the archaic strata
of both Berezan and Olbia and thus do not constitute a unique
characteristic of native settlements. Furthermore, over 80 per-
cent of the pottery fragments found at Shirokaia Balka, ex-
cluding amphora sherds, were Olbian. The predominance of local
Olbian pottery along with the short distance to Olbia suggests
that Shirokaia Balka may well have been a Greek agricultural

2 Rabichkin, "Poselenie," p. 120.

g" Ibid., pp. 120-22.
26Ibid., p. 124.

This content downloaded from 203.130.107.115 on Wed, 16 Aug 2017 11:14:42 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
240 THOMAS S. NOONAN.

settlement supplying grain to the nearby colony at Ol

possibly Berezan as well.27
The Greek colonies at Olbia and Berezan probably obt
some grain from native settlements. Greek and Olbian pott
the second half of the sixth century B.C. was found at Vikt
I in the mouth of the Berezan estuary. However, a count
pottery fragments from one section of this settlement
that 40 percent were from native handmade vessels an
30 percent were Olbian ware. The high percentage of n
pottery indicates that this was clearly a non-Greek settl
The native pottery found at Greek settlements like
Berezan, and Shirokaia Balka (?) composes a much sm
percentage of the total pottery materials.28
A significant quantity of East Greek pottery of t
seventh-early sixth century B.C. has been found at Ne
along the middle Southern Bug. It is thus possible that t
Greek settlers on Berezan imported some grain from N
for a short period. When this brief trade was interrupted i
early sixth century B.C., possibly in connection with
cursion of the Scythians, the inhabitants of Berezan an
probably turned to Shirokaia Balka, Viktorovka I, and
nearby sites to make good their own deficiency in grain
The discovery of archaic Greek materials at several s
ments in the Dnieper-Bug estuary suggests the possibi

27 The "ethnic" composition of the population at Shirokai

the semisubterranean dwellings found at Olbia and Berezan, a
relative amounts of different pottery found at Shirokaia B
discussed in the studies noted in notes 18-19. V. V. Lapin, Gree
kolonizatsiia Severnogo Prichernomor'ia (Kiev, 1966), pp. 153-6
that both semisubterranean dwellings and handmade pottery
connected with the early Greek settlers. The latter assertion, h
remains highly controversial-see the review of Lapin's book
Terenozhkin in SA, 1968, No. 4, 292-94.
28 For Viktorovka I see Kaposhina, "Iz istorii," pp. 240-44, and F.
Rudyk, "Drevnee poselenie Viktorovka I (VI-III vv. do n.e.),"
Materialy po Arkheologii Severnogo Prichernomor'ia 1(1957), 63-66.
29 The early Greek pottery from Nemirov is described in Onaiko,
Antichnyi Import, p. 56. 2, 5-6. For the possibility of Greek trade with
Nemirov see Ia. V. Domanskii, " Zametki o kharaktere torgovykh sviazei
Grekov s tuzemnym mirom Severnogo Prichernomor'ia v VII v. do n.e.,"
Arkheologicheskii Sbornik (Hermitage), 12 (1970), 51-52.

This content downloaded from 203.130.107.115 on Wed, 16 Aug 2017 11:14:42 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 GRAIN TRADE OF THE NORTHERN BLACK SEA. 241

some trade in grain during the sixth century B.C. However, t

proximity of these settlements to Olbia and Berezan as well a
the large percentage of Olbian pottery in the finds from the
sites would indicate that whatever grain was traded went to
satisfy the food needs of the nearby Greek colonies. Furthermor
only at Shirokaia Balka does the evidence permit us to ta
of a grain trade with any confidence and the predominance
of Olbian pottery at Shirokaia Balka may well be due to the
fact that this was a Greek agricultural settlement which supplied
Olbia with grain. Any talk of grain exports from Olbia
Greece before the time of Herodotus (mid-fifth century B.C
is pure conjecture.
Greek materials of the archaic era have also been uncovered
at several sites along the Dnieper forest-steppe basin.30 However,
none of the native settlements, with the possible exception of
Bel'sk along the Vorskla,31 have more than a few pottery frag-
ments from before the late sixth century B.C. Thus, it seems
highly improbable that the famous grain of the Scythian plough-
men reached Olbia much earlier than this time.

* * *

An examination of the w
strongly suggests that the
Black Sea to Greece could
or early fifth century B.
time that the Greek colon
volume with the natives t
Consequently, we should n
sible written reference to g
Sea dates to about 480 B.
when written sources conf
Greece, do significant amou

30 These finds are discussed i

81 Part of the archaic Greek fi
are contained in Onaiko, Ant
considerable archaic Greek po
B. A. Shramko of Khar'kov U
published. See the short repo
199-210; 1967, 209-10; 1968, 273-75; 1969, 243-44.

This content downloaded from 203.130.107.115 on Wed, 16 Aug 2017 11:14:42 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
242 THOMAS S. NOONAN.

settlements.32 Thus, the written and archaeological evide

in basic agreement both during the sixth century B
later.
The Greek settlers who founded the various early co
along the northern Black Sea do not appear to have emi
either to develop trade relations with the natives or to e
new sources of grain for the Greek homeland. The three
agricultural settlements on the periphery of Nymphaeu
Cimmericum (and possibly Shirokaia Balka near Olbia)
as the Greek-Scythian agriculturalists around Olbia len
dence to the belief that land hunger within Greece prec
migration abroad. Finally, the export of grain starting
fifth century B.C. would suggest that economic, politic
agricultural changes within classical Greece created a ne
imports of grain from southern Russia and, in response to
changes, the Greek colonies of the northern Black Sea b
develop trade ties with grain producing areas both in
vicinity and along such rivers as the Dnieper and Donet

THOMAS S. NOONAN.
UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA, MINNEAPOLIS.

82 Cf. Onaiko, Antichnyi Import, and Antichnyi Import v Pridneprov'e

i Pobuzh'e v IV-II vv. do n.e. (Moscow, 1970) for the Greek imports of
the fifth-second centuries B.C. found along the Dnieper. Zeest,
Keramicheskaia Tara, pp. 49-65, reviews the Greek imports of the
fifth-second centuries B.C. from the northeastern Black Sea. Kruglikova,
"Rol' zemledeliia," p. 7, notes that the greatest number of agricultural
settlements in the northern Black Sea date to the fourth-third centuries
B.C., the very period when there is the most written evidence for grain
exports.

This content downloaded from 203.130.107.115 on Wed, 16 Aug 2017 11:14:42 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms