Northwoods and Garden Plot PDF

Northwoods and Garden Plot
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Contents
Articles
Operation Northwoods 1
Operation Garden Plot 8
Operation Noble Eagle 9
Operation WASHTUB 10
Operation Mockingbird 11
Project SHAMROCK 16
COINTELPRO 17
Family Jewels (Central Intelligence Agency) 29
Bay of Pigs Invasion 32
Cuban Project 48
References
Article Sources and Contributors 53
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 55
Article Licenses
License 56
Operation Northwoods
Operation Northwoods was a series of false-flag proposals that
originated in 1962 within the United States government, and which
the Kennedy administration rejected.[2] The proposals called for the
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), or other operatives, to commit
acts of terrorism in U.S. cities and elsewhere. These acts of terrorism
were to be blamed on Cuba in order to create public support for a war
against that nation, which had recently become communist under
Fidel Castro.[3] One part of Operation Northwoods was to "develop a
Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida
cities and even in Washington."
Operation Northwoods proposals included hijackings and bombings

followed by the introduction of phony evidence that would implicate
the Cuban government. It stated:
"The desired resultant from the execution of this plan
would be to place the United States in the apparent
position of suffering defensible grievances from a rash Operation Northwoods memorandum (13 March
[1]
1962).
and irresponsible government of Cuba and to develop an
international image of a Cuban threat to peace in the
Western Hemisphere."
Several other proposals were included within Operation Northwoods, including real or simulated actions against
various U.S. military and civilian targets. The plan was drafted by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, signed by Chairman
Lyman Lemnitzer and sent to the Secretary of Defense. Although part of the U.S. government's Cuban Project
anti-communist initiative, Operation Northwoods was never officially accepted; it was authorized by the Joint Chiefs
of Staff, but then rejected by President John F. Kennedy.
According to currently released documentation, none of the operations became active under the auspices of the
Operation Northwoods proposals.
Origins and public release

The main proposal was presented in a document entitled "Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba (TS)", a
top secret collection of draft memoranda written by the Department of Defense (DoD) and the Joint Chiefs of Staff
(JCS).[1] The document was presented by the Joint Chiefs of Staff to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara on 13
March 1962 as a preliminary submission for planning purposes. The Joint Chiefs of Staff recommended that both the
covert and overt aspects of any such operation be assigned to them.
The previously secret document was originally made public on 18 November 1997, by the John F. Kennedy
Assassination Records Review Board,[4] a U.S. federal agency overseeing the release of government records related
to John F. Kennedy's assassination.[5][6][7][8] A total 1521 pages of once-secret military records covering 1962 to
1964 were concomitantly declassified by said Review Board.
"Appendix to Enclosure A" and "Annex to Appendix to Enclosure A" of the Northwoods document were first
published online by the National Security Archive on 6 November 1998 in a joint venture with CNN as part of
CNN's 1998 Cold War television documentary series[9][10]—specifically, as a documentation supplement to
"Episode 10: Cuba," which aired on 29 November 1998.[11][12] "Annex to Appendix to Enclosure A" is the section of
the document which contains the proposals to stage terrorist attacks.
The Northwoods document was published online in a more complete form (i.e., including cover memoranda) by the
National Security Archive on 30 April 2001.[13]
Content
In response to a request for pretexts for military intervention by the Chief of Operations of the Cuba Project, Brig.
Gen. Edward Lansdale, the document listed methods, and outlined plans, that the authors believed would garner
public and international support for U.S. military intervention in Cuba. According to Jacob Hornberger:
“ The plan called for U.S. personnel to disguise themselves as agents of the Cuban government and to engage in terrorist attacks on the U.S.
base at Guantanamo Bay. It also called for terrorist attacks within the United States that would be conducted by pro-U.S. forces disguising
themselves as Cuban agents.
One of the most fascinating aspects of Operation Northwoods involved the proposed hijacking of an American passenger plane. The JCS
proposed that a real plane containing American passengers would be hijacked by friendly forces disguised as Cuban agents. The plane would
drop down off the radar screen and be replaced by a pilotless aircraft, which would crash, purportedly killing all the passengers. Under the
plan, the real passenger plane would be secretly flown back to the United States.
[14]
”
More specifically, the plan called for the following:
1. Since it would seem desirable to use legitimate provocation as the basis for US military intervention in Cuba a
cover and deception plan, to include requisite preliminary actions such as has been developed in response to
Task 33 c, could be executed as an initial effort to provoke Cuban reactions. Harassment plus deceptive actions
to convince the Cubans of imminent invasion would be emphasized. Our military posture throughout execution
of the plan will allow a rapid change from exercise to intervention if Cuban response justifies.
2. A series of well coordinated incidents will be planned to take place in and around Guantanamo to give genuine
appearance of being done by hostile Cuban forces.
a. Incidents to establish a credible attack (not in chronological order):
1. Start rumors (many). Use clandestine radio.
2. Land friendly Cubans in uniform "over-the-fence" to stage attack on base.
3. Capture Cuban (friendly) saboteurs inside the base.
4. Start riots near the base main gate (friendly Cubans).[15]
5. Blow up ammunition inside the base; start fires.
6. Burn aircraft on air base (sabotage).
7. Lob mortar shells from outside of base into base. Some damage to installations.
8. Capture assault teams approaching from the sea or vicinity of Guantanamo City.
9. Capture militia group which storms the base.
10. Sabotage ship in harbor; large fires—napthalene.
11. Sink ship near harbor entrance. Conduct funerals for mock-victims (may be in lieu of (10)).
b. United States would respond by executing offensive operations to secure water and power supplies,
destroying artillery and mortar emplacements which threaten the base.
c. Commence large scale United States military operations.
3. A "Remember the Maine" incident could be arranged in several forms:
a. We could blow up a US ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba.
b. We could blow up a drone (unmanned) vessel anywhere in the Cuban waters. We could arrange to
cause such incident in the vicinity of Havana or Santiago as a spectacular result of Cuban attack from
the air or sea, or both. The presence of Cuban planes or ships merely investigating the intent of the
vessel could be fairly compelling evidence that the ship was taken under attack. The nearness to Havana
or Santiago would add credibility especially to those people that might have heard the blast or have seen
the fire. The US could follow up with an air/sea rescue operation covered by US fighters to "evacuate"
remaining members of the non-existent crew. Casualty lists in US newspapers would cause a helpful
wave of national indignation.
4. We could develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in
Washington.[16]
The terror campaign could be pointed at refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload
of Cubans en route to Florida (real or simulated). We could foster attempts on lives of Cuban refugees in the
United States even to the extent of wounding in instances to be widely publicized. Exploding a few plastic
bombs in carefully chosen spots, the arrest of Cuban agents and the release of prepared documents
substantiating Cuban involvement, also would be helpful in projecting the idea of an irresponsible government.
5. A "Cuban-based, Castro-supported" filibuster could be simulated against a neighboring Caribbean nation (in
the vein of the 14 June invasion of the Dominican Republic). We know that Castro is backing subversive
efforts clandestinely against Haiti, Dominican Republic, Guatemala, and Nicaragua at present and possible
others. These efforts can be magnified and additional ones contrived for exposure. For example, advantage can
be taken of the sensitivity of the Dominican Air Force to intrusions within their national air space. "Cuban"
B-26 or C-46 type aircraft could make cane-burning raids at night. Soviet Bloc incendiaries could be found.
This could be coupled with "Cuban" messages to the Communist underground in the Dominican Republic and
"Cuban" shipments of arm which would be found, or intercepted, on the beach.
6. Use of MIG type aircraft by US pilots could provide additional provocation. Harassment of civil air, attacks on
surface shipping and destruction of US military drone aircraft by MIG type planes would be useful as
complementary actions. An F-86 properly painted would convince air passengers that they saw a Cuban MIG,
especially if the pilot of the transport were to announce such fact. The primary drawback to this suggestion
appears to be the security risk inherent in obtaining or modifying an aircraft. However, reasonable copies of
the MIG could be produced from US resources in about three months.[17]
7. Hijacking attempts against civil air and surface craft should appear to continue as harassing measures
condoned by the government of Cuba. Concurrently, genuine defections of Cuban civil and military air and
surface craft should be encouraged.
8. It is possible to create an incident which will demonstrate convincingly that a Cuban aircraft has attacked and
shot down a chartered civil airliner en route from the United States to Jamaica, Guatemala, Panama or
Venezuela. The destination would be chosen only to cause the flight plan route to cross Cuba. The passengers
could be a group of college students off on a holiday or any grouping of persons with a common interest to
support chartering a non-scheduled flight.
a. An aircraft at Eglin AFB would be painted and numbered as an exact duplicate for a civil registered
aircraft belonging to a CIA proprietary organization in the Miami area. At a designated time the
duplicate would be substituted for the actual civil aircraft and would be loaded with the selected
passengers, all boarded under carefully prepared aliases. The actual registered aircraft would be
converted to a drone.
b. Take off times of the drone aircraft and the actual aircraft will be scheduled to allow a rendezvous
south of Florida. From the rendezvous point the passenger-carrying aircraft will descend to minimum
altitude and go directly into an auxiliary field at Eglin AFB where arrangements will have been made to
evacuate the passengers and return the aircraft to its original status. The drone aircraft meanwhile will
continue to fly the filed flight plan. When over Cuba the drone will begin transmitting on the
international distress frequency a "MAY DAY" message stating he is under attack by Cuban MIG
aircraft. The transmission will be interrupted by destruction of the aircraft which will be triggered by
radio signal. This will allow ICAO radio[18] stations in the Western Hemisphere to tell the US what has
happened to the aircraft instead of the US trying to "sell" the incident.
9. It is possible to create an incident which will make it appear that Communist Cuban MIGs have destroyed a
USAF aircraft over international waters in an unprovoked attack.
a. Approximately 4 or 5 F-101 aircraft will be dispatched in trail from Homestead AFB, Florida, to the
vicinity of Cuba. Their mission will be to reverse course and simulate fakir aircraft for an air defense
exercise in southern Florida. These aircraft would conduct variations of these flights at frequent
Intervals. Crews would be briefed to remain at least 12 miles off the Cuban coast; however, they would
be required to carry live ammunition in the event that hostile actions were taken by the Cuban MIGs.
b. On one such flight, a pre-briefed pilot would fly tail-end Charley at considerable interval between
aircraft. While near the Cuban Island this pilot would broadcast that he had been jumped by MIGs and
was going down. No other calls would be made. The pilot would then fly directly west at extremely low
altitude and land at a secure base, an Eglin auxiliary. The aircraft would be met by the proper people,
quickly stored and given a new tail number. The pilot who had performed the mission under an alias,
would resume his proper identity and return to his normal place of business. The pilot and aircraft would
then have disappeared.
c. At precisely the same time that the aircraft was presumably shot down, a submarine or small surface
craft would disburse F-101 parts, parachute, etc., at approximately 15 to 20 miles off the Cuban coast
and depart. The pilots returning to Homestead would have a true story as far as they knew. Search ships
and aircraft could be dispatched and parts of aircraft found.[19]
James Bamford wrote on Northwoods:
“ Operation Northwoods, which had the written approval of the Chairman and every member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, called for innocent
people to be shot on American streets; for boats carrying refugees fleeing Cuba to be sunk on the high seas; for a wave of violent terrorism to
be launched in Washington, D.C., Miami, and elsewhere. People would be framed for bombings they did not commit; planes would be
international backing, they needed to launch their war.

[20]
”
hijacked. Using phony evidence, all of it would be blamed on Castro, thus giving Lemnitzer and his cabal the excuse, as well as the public and
Related Operation Mongoose proposals

In addition to Operation Northwoods, under the Operation Mongoose program the U.S. Department of Defense had a
number of similar proposals to be taken against the Cuban regime of Fidel Castro.
Twelve of these proposals come from a 2 February 1962 memorandum entitled "Possible Actions to Provoke, Harass
or Disrupt Cuba," written by Brig. Gen. William H. Craig and submitted to Brig. Gen. Edward Lansdale, the
commander of the Operation Mongoose project.[7][8]
The memorandum outlines Operation Bingo, a plan to; "create an incident which has the appearance of an attack on
U.S. facilities (GMO) in Cuba, thus providing an excuse for use of U.S. military might to overthrow the current
government of Cuba."
It also includes Operation Dirty Trick, a plot to blame Castro if the 1962 Mercury manned space flight carrying John
Glenn crashed, saying: "The objective is to provide irrevocable proof that, should the MERCURY manned orbit
flight fail, the fault lies with the Communists et al. Cuba [sic]." It continues, "This to be accomplished by
manufacturing various pieces of evidence which would prove electronic interference on the part of the Cubans."
Even after General Lemnitzer lost his job as the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Joint Chiefs of Staff still
planned false-flag pretext operations at least into 1963. A different U.S. Department of Defense policy paper created
in 1963 discussed a plan to make it appear that Cuba had attacked a member of the Organization of American States
(OAS) so that the United States could retaliate. The U.S. Department of Defense document says of one of the
scenarios, "A contrived 'Cuban' attack on an OAS member could be set up, and the attacked state could be urged to
take measures of self-defense and request assistance from the U.S. and OAS."
The plan expressed confidence that by this action, "the U.S. could almost certainly obtain the necessary two-thirds
support among OAS members for collective action against Cuba."[20][21]
Included in the nations the Joint Chiefs suggested as targets for covert attacks were Jamaica and Trinidad-Tobago.
Since both were members of the British Commonwealth, the Joint Chiefs hoped that by secretly attacking them and
then falsely blaming Cuba, the United States could incite the people of the United Kingdom into supporting a war
against Castro.[20] As the U.S. Department of Defense report noted:
Any of the contrived situations described above are inherently, extremely risky in our democratic system
in which security can be maintained, after the fact, with very great difficulty. If the decision should be
made to set up a contrived situation it should be one in which participation by U.S. personnel is limited
only to the most highly trusted covert personnel. This suggests the infeasibility of the use of military
units for any aspect of the contrived situation."[20]
The U.S. Department of Defense report even suggested covertly paying a person in the Castro government to attack
the United States: "The only area remaining for consideration then would be to bribe one of Castro's subordinate
commanders to initiate an attack on [the U.S. Navy base at] Guantanamo."[20]
Reaction
The continuing push against the Cuban government by internal elements of the U.S. military and intelligence
communities (the failed Bay of Pigs Invasion, the Cuban Project, etc.) had already prompted President John F.
Kennedy to attempt to rein in burgeoning hardline anti-Communist sentiment that was intent on proactive,
aggressive action against communist movements around the globe. After the Bay of Pigs, Kennedy had fired CIA
director Allen W. Dulles, Deputy Director Charles P. Cabell, and Deputy Director Richard Bissell, and turned his
attention towards Vietnam. Kennedy had also stripped the CIA of responsibility for paramilitary operations like the
Bay of Pigs and turned them over to the U.S. Department of Defense and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, which, as
Commander in Chief, Kennedy could more directly control. Personally, Kennedy expressed outrage to many of his
associates about the CIA's growing influence on civilians and government inside America, and his attempt to curtail
the CIA's extensive Cold War and paramilitary operations was a direct expression of this concern.
Kennedy personally rejected the Northwoods proposal, and it would now be the Joint Chiefs' turn to incur his
displeasure. A JCS/Pentagon document (Ed Lansdale memo) dated 16 March 1962 titled MEETING WITH THE
PRESIDENT, 16 MARCH 1962 reads: "General Lemnitzer commented that the military had contingency plans for
US intervention. Also it had plans for creating plausible pretexts to use force, with the pretext either attacks on US
aircraft or a Cuban action in Latin America for which we could retaliate. The President said bluntly that we were not
discussing the use of military force, that General Lemnitzer might find the U.S so engaged in Berlin or elsewhere
that he couldn't use the contemplated 4 divisions in Cuba."[22] The proposal was sent for approval to the Secretary of
Defense, Robert McNamara, but was not implemented.
(Some fifty years later when asked about the plot by journalist David Talbot, Robert McNamara drew a blank. "I
have absolutely zero recollection of it. But I sure as hell would have rejected it," McNamara said, adding, "I really
can't believe that anyone was proposing such provocative acts in Miami. How stupid!" [23])
Following presentation of the Northwoods plan, Kennedy removed Lemnitzer as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, although he became Supreme Allied Commander of NATO in January 1963. American armed forces leaders
began to perceive Kennedy as going soft on Cuba, and the President became increasingly unpopular with the
military, a rift that came to a head during Kennedy's disagreements with the service chiefs over the Cuban Missile
Crisis.
On 3 August 2001, the National Assembly of People's Power of Cuba (the main legislative body of the Republic of
Cuba) issued a statement referring to Operation Northwoods and Operation Mongoose wherein it condemned such
U.S. government plans.[24]
Further reading
• Jon Elliston, editor, Psywar on Cuba: The Declassified History of U.S. Anti-Castro Propaganda (Melbourne,
Australia and New York: Ocean Press, 1999), ISBN 1-876175-09-5.
• James Bamford, Body of Secrets: Anatomy of the Ultra-Secret National Security Agency From the Cold War
Through the Dawn of a New Century (New York: Doubleday, first edition, 24 April 2001), ISBN 0-385-49907-8.
Here is an excerpt from Chapter 4: "Fists" [25] of this book.
References
[1] U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, "Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba (TS)" (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ news/ 20010430/
index. html), U.S. Department of Defense, 13 March 1962. The Operation Northwoods document in PDF format on the website of the
independent, non-governmental research institute the National Security Archive at the George Washington University Gelman Library,
Washington, D.C. Direct PDF links: here (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ news/ 20010430/ northwoods. pdf) and here (http:/ / www. gwu.
edu/ ~nsarchiv/ news/ 20010430/ doc1. pdf).
[2] Ruppe, David (May 1, 2001). "U.S. Military Wanted to Provoke War With Cuba" (http:/ / abcnews. go. com/ US/ story?id=92662& page=1#.
TxsGQG_Ox2B). ABC News. . Retrieved January 21, 2012.
[3] Zaitchik, Alexander (3 March 2011) Meet Alex Jones (http:/ / www. rollingstone. com/ politics/ news/
talk-radios-alex-jones-the-most-paranoid-man-in-america-20110302?print=true), Rolling Stone
[4] "The Records of the Assassination Records Review Board," (http:/ / www. archives. gov/ research/ jfk/ review-board/ index. html) National
Archives and Records Administration.
[5] "Media Advisory: National Archives Releases Additional Materials Reviewed by the Assassination Records Review Board," (http:/ / www.
archives. gov/ press/ press-releases/ 1998/ nr98-16. html) Assassination Records Review Board (a division of the U.S. National Archives and
Records Administration), 17 November 1997. A U.S. government press-release announcing the declassification of some 1500 pages of U.S.
government documents from 1962–64 relating to U.S. policy towards Cuba, among which declassified documents included the Operation
Northwoods document.
[6] Jim Wolf, "Pentagon Planned 1960s Cuban 'Terror Campaign'," (http:/ / groups. google. com/ group/ aus. tv. x-files/ browse_thread/ thread/
389c6945e535d5c8/ ) Reuters, 18 November 1997.
[7] Mike Feinsilber, "At a tense time, plots abounded to humiliate Castro," (http:/ / groups. google. com/ group/ alt. conspiracy. jfk/ msg/
ae09ebd1e17a7c67/ ) Associated Press (AP), 18 November 1997; also available here (http:/ / groups. google. com/ group/ alt. gathering.
rainbow/ msg/ cec8ff17d8b26ef2/ ).
[8] Tim Weiner, "Documents Show Pentagon's Anti-Castro Plots During Kennedy Years," (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20030224033044/
http:/ / www. mtholyoke. edu/ acad/ intrel/ kencast. htm) New York Times, 19 November 1997; appeared on the same date and by the same
author in the New York Times itself as "Declassified Papers Show Anti-Castro Ideas Proposed to Kennedy," (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/
abstract. html?res=F60F1FFE3D5F0C7A8DDDA80994DF494D81) late edition—final, section A, pg. 25, column 1.
[9] "National Security Archive: COLD WAR: Documents," (http:/ / www2. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ coldwar/ documents/ index. html) National
Security Archive, 27 September 1998 – 24 January 1999.
[10] U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, "Appendix to Enclosure A: Memorandum for Chief of Operations, Cuba Project" and "Annex to Appendix to
Enclosure A: Pretexts to Justify US Military Intervention in Cuba," (http:/ / www2. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ coldwar/ documents/ episode-10/
02-01. htm) U.S. Department of Defense, circa March 1962. First published online by the National Security Archive on 6 November 1998, as
part of CNN's Cold War documentary series. "Annex to Appendix to Enclosure A" is the section of the Operation Northwoods document
which contains the proposals to stage terrorist attacks.
[11] "Episode 10: Cuba; Cuba: 1959–1968," (http:/ / www. cnn. com/ SPECIALS/ cold. war/ episodes/ 10/ index. html) CNN (Cable News
Network LP, LLLP).
[12] "Cold War Teacher Materials: Episodes," (http:/ / www. turnerlearning. com/ cnn/ coldwar/ cw_epsds. html) and "Educator Guide to CNN's
COLD WAR Episode 10: Cuba," (http:/ / www. turnerlearning. com/ cnn/ coldwar/ cuba/ cuba_ttl. html) Turner Learning (Turner
Broadcasting System, Inc.).
[13] "Pentagon Proposed Pretexts for Cuba Invasion in 1962," (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ news/ 20010430/ index. html) National
Security Archive, 30 April 2001.
[14] Hornberger, Jacob (2011-02-24) Don't Northwoods Iran (http:/ / www. fff. org/ blog/ jghblog2012-02-24. asp), Future of Freedom
Foundation
[15] Annex to Appendix to Enclosure A: Pretexts to Justify US Military Intervention in Cuba, p7 (http:/ / media. nara. gov/ media/ images/ 36/
15/ 36-1469a. jpg), media.nara.gov, accessed 3 September 2009
[20] Bamford , James (2002). Body of secrets: anatomy of the ultra-secret National Security Agency (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=VqY4Wr3T5K4C& pg=PT82). Random House. p. 82. ISBN 978-0-385-49908-8. .
[21] Mike Feinsilber, "Records Show Plan To Provoke Castro," (http:/ / www. cubanet. org/ CNews/ y98/ jan98/ 30e6. htm) Associated Press
(AP), 29 January 1998.
[22] Lansdale Memo of 16 Mar 1962. This memo records a high-level meeting in the White House 3 days after McNamara was presented with
Operation Northwoods. (http:/ / www. maryferrell. org/ mffweb/ archive/ viewer/ showDoc. do?absPageId=49622)
[23] Brothers by David Talbot.
[24] "Statement by the National Assembly of People's Power of the Republic of Cuba," (http:/ / www. cuba. cu/ gobierno/ documentos/ 2001/
ing/ d030801i. html) National Assembly of People's Power of Cuba, 3 August 2001; also available here (http:/ / www. asanac. gov. cu/
ASANAC/ espanol/ declaracion agosto2001. htm).
[25] http:/ / www. blythe. org/ nytransfer-subs/ 2001cov/ 11_Sept_2001_-_Another_Operation_Northwoods_
External links
See the above "References" section for documents cited in the body of this article.
• The Full Operation Northwoods document (http://www.smeggys.co.uk/operation_northwoods.php) in both
JPEG and fully searchable HTML format.
• High resolution scans from the National Archives (http://www.archives.gov/), main pages: 1 (http://media.
nara.gov/media/images/36/15/36-1469a.jpg), 2 (http://media.nara.gov/media/images/36/15/36-1470a.
jpg), 3 (http://media.nara.gov/media/images/36/15/36-1471a.jpg), 4 (http://media.nara.gov/media/
images/36/15/36-1472a.jpg), 5 (http://media.nara.gov/media/images/36/15/36-1473a.jpg)
• Scott Shane and Tom Bowman with contribution from Laura Sullivan, "New book on NSA sheds light on secrets:
U.S. terror plan was Cuba invasion pretext," (http://web.archive.org/web/20010507171811/www.
baltimoresun.com/bal-te.md.nsa24apr24.story) Baltimore Sun, 24 April 2001.
• Ron Kampeas, "Memo: U.S. Mulled Fake Cuba Pretext," (http://groups.google.com/group/flora.mai-not/
browse_thread/thread/14905a31d5fc0c70/) Associated Press (AP), 25 April 2001.
• Bruce Schneier, "'Body of Secrets' by James Bamford: The author of a pioneering work on the NSA delivers a
new book of revelations about the mysterious agency's coverups, eavesdropping and secret missions," (http://dir.
salon.com/books/review/2001/04/25/nsa/index.html) Salon.com, 25 April 2001.
• David Ruppe, "U.S. Military Wanted to Provoke War With Cuba; Book: U.S. Military Drafted Plans to Terrorize
U.S. Cities to Provoke War With Cuba," (http://abcnews.go.com/US/story?id=92662) ABC News, 1 May
2001.
• "The Truth Is Out There—1962 memo from National Security Agency," (http://web.archive.org/web/
20050912001704/http://www.painfuldeceptions.com/Cuba.html) Harper's Magazine, July 2001.
• Chris Floyd, "Head Cases," (http://www.ratical.org/ratville/CAH/linkscopy/headcases.html) Moscow Times,
21 December 2001, pg. VIII; also appeared in St. Petersburg Times, Issue 733 (100), 25 December 2001 (http://
www.sptimes.ru/index.php?action_id=2&story_id=6194).
Operation Garden Plot 8
Operation Garden Plot

Operation Garden Plot, also known as The Department of Defense Civil Disturbance Plan (18 USC 1385 Posse
Comitatus Act) is a general U.S. Army and National Guard plan to respond to major domestic civil disturbances
within the United States. The plan was developed in response to the civil disorders of the 1960s and is now under the
control of the U.S. Northern Command (NORTHCOM). It provides Federal military and law enforcement assistance
to local governments during times of major civil disturbances.
"The Garden Plot plan –drafted after the Watts, Newark, and Detroit riots– captures the acrimonious times when the
document was drawn up. The section outlining the Army’s perception of the “situation” in America certainly
insinuates an establishment that was afraid of the disenfranchised. The Plot warns against “racial unrest,” as well as
“anti-draft” and “anti-Vietnam” elements." [1]
Garden Plot was last activated (as Noble Eagle) to provide military assistance to civil authorities following the
September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States. The Pentagon also activated it to restore order during the 1992 Los
Angeles Riots.[2] Under Homeland Security restructuring, it has been suggested that similar models be followed.
"Oversight of these homeland security missions should be provided by the National Guard Bureau based
on the long-standing Garden Plot model in which National Guard units are trained and equipped to
support civil authorities in crowd control and civil disturbance missions." Testimony of Major General Richard
C. Alexander, ANGUS (Ret.), Executive Director, National Guard Association of the United States, Senate Appropriations
Committee Hearing on Homeland Defense, April 11, 2002[3]
References
[1] Nate, Jones. "Document Friday: “Garden Plot:” The Army’s Emergency Plan to Restore “Law and Order” to America" (http:/ / nsarchive.
wordpress. com/ 2011/ 08/ 12/ document-friday-garden-plot-the-armys-emergency-plan-to-restore-law-and-order-to-america/ ). NSA Archive.
The George Washington University. . Retrieved 21 March 2012.,
[2] "Brigadier General Matthew P. Beevers" (http:/ / www. ng. mil/ ngbgomo/ library/ bio/ 2484. htm). General Officer Management. National
Guard Bureau. August 2012. . Retrieved 24 September 2012.
[3] http:/ / appropriations. senate. gov/ releases/ record. cfm?id=182288
External links
• http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/ops/garden_plot.htm
• Document Friday: “Garden Plot:” The Army’s Emergency Plan to Restore “Law and Order” to America (http://
nsarchive.wordpress.com/2011/08/12/
document-friday-garden-plot-the-armys-emergency-plan-to-restore-law-and-order-to-america/), National
Security Archive
• (http://nsarchive.files.wordpress.com/2010/09/garden-plot.pdf), National Security Archive
Operation Noble Eagle

Operation Noble Eagle (ONE) is the name given to military
operations related to homeland security and support to federal, state,
and local agencies. The ongoing operation began 14 September 2001,
in response to the September 11 attacks, although it is believed this
operation simply earned its name after 14 September 2001, and began
much earlier.[1]
History
Operation Noble Eagle began with the mobilization of thousands of
national guard and reserve personnel to perform security missions on
military installations, airports and other potential targets such as
Joint NATO & U.S. AWACS service badge for
bridges, power plants, and port facilities. These reservists were called
Noble Eagle & Eagle Assist
to active duty under a mobilization authority known as a partial
mobilization (10 USC 12302). In time of a national emergency
declared by the President, partial mobilization authorizes the President to order members of the ready reserve to
active duty for a period not to exceed 24 consecutive months. Additionally, in 2001 and 2002, thousands of members
of the national guard were activated at the order of their respective governors to provide additional security at
airports. They were called up under Title 32 of the U.S. Code, which means they were under state control, but with
federal pay and benefits.[1] The Royal Canadian Air Force assisted in providing defense of the northern border of the
United States. The United States Army's 759th Military Police Battalion was assigned the task of protecting the
White House and Captitol.
Requirement
The United States civilian and military leaders are beginning to regard the costly air defense operation above North
American cities as a permanent defense requirement demanding significant attention from NORAD. The current
focus is on improving command and control of the homeland air defense mission.[2]
Equipment
The United States Department of Defense provided F-15 Eagles[3] and F-16 Fighting Falcons to this operation, and
the Canadian Forces provided CF-18s.[4] This operation was the first mission of the F-22 Raptor since they were
suspended from service over safety concerns about oxygen systems.[5]
Canadian NORAD Region

As the Canadian geographical component of NORAD, CANR provides
airspace surveillance and control, and directs all air sovereignty
activities for the Canadian NORAD Region. CANR and its assigned
Air Force assets throughout the country ensure air safety and security
against potential air threats and have supported special events such as
the G-8 Summit and the visits of foreign dignitaries.[6] An F-15 Eagle pilot assigned to the 71st Fighter
Squadron flies a combat air patrol mission
The Canadian NORAD Region (CANR) flew Operation Noble Eagle (ONE) air defense protection missions in the
Windsor, Ontario/Detroit, Michigan area on 5 February 2006, in support of Super Bowl XL at Ford Field. These
types of missions had become more common at organized entertainment such as the Super Bowl.[6]
References
[1] "Operations Noble Eagle, Enduring Freedom, and Iraqi Freedom: Questions and Answers About U.S. Military Personnel, Compensation, and
Force Structure" (http:/ / fas. org/ sgp/ crs/ natsec/ RL31334. pdf). Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress. . Retrieved 21
December 2009..
[2] "AFA – The Years of Noble Eagle" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20080225090341/ http:/ / www. afa. org/ magazine/ june2007/
0607eagle. asp). Air Force Association. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. afa. org/ magazine/ june2007/ 0607eagle. asp) on 25
February 2008. . Retrieved 28 June 2008.
[3] "F-15E Strike Eagles to fly again in Iraq" (http:/ / www. cnn. com/ 2007/ US/ 11/ 14/ airforce. f-15/ index. html). CNN. 14 November 2007. .
Retrieved 14 November 2007.
[4] "CF-18 Hornet" (http:/ / www. airforce. dnd. ca/ site/ equip/ cf18/ default_e. asp). Government of Canada. . Retrieved 25 June 2008.
[5] "F-22 Raptors Return to Service" (http:/ / news. yahoo. com/ f-22-raptors-return-wednesday-010502041. html). F-22 Raptors Return to
Service. .
[6] "Halifax Live – NORAD To Fly Operation Noble Eagle for Super Bowl XL Security" (http:/ / www. halifaxlive. com/ content/ view/ 480/ 2/
). Halifax Live. 31 January 2006. . Retrieved 25 June 2008.
Operation WASHTUB
Operation WASHTUB was a CIA-organized covert operation to plant a phony Soviet arms cache in Nicaragua to
demonstrate Guatemalan ties to Moscow. It was part of the effort to overthrow the President of Guatemala, Jacobo
Arbenz Guzmán in 1954.[1]
On February 19, 1954, the CIA planted a cache of Soviet-made arms on the Nicaraguan coast to be "discovered"
weeks later by fishermen in the pay of Nicaraguan president Anastasio Somoza García. On May 7, 1954, President
Somoza told reporters at a press conference that a Soviet submarine had been photographed, but that no prints or
negatives were available. The story also involved Guatemalan assassination squads. The press and the public were
skeptical and the story did not get much press.[2]
Notes
[1] Piero Gleijeses, Nick. Secret History: The CIA's Classified Account of Its Operations in Guatemala, 1952–1954. p. 57.
[2] Piero, p. 57 referring to Gleijeses, Shattered Hope, p. 294
Operation Mockingbird
Operation Mockingbird was a secret Central Intelligence Agency campaign to influence media beginning in the
1950s.
The operation was first called Mockingbird in Deborah Davis' 1979 book, Katharine the Great: Katharine Graham
and her Washington Post Empire. More evidence of Mockingbird's existence emerged in the 2007 memoir American
Spy: My Secret History in the CIA, Watergate and Beyond, by convicted Watergate "plumber" E. Howard Hunt and
The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America by Hugh Wilford (2008).[1]
History
In 1948, Frank Wisner was appointed director of the Office of Special Projects (OSP). Soon afterwards OSP was
renamed the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC). This became the covert action branch of the Central Intelligence
Agency. Wisner was told to create an organization that concentrated on "propaganda, economic warfare; preventive
direct action, including sabotage, anti-sabotage, demolition and evacuation measures; subversion against hostile
states, including assistance to underground resistance groups, and support of indigenous anti-Communist elements in
threatened countries of the free world."[2]
Later that year Wisner established Mockingbird, a program to influence foreign media. Wisner recruited Philip
Graham from The Washington Post to run the project within the industry. According to Deborah Davis in Katharine
the Great; "By the early 1950s, Wisner 'owned' respected members of The New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and
other communications vehicles."[3] Wisner referred to this apparatus as a "Mighty Wurlitzer", referencing the theater
organ capable of controlling diverse pipes, instruments, and sound effects from a central console.[4][5]
In 1951, Allen W. Dulles persuaded Cord Meyer to join the CIA. However, there is evidence that he was recruited
several years earlier and had been spying on the liberal internationalist organizations he had been a member of in the
late 1940s.[6] According to Deborah Davis, Meyer became Mockingbird's "principal operative".[7]
In 1977, a People article by Alexander Butler alleged that one of the most important journalists under the control of
Operation Mockingbird was Joseph Alsop, whose foreign affairs articles appeared in over 300 different newspapers.
Other journalists alleged by People Magazine to have been willing to promote the views of the CIA included Stewart
Alsop who headed the international bureau of the New York Herald Tribune, Ben Bradlee, the foreign affairs
correspondent for Newsweek, James Reston for the international section of the New York Times, Charles Douglas
Jackson, the foreign photo-journalist for Time Magazine, and international correspondents such as Walter Pincus of
the Washington Post, Charles Bartlett of the Chattanooga Times and William C. Baggs and Herb Gold of The Miami
News.[8] According to Nina Burleigh (A Very Private Woman), these journalists sometimes wrote articles that were
commissioned by Frank Wisner. The CIA also provided them with classified information to help them with their
work.[9]
Congressional hearings in 1976 proved the CIA had been paying off editors and reporters in most mainstream media
outlets.
After 1953, the network was overseen by Allen W. Dulles, director of the Central Intelligence Agency. By this time
Operation Mockingbird had a major influence over 25 newspapers and wire agencies. The usual methodology was
placing reports developed from intelligence provided by the CIA to witting or unwitting reporters. Those reports
would then be repeated or cited by the preceding reporters which in turn would then be cited throughout the media
wire services. These networks were run by people with well-known liberal but pro-American big business and
anti-Soviet views such as William Paley (CBS), Henry Luce (Time and Life Magazine), Arthur Hays Sulzberger
(New York Times), Alfred Friendly (managing editor of the Washington Post), Jerry O'Leary (Washington Star), Hal
Hendrix (Miami News), Barry Bingham, Sr. (Louisville Courier-Journal), James Copley (Copley News Services)
and Joseph Harrison (Christian Science Monitor).[8]
The Office of Policy Coordination (OPC) was funded by siphoning of funds intended for the Marshall Plan. Some of
this money was used to bribe journalists and publishers. Frank Wisner was constantly looking for ways to help
convince the public of the dangers of Soviet communism. In 1954, Wisner arranged for the funding of the
Hollywood production of Animal Farm, the animated allegory based on the book written by George Orwell.[10]
According to Alex Constantine (Mockingbird: The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA), in the 1950s, "some
3,000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts". Wisner was also able to
restrict newspapers from reporting about certain events. For example, the CIA plots to overthrow the governments of
Iran (see: Operation Ajax) and Guatemala (see: Operation PBSUCCESS).[11]
Thomas Braden, head of the International Organizations Division (IOD), played an important role in Operation
Mockingbird. Many years later he revealed his role in these events:
"If the director of CIA wanted to extend a present, say, to someone in Europe—a Labour leader—suppose he
just thought, This man can use fifty thousand dollars, he's working well and doing a good job - he could hand
it to him and never have to account to anybody... There was simply no limit to the money it could spend and
no limit to the people it could hire and no limit to the activities it could decide were necessary to conduct the
war—the secret war.... It was a multinational. Maybe it was one of the first. Journalists were a target, labor
unions a particular target—that was one of the activities in which the communists spent the most money."[12]
Part of the Directorate for Plans

In August 1952, the Office of Policy Coordination which dealt with covert-action such as paramilitary or
psychological influence operations, and the Office of Special Operations which dealt with espionage and
counter-espionage were merged under the Deputy Director for Plans (DDP). Frank Wisner became head of this new
organization and Richard Helms became his chief of operations. Mockingbird was now the responsibility of the
DDP.[13]
J. Edgar Hoover became jealous of the CIA's growing power. Institutionally, the organizations were also very
different with the CIA holding a more politically diverse albeit Machiavellian group in contrast to the more
bureaucratically hide-bound and conservative FBI. This was reflected in Hoover's description of the OPC as
"Wisner's gang of weirdos". Hoover subsequently began carrying out investigations into their past. It did not take
him long to discover that some of them had been active in left-wing politics in the 1930s. This information was
passed to Joseph McCarthy who started making attacks on members of the OPC. Hoover also gave McCarthy details
of an affair that Frank Wisner had with Princess Caradja in Romania during the war. Hoover claimed that Caradja
was a Soviet agent.[14]
Joseph McCarthy also began accusing other senior members of the CIA as being security risks. McCarthy claimed
that the CIA was a "sinkhole of communists", and claimed he intended to root out a hundred of them. One of his first
targets was Cord Meyer, who was still working for Operation Mockingbird. In August 1953, Richard Helms,
Wisner's deputy at the OPC, told Meyer that Joseph McCarthy had accused him of being a communist. The Federal
Bureau of Investigation added credibility to the accusation by announcing it was unwilling to give Meyer "security
clearance". However, the FBI refused to explain what evidence they had against Meyer. Allen W. Dulles and Frank
Wisner both came to his defense and refused to permit an FBI interrogation of Meyer.[15]
Joseph McCarthy did not realize what he was taking on. Contrary to statutory and legal limitations, once the network
in authority in the CIA saw its interests threatened, Wisner was directed to unleash Mockingbird on McCarthy. Drew
Pearson, Joe Alsop, Jack Anderson, Walter Lippmann and Ed Murrow all engaged in intensely negative coverage of
McCarthy, whose political reputation was permanently damaged by the press coverage orchestrated by Wisner.[16]
Guatemala
Mockingbird was very active during the overthrow of President Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán in Guatemala during
Operation PBSUCCESS. Allen W. Dulles was even able to keep uncontrolled and especially Soviet sympathetic
left-wing journalists from travelling to Guatemala, including Sydney Gruson of the New York Times.[17] As the CIA's
wealth and power increased, its aggressive focus toward the Soviet Union soon began not only heating up the Cold
War but also in disrupting relations with America's European allies which saw rising third-world liberationist
movements as the ultimate threat to Western Civilization.
Consequently, even in the wake of Secretary of State John Foster Dulles' 1952 presidential campaign pledge to "roll
back the Iron Curtain", American covert action operations came under scrutiny almost as soon as Dwight
Eisenhower was inaugurated in 1953. He soon set up an evaluation operation called Solarium, which had three
committees playing analytical games to see which plans of action should be continued. In 1955, President Dwight D.
Eisenhower established the 5412 Committee in order to keep more of a check on the CIA's covert activities. The
committee (also called the Special Group) included the CIA director, the national security adviser, and the deputy
secretaries at State and Defence and had the responsibility to decide whether covert actions were "proper" and in the
national interest. It was also decided to include Richard B. Russell, chairman of the U.S. Senate Armed Services
Committee. However, as Allen W. Dulles was later to admit, because of "plausible deniability" planned covert
actions were not referred to the 5412 Committee.
Ultimately, Eisenhower became concerned that CIA covert activities were being poorly coordinated with American
foreign policy and might even being working primarily for senior corporate interests centered on upper-class families
of the North-Eastern Establishment, and in 1956 appointed David K. E. Bruce as a member of the President's Board
of Consultants on Foreign Intelligence Activities (PBCFIA). Eisenhower asked Bruce to write a report on the CIA. It
was presented to Eisenhower on 20 December 1956. Bruce argued that the CIA's covert actions were "responsible in
great measure for stirring up the turmoil and raising the doubts about us that exists in many countries in the world
today." Bruce was also highly critical of Mockingbird. He argued: "what right have we to go barging around in other
countries buying newspapers and handing money to opposition parties or supporting a candidate for this, that, or the
other office."[18]
After Richard M. Bissell, Jr. lost his post as Deputy Director for Plans in 1962, Tracy Barnes took over the running
of Mockingbird. According to Evan Thomas (The Very Best Men) Barnes planted editorials about political
candidates who were regarded as pro-CIA.
First exposure
In 1964, Random House published Invisible Government by David Wise and Thomas Ross. The book exposed the
role the CIA was playing in foreign policy. This included the CIA coups in Guatemala (Operation PBSUCCESS)
and Iran (Operation Ajax) and the Bay of Pigs Invasion. It also revealed the CIA's attempts to overthrow President
Sukarno in Indonesia and the covert operations taking place in Laos and Vietnam. The CIA considered buying up the
entire printing of Invisible Government but this idea was rejected when Random House pointed out that if this
happened they would have to print a second edition.[2]
John McCone, the new director of the CIA, also attempted to stop Edward Yates from making a documentary on the
CIA for the National Broadcasting Company (NBC). This attempt at censorship failed and NBC went ahead and
broadcast this critical documentary.
In June 1965, Desmond FitzGerald was appointed as head of the Directorate for Plans. He now took charge of
Mockingbird. At the end of 1966 FitzGerald found out that Ramparts, another CIA backed left-wing publication, had
discovered that the CIA had been secretly funding the National Student Association and was considering
publishing.[19] When the magazine stated it had lost control of the information, and would likely be forced to
publicize, FitzGerald ordered a plan to either nuetralize the campaign and/or wind-down Mockingbird. Accordingly,
he appointed Edgar Applewhite to organize a campaign against the magazine. Applewhite later told Evan Thomas
for his book, The Very Best Men: "I had all sorts of dirty tricks to hurt their circulation and financing. The people
running Ramparts were vulnerable to blackmail. We had awful things in mind, some of which we carried off."[20]
Nonetheless, this dirty tricks campaign failed to neutralize Ramparts publishing this story in March 1967. The
article, written by Sol Stern, was entitled NSA and the CIA. As well as reporting CIA funding of the National Student
Association it exposed the whole system of anti-Communist front organizations in Europe, Asia, and South America.
It named Cord Meyer as a key figure in this campaign. This included the funding of the literary journal
Encounter.[12] However, the campaign by Applewhite managed to steer many of the citations away from leftist
organizations and toward most the few conservative organizations backed by the CIA. Those organizations which
were exposed, were unsurprisingly ones which could not be linked to Ramparts, itself a CIA proprietary
organization.
In May 1967, Thomas Braden responded to this by publishing an article entitled, "I'm Glad the CIA is 'Immoral'", in
the Saturday Evening Post, where he defended the activities of the International Organizations Division unit of the
CIA. Braden also confessed that the activities of the CIA had to be kept secret from Congress. As he pointed out in
the article: "In the early 1950s, when the Cold War was really hot, the idea that Congress would have approved many
of our projects was about as likely as the John Birch Society's approving Medicare."[21]
Meyer's role in Operation Mockingbird was further exposed in 1972 when he was accused of interfering with the
publication of a book, The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia by Alfred W. McCoy. The book was highly critical of
the CIA's dealings with the drug traffic in Southeast Asia, especially in its critique toward how the agency subverted
French control of the opium trade. The publisher, who leaked the story, had been a former colleague of Meyer's
when he was a liberal activist after the war.[22]
Church Committee investigations

Further details of Operation Mockingbird were revealed as a result of the Frank Church investigations (Select
Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities) in 1975. According to the
Congress report published in 1976:
"The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around the world who provide
intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinion through the use of covert propaganda. These
individuals provide the CIA with direct access to a large number of newspapers and periodicals, scores of
press services and news agencies, radio and television stations, commercial book publishers, and other foreign
media outlets."
Church argued that misinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265 million a year.[23]
In February 1976, George H. W. Bush, the recently appointed Director of the CIA, announced a new policy:
"Effective immediately, the CIA will not enter into any paid or contract relationship with any full-time or part-time
news correspondent accredited by any U.S. news service, newspaper, periodical, radio or television network or
station." However, he added that the CIA would continue to "welcome" the voluntary, unpaid cooperation of
journalists.[24]
"Family Jewels" Report

According to the "Family Jewels" report, released by the National Security Archive on June 26, 2007, during the
period from March 12, 1963 and June 15, 1963, the CIA installed telephone taps on two Washington-based news
reporters.
Further reading
• Katharine the Great: Katharine Graham and the Washington Post by Deborah Davis, Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich, 1979. This book makes many claims about Katharine Graham, then owner of the Washington Post,
and her cooperation with Operation Mockingbird.
• Wilford, Hugh (2008). The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America. Cambridge: Harvard University
Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02681-0.
References
[1] Kazin, Michael (January 27, 2008). "Dancing to the CIA's Tune" (http:/ / www. washingtonpost. com/ wp-dyn/ content/ article/ 2008/ 01/ 24/
AR2008012402369. html). The Washington Post. . Retrieved 2010-03-19.
[2] David Wise and Thomas Ross (1964). Invisible Government.
[3] Deborah Davis (1979). Katharine the Great. pp. 137–138.
[4] Wilford, Hugh (2008). The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. p. 7.
ISBN 978-0-674-02681-0.
[5] A Word From Our Sponsor (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2008/ 01/ 20/ books/ review/ Glazer-t. html?pagewanted=all). The Mighty Wurlitzer
(book review by Nathan Glazer). NY Times, January 20, 2008.
[6] Cord Meyer (1980). Facing Reality: From World Federalism to the CIA. pp. 42–59.
[7] Deborah Davis (1979). Katharine the Great. p. 226.
[8] Carl Bernstein (20 October 1977). "CIA and the Media". Rolling Stone Magazine.
[9] Nina Burleigh (1998). A Very Private Woman. p. 118.
[10] Evan Thomas (1995). The Very Best Men: The Early Years of the CIA. p. 33.
[11] Alex Constantine (2000). Mockingbird: The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA.
[12] Thomas Braden, interview included in the Granada Television program, World in Action: The Rise and Fall of the CIA. 1975.
[13] John Ranelagh (1986). The Agency: The Rise and Decline of the CIA. pp. 198–202.
[14] Evan Thomas (1995). The Very Best Men: The Early Years of the CIA. pp. 98–106.
[16] Jack Anderson (1979). Confessions of a Muckraker. pp. 208–236.
[18] Evan Thomas (1995). The Very Best Men: The Early Years of the CIA. pp. 148–150.
[21] Thomas Braden (20 May 1967). "I'm Glad the CIA is 'Immoral'". Saturday Evening Post.
[22] Nina Burleigh (1998). A Very Private Woman. p. 105.
[23] Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Government Operations With Respect to Intelligence Activities. April 1976. pp. 191–201.
[24] Mary Louise (2003). Mockingbird: CIA Media Manipulation.
External links
• Carl Bernstein's 1977 article for Rolling Stone "The Cia and the Media" (http://carlbernstein.com/
magazine_cia_and_media.php)
• CIA "Family Jewels" Report (http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB222/family_jewels_full.
pdf)
• Alex Constantine: The CIA's Project MOCKINGBIRD: Ongoing Covert Control of the Media (http://www.
totse.com/en/media/the_media_industrial_complex/mockingb.html)
• Essay: How to care for the CIA orphans (http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,840898,00.
html#ixzz1Lryag6wf), Time, May. 19, 1967
Project SHAMROCK 16
Project SHAMROCK
Project SHAMROCK, considered to be the sister project for Project MINARET, was an espionage exercise, started
in August 1945 [1] that involved the accumulation of all telegraphic data entering into or exiting from the United
States. The Armed Forces Security Agency (AFSA)[2] and its successor NSA were given direct access to daily
microfilm copies of all incoming, outgoing, and transiting telegraphs via the Western Union and its associates RCA
and ITT. NSA did the operational interception, and, if information that would be of interest to other intelligence
agencies was found, the material was passed to them.[3] "Intercepted messages were disseminated to the FBI, CIA,
Secret Service, Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNDD), and the Department of Defense." No court
authorized the operation and there were no warrants.
At the height of Project SHAMROCK, 150,000 messages a month were printed and analyzed by NSA personnel. In
May 1975 however, Congressional critics began to investigate and expose the program. As a result, NSA director
Lew Allen terminated it, on his own authority rather than that of other intelligence agencies.
The testimony of both the representatives from the cable companies and of director Allen at the hearings prompted
Senate Intelligence Committee chairman Sen. Frank Church to conclude that Project SHAMROCK was "probably
the largest government interception program affecting Americans ever undertaken."
One result of these investigations was the 1978 creation of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) which
limited the powers of the NSA and put in place a process of warrants and judicial review. Another internal safeguard,
was U.S. Signal Intelligence Directive 18, an internal NSA and intelligence community set of procedures, originally
issued in 1980.[4] and updated in 1993[4] USSID 18 was the general guideline for handling signal intelligence
SIGINT inadvertently collected on US citizens, without a warrant, prior to the George W. Bush Administration.
Interpretations of FISA and the principles of USSID 18, by the Bush administration assume the Executive Branch
has unitary authority for warrantless surveillance, which is under Congressional investigation as an apparent
violation of the intent of FISA.
See Also
• FBI Index
• Project MINARET
References
[1] http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ churchfinalreportIIIj. htm
[2] NSA.gov (http:/ / www. nsa. gov/ publications/ publi00015. cfm)
[3] Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (April 23, 1976), Supplementary Detailed
Staff Reports on Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans: Nationa Security Agency Surveillance Affecting Americans (http:/ / www.
icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ churchfinalreportIIIj. htm),
[4] National Security Agency (20 October 1980), U.S. Signal Intelligence Directive 18: Legal Compliance and Minimization Procedures (http:/ /
cryptome. org/ nsa-ussid18-80. htm),
Project SHAMROCK 17
External links
• Recollections from the Church Committee's Investigation of NSA: Unlucky SHAMROCK (https://www.cia.
gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/csi-studies/studies/winter99-00/art4.html),
CIA Center for the Study of Intelligence
• Unlucky SHAMROCK: The View From the Other Side (https://www.cia.gov/library/
center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/csi-studies/studies/winter_spring01/article12.pdf), James
G. Hudec, August 2000
• ECHELON: America's Secret Global Surveillance Network (http://fly.hiwaay.net/~pspoole/echelon.html)
• The NSA's Global Spying Network | by Patrick S. Poole (http://www.mindcontrolforums.com/pro-freedom.
co.uk/echelon_2.html)
• The National Security Agency: The Secret Unveiled (http://www.totse.com/en/politics/
national_security_agency/167520.html)
• Development of Surveillance Technology & Risk of Abuse of Economic Information | PDF (http://www.fas.
org/irp/program/process/docs/98-14-01-2en.pdf)
• Schneier on Security: Project Shamrock (http://www.schneier.com/blog/archives/2005/12/project_shamroc.
html)
• House report on Project Minaret and Project Shamrock (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/
churchfinalreportIIIj.htm)
COINTELPRO
COINTELPRO (an acronym for Counterintelligence Program) was a series of covert, and often illegal,[1] projects
conducted by the United States Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) aimed at surveying, infiltrating, discrediting,
and disrupting domestic political organizations.
The FBI has used covert operations against domestic political groups since its inception; however, covert operations
under the official COINTELPRO label took place between 1956 and 1971.[2] COINTELPRO tactics have been
alleged to include discrediting targets through psychological warfare; smearing individuals and groups using forged
documents and by planting false reports in the media; harassment; wrongful imprisonment; and illegal violence,
including assassination.[3][4][5] The FBI's stated motivation was "protecting national security, preventing violence,
and maintaining the existing social and political order."[6]
FBI records show that 85% of COINTELPRO resources targeted groups and individuals that the FBI deemed
"subversive,"[7] including communist and socialist organizations; organizations and individuals associated with the
civil rights movement, including Martin Luther King, Jr. and others associated with the Southern Christian
Leadership Conference, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, and the Congress of
Racial Equality and other civil rights organizations; black nationalist groups; the American Indian Movement; a
broad range of organizations labeled "New Left", including Students for a Democratic Society and the Weathermen;
almost all groups protesting the Vietnam War, as well as individual student demonstrators with no group affiliation;
the National Lawyers Guild; organizations and individuals associated with the women's rights movement; nationalist
groups such as those seeking independence for Puerto Rico, United Ireland, and Cuban exile movements including
Orlando Bosch's Cuban Power and the Cuban Nationalist Movement; and additional notable Americans—even
Albert Einstein, who was a member of several civil rights groups, came under FBI surveillance during the years just
prior to COINTELPRO's official inauguration.[8] The remaining 15% of COINTELPRO resources were expended to
marginalize and subvert "white hate groups," including the Ku Klux Klan and the National States' Rights Party.[9]
FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover issued directives governing COINTELPRO, ordering FBI agents to "expose, disrupt,
misdirect, discredit, or otherwise neutralize" the activities of these movements and their leaders.[10][11]
COINTELPRO 18
History
The FBI engaged in political repression almost from the time of the agency's inception in 1948, and antecedents to
COINTELPRO operated during the FDR and Truman administrations. Centralized operations under COINTELPRO
officially began in 1956 with a program designed to "increase factionalism, cause disruption and win defections"
inside the Communist Party U.S.A. (CPUSA). However, the program was soon enlarged to include disruption of the
Socialist Workers Party (1961), the Ku Klux Klan (1964), the Nation of Islam, the Black Panther Party (1967), and
the entire New Left social/political movement, which included antiwar, community, and religious groups (1968). A
later investigation by the Senate's Church Committee (see below) stated that "COINTELPRO began in 1956, in part
because of frustration with Supreme Court rulings limiting the Government's power to proceed overtly against
dissident groups..."[12] Official congressional committees and several court cases[13] have concluded that
COINTELPRO operations against communist and socialist groups exceeded statutory limits on FBI activity and
violated constitutional guarantees of freedom of speech and association.[1]
Since the conclusion of centralized COINTELPRO operations in 1971, FBI counterintelligence operations have been
handled on a case-by-case basis, however allegations of improper political repression continue.[14][15]
Program exposed
The program was successfully kept secret until 1971, when the Citizens' Commission to Investigate the FBI
burglarized an FBI field office in Media, Pennsylvania, took several dossiers, and exposed the program by passing
this information to news agencies. Many news organizations initially refused to publish the information. Within the
year, Director Hoover declared that the centralized COINTELPRO was over, and that all future counterintelligence
operations would be handled on a case-by-case basis.[16]
Further documents were revealed in the course of separate lawsuits filed against the FBI by NBC correspondent Carl
Stern, the Socialist Workers Party, and a number of other groups. A major investigation was launched in 1976 by the
Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities of the United States
Senate, commonly referred to as the "Church Committee" for its chairman, Senator Frank Church of Idaho.
However, millions of pages of documents remain unreleased, and many released documents have been partly, or
entirely, redacted.
In the Final Report of the Select Committee, COINTELPRO was castigated in no uncertain terms:
The Committee finds that the domestic activities of the intelligence community at times violated specific
statutory prohibitions and infringed the constitutional rights of American citizens. The legal questions
involved in intelligence programs were often not considered. On other occasions, they were intentionally
disregarded in the belief that because the programs served the "national security" the law did not apply. While
intelligence officers on occasion failed to disclose to their superiors programs which were illegal or of
questionable legality, the Committee finds that the most serious breaches of duty were those of senior officials,
who were responsible for controlling intelligence activities and generally failed to assure compliance with the
law.[1]
Many of the techniques used would be intolerable in a democratic society even if all of the targets had been
involved in violent activity, but COINTELPRO went far beyond that...the Bureau conducted a sophisticated
vigilante operation aimed squarely at preventing the exercise of First Amendment rights of speech and
association, on the theory that preventing the growth of dangerous groups and the propagation of dangerous
ideas would protect the national security and deter violence.[12]
The Church Committee documented a history of use of the agency for purposes of political repression as far back as
World War I, through the 1920s, when agents were charged with rounding up "anarchists and revolutionaries" for
deportation, and then building from 1936 through 1976.
COINTELPRO 19
Intended effects
The intended effect of the FBI's COINTELPRO was to "expose, disrupt, misdirect, or otherwise neutralize" groups
that the FBI believed were "subversive"[17] by instructing FBI field operatives to[18]:
1. create a negative public image for target groups (e.g. by surveiling activists, and then releasing negative personal
information to the public)
2. break down internal organization
3. create dissension between groups
4. restrict access to public resources
5. restrict the ability to organize protests
6. restrict the ability of individuals to participate in group activities
Range of targets
In an interview with the BBC's Andrew Marr, MIT professor of linguistics and political activist Noam Chomsky
spoke about the purpose and the targets of COINTELPRO saying, "COINTELPRO was a program of subversion
carried out not by a couple of petty crooks but by the national political police, the FBI, under four administrations...
by the time it got through, I won't run through the whole story, it was aimed at the entire new left, at the women's
movement, at the whole black movement, it was extremely broad. Its actions went as far as political
assassination."[19]
According to the Church Committee:
While the declared purposes of these programs were to protect the "national security" or prevent violence,
Bureau witnesses admit that many of the targets were nonviolent and most had no connections with a foreign
power. Indeed, nonviolent organizations and individuals were targeted because the Bureau believed they
represented a "potential" for violence -- and nonviolent citizens who were against the war in Vietnam were
targeted because they gave "aid and comfort" to violent demonstrators by lending respectability to their cause.
The imprecision of the targeting is demonstrated by the inability of the Bureau to define the subjects of the
programs. The Black Nationalist program, according to its supervisor, included "a great number of
organizations that you might not today characterize as black nationalist but which were in fact primarily
black." Thus, the nonviolent Southern Christian Leadership Conference was labeled as a Black
Nationalist-"Hate Group."
Furthermore, the actual targets were chosen from a far broader group than the titles of the programs would
imply. The CPUSA program targeted not only Communist Party members but also sponsors of the National
Committee to Abolish the House Un-American Activities Committee and civil rights leaders allegedly under
Communist influence or deemed to be not sufficiently "anti-Communist". The Socialist Workers Party
program included non-SWP sponsors of anti-war demonstrations which were cosponsored by the SWP or the
Young Socialist Alliance, its youth group. The Black Nationalist program targeted a range of organizations
from the Panthers to SNCC to the peaceful Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and included every
Black Student Union and many other black student groups. New Left targets ranged from the SDS to the
InterUniversity Committee for Debate on Foreign Policy, from Antioch College ("vanguard of the New Left")
to the New Mexico Free University and other "alternate" schools, and from underground newspapers to
students' protesting university censorship of a student publication by carrying signs with four-letter words on
them.
Examples of surveillance, spanning all presidents from FDR to Nixon, both legal and illegal, contained in the Church
Committee report:[20]
• President Roosevelt asked the FBI to put in its files the names of citizens sending telegrams to the White House
opposing his "national defense" policy and supporting Col. Charles Lindbergh.
COINTELPRO 20
• President Truman received inside information on a former Roosevelt aide's efforts to influence his appointments,
labor union negotiating plans, and the publishing plans of journalists.
• President Eisenhower received reports on purely political and social contacts with foreign officials by Bernard
Baruch, Eleanor Roosevelt, and Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas.
• The Kennedy administration had the FBI wiretap a congressional staff member, three executive officials, a
lobbyist, and a Washington law firm. US Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy received the fruits of an FBI wire
tap on Martin Luther King, Jr. and an electronic listening device targeting a congressman, both of which yielded
information of a political nature.
• President Johnson asked the FBI to conduct "name checks" of his critics and members of the staff of his 1964
opponent, Senator Barry Goldwater. He also requested purely political intelligence on his critics in the Senate,
and received extensive intelligence reports on political activity at the 1964 Democratic Convention from FBI
electronic surveillance.
• President Nixon authorized a program of wiretaps which produced for the White House purely political or
personal information unrelated to national security, including information about a Supreme Court Justice.
The COINTELPRO documents show numerous cases of the FBI's intentions to prevent and disrupt protests against
the Vietnam War. Many techniques were used to accomplish this task. "These included promoting splits among
antiwar forces, encouraging red-baiting of socialists, and pushing violent confrontations as an alternative to massive,
peaceful demonstrations." One 1966 COINTELPRO operation attempted to redirect the Socialist Workers Party
from their pledge of support for the antiwar movement.[21]
The FBI claims that it no longer undertakes COINTELPRO or COINTELPRO-like operations. However, critics
claim that agency programs in the spirit of COINTELPRO targeted groups such as the Committee in Solidarity with
the People of El Salvador,[22] the American Indian Movement,[2][23] Earth First!,[24] the White Separatist
Movement,[25] and the Anti-Globalization Movement.
Methods
According to attorney Brian Glick in his book War at Home, the FBI used four main methods during
COINTELPRO:
1. Infiltration: Agents and informers did not merely spy on political activists. Their main purpose was to discredit
and disrupt. Their very presence served to undermine trust and scare off potential supporters. The FBI and police
exploited this fear to smear genuine activists as agents.
2. Psychological warfare: The FBI and police used myriad "dirty tricks" to undermine progressive movements. They
planted false media stories and published bogus leaflets and other publications in the name of targeted groups.
They forged correspondence, sent anonymous letters, and made anonymous telephone calls. They spread
misinformation about meetings and events, set up pseudo movement groups run by government agents, and
manipulated or strong-armed parents, employers, landlords, school officials and others to cause trouble for
activists.
3. Legal harassment: The FBI and police abused the legal system to harass dissidents and make them appear to be
criminals. Officers of the law gave perjured testimony and presented fabricated evidence as a pretext for false
arrests and wrongful imprisonment. They discriminatorily enforced tax laws and other government regulations
and used conspicuous surveillance, "investigative" interviews, and grand jury subpoenas in an effort to intimidate
activists and silence their supporters.[3]
4. Illegal force: The FBI conspired with local police departments to threaten dissidents; to conduct illegal break-ins
in order to search dissident homes; and to commit vandalism, assaults, beatings and assassinations.[3][4][5][26] The
object was to frighten, or eliminate, dissidents and disrupt their movements.
The FBI specifically developed tactics intended to heighten tension and hostility between various factions in the
black militancy movement, for example between the Black Panthers, the US Organization and the Blackstone
COINTELPRO 21
Rangers. This resulted in numerous deaths, among which were San Diego Black Panther Party members John
Huggins, Bunchy Carter and Sylvester Bell.[3]
The FBI also conspired with the police departments of many U.S. cities (San Diego, Los Angeles, San Francisco,
Oakland, Philadelphia, Chicago) to encourage repeated raids on Black Panther homes—often with little or no
evidence of violations of federal, state, or local laws—which resulted directly in the police killing of many members
of the Black Panther Party, most notably Chicago Black Panther Party Chairman Fred Hampton on December 4,
1969.[3][4][5][27]
In order to eliminate black militant leaders whom they considered dangerous, the FBI is believed to have worked
with local police departments to target specific individuals,[28] accuse them of crimes they did not commit, suppress
exculpatory evidence and falsely incarcerate them. One Black Panther Party leader, Elmer "Geronimo" Pratt, was
incarcerated for 27 years before a California Superior Court vacated his murder conviction, ultimately freeing him.
Appearing before the court, an FBI agent testified that he believed Pratt had been framed because both the FBI and
the Los Angeles Police Department knew he had been out of the area at the time the murder occurred. [29][30]
Some sources claim that the FBI conducted more than 200 "black bag jobs",[31][32] which were warrantless
surreptitious entries, against the targeted groups and their members.[33]
In 1969 the FBI special agent in San Francisco wrote Hoover that
his investigation of the Black Panther Party (BPP) revealed that in
his city, at least, the Panthers were primarily feeding breakfast to
children. Hoover fired back a memo implying the career ambitions
of the agent were directly related to his supplying evidence to
support Hoover's view that the BPP was "a violence-prone
organization seeking to overthrow the Government by
revolutionary means".[34]
Hoover was willing to use false claims to attack his political

enemies. In one memo he wrote: "Purpose of counterintelligence
action is to disrupt the BPP and it is immaterial whether facts exist
to substantiate the charge."[35]
In one particularly controversial 1965 incident, civil rights worker
Viola Liuzzo was murdered by Ku Klux Klansmen who gave
chase and fired shots into her car after noticing that her passenger
J. Edgar Hoover
was a young black man; one of the Klansmen was acknowledged
FBI informant Gary Thomas Rowe.[36][37] Rumors were spread
that Liuzzo was a member of the Communist Party and abandoned her children to have sexual relationships with
African Americans involved in the civil rights movement.[38][39] FBI records show that J. Edgar Hoover personally
communicated these insinuations to President Johnson.[40][41] FBI informant Rowe has also been implicated in some
of the most violent crimes of the 1960s civil rights era, including attacks on the Freedom Riders and the 1963
Birmingham, Alabama 16th Street Baptist Church bombing.[36] According to Chomsky, in another instance in San
Diego the FBI financed, armed, and controlled an extreme right-wing group of former Minutemen, transforming it
into a group called the Secret Army Organization which targeted groups, activists, and leaders involved in the
Anti-War Movement for both intimidation and violent acts.[42][43][44]
Hoover ordered preemptive action "to pinpoint potential troublemakers and neutralize them before they exercise
their potential for violence."[10][45]
COINTELPRO 22
Illegal surveillance
The final report of the Church Committee concluded:
Too many people have been spied upon by too many Government agencies and too much information has been
collected. The Government has often undertaken the secret surveillance of citizens on the basis of their
political beliefs, even when those beliefs posed no threat of violence or illegal acts on behalf of a hostile
foreign power. The Government, operating primarily through secret informants, but also using other intrusive
techniques such as wiretaps, microphone "bugs", surreptitious mail opening, and break-ins, has swept in vast
amounts of information about the personal lives, views, and associations of American citizens. Investigations
of groups deemed potentially dangerous -- and even of groups suspected of associating with potentially
dangerous organizations -- have continued for decades, despite the fact that those groups did not engage in
unlawful activity.
Groups and individuals have been harassed and disrupted because of their political views and their lifestyles.
Investigations have been based upon vague standards whose breadth made excessive collection inevitable.
Unsavory and vicious tactics have been employed -- including anonymous attempts to break up marriages,
disrupt meetings, ostracize persons from their professions, and provoke target groups into rivalries that might
result in deaths. Intelligence agencies have served the political and personal objectives of presidents and other
high officials. While the agencies often committed excesses in response to pressure from high officials in the
Executive branch and Congress, they also occasionally initiated improper activities and then concealed them
from officials whom they had a duty to inform.
Governmental officials -- including those whose principal duty is to enforce the law --have violated or ignored
the law over long periods of time and have advocated and defended their right to break the law.
The Constitutional system of checks and balances has not adequately controlled intelligence activities. Until
recently the Executive branch has neither delineated the scope of permissible activities nor established
procedures for supervising intelligence agencies. Congress has failed to exercise sufficient oversight, seldom
questioning the use to which its appropriations were being put. Most domestic intelligence issues have not
reached the courts, and in those cases when they have reached the courts, the judiciary has been reluctant to
grapple with them.[46][47]
Post-COINTELPRO operations
While COINTELPRO was officially terminated in April 1971, continuing FBI actions indicate that
post-COINTELPRO reforms did not succeed in ending COINTELPRO tactics.[48][49][50] Documents released under
the FOIA show that the FBI tracked the late Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist and author David Halberstam for more
than two decades.[51][52]
“Counterterrorism” guidelines implemented during the Reagan administration have been described as allowing a
return to COINTELPRO tactics.[53] Some radical groups accuse factional opponents of being FBI informants or
assume the FBI is infiltrating the movement.[54]
The FBI improperly opened investigations of American activist groups, even though they were planning nothing
more than peaceful civil disobedience, according to a report by the inspector general (IG) of the U.S. Department of
Justice. The review by the inspector general was launched in response to complaints by civil liberties groups and
members of Congress. The FBI improperly monitored groups including the Thomas Merton Center, a
Pittsburgh-based peace group, People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA), and Greenpeace USA, an
environmental activism organization. Also, activists affiliated with Greenpeace were improperly put on a terrorist
watch list, even though they were planning no violence or illegal acitivities. The IG report found the "troubling" FBI
practices between 2001 and 2006. In some cases, the FBI conducted investigations of people affiliated with activist
groups for "factually weak" reasons. Also, the FBI extended investigations of some of the groups "without adequate
COINTELPRO 23
basis" and improperly kept information about activist groups in its files. The IG report also found that FBI Director
Robert Mueller III provided inaccurate congressional testimony about one of the investigations, but this inaccuracy
may have been due to his relying on what FBI officials told him.[55]
Several authors have accused the FBI of continuing to deploy COINTELPRO-like tactics against radical groups after
the official COINTELPRO operations were ended. Several authors have suggested the American Indian Movement
(AIM) has been a target of such operations. A few authors go further and allege that the federal government intended
to acquire uranium deposits on the Lakota tribe's reservation land, and that this motivated a larger government
conspiracy against AIM activists on the Pine Ridge reservation.[2][23][56][57][58] Others believe COINTELPRO
continues and similar actions are being taken against activist groups.[58][59][60]
Caroline Woidat argued that with respect to Native Americans, COINTELPRO should be understood within a
historical context in which "Native Americans have been viewed and have viewed the world themselves through the
lens of conspiracy theory."[61]
Other authors note that while some conspiracy theories related to COINTELPRO are unfounded, the issue of
ongoing government surveillance and repression is nonetheless real.[15][62]
References
[1] (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ churchfinalreportIIca. htm)
[2] Churchill, Ward, and Jim Vander Wall, (1990), The COINTELPRO Papers: Documents from the FBI’s Secret Wars Against Domestic
Dissent, Boston: South End Press, pp. xii, 303.
[3] The FBI'S Covert Action Program to Destroy the Black Panther Party (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ churchfinalreportIIIc.
htm)
[4] FBI Secrets: An Agent's Expose. M. Wesley Swearingen. Boston. South End Press. 1995. Special Agent Gregg York: "We expected about
twenty Panthers to be in the apartment when the police raided the place. Only two of those black nigger fuckers were killed, Fred Hampton
and Mark Clark."
[5] itsabouttimebpp.com (http:/ / www. itsabouttimebpp. com/ Chapter_History/ pdf/ Chicago/ Murder_of_Fred_Hampton_1969. pdf)
[6] COINTELPRO: The FBI's Covert Action Programs Against American Citizens, Final Report of the Senate Committee to Study
Governmental Operations with respect to Intelligence Acti... (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ churchfinalreportIIIa. htm)
[7] Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri. THE FBI, Yale University Press, 2008, p. 189
[8] Ken Gewertz (2007-04-12). "Albert Einstein, Civil Rights activist" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070529080415/ http:/ / www. news.
harvard. edu/ gazette/ 2007/ 04. 12/ 01-einstein. html). Harvard University Gazette. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. news. harvard.
edu/ gazette/ 2007/ 04. 12/ 01-einstein. html) on 2007-05-29. . Retrieved 2007-06-11.
[9] Various Church Committee reports reproduced online at ICDC: Final Report, 2A (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/
churchfinalreportIIa. htm); Final Report,2Cb (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ churchfinalreportIIcb. htm); Final Report, 3A
(http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ churchfinalreportIIIa. htm); Final Report, 3G (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/
churchfinalreportIIIg. htm). Various COINTELPRO documents reproduced online at ICDC: CPUSA (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/
cointelpro/ cpusa. htm); SWP (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ swp. htm); Black Nationalist (http:/ / www. icdc. com/
~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ blacknationalist. htm); White Hate (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ whitehate. htm); New Left (http:/ /
www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ newleft. htm); Puerto Rico (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ pr. htm).
[10] COINTELPRO Revisited - Spying & Disruption - IN BLACK AND WHITE: THE F.B.I. PAPERS (http:/ / www. whatreallyhappened.
com/ RANCHO/ POLITICS/ COINTELPRO/ COINTELPRO-FBI. docs. html)
[11] "A Huey P. Newton Story - Actions - COINTELPRO" (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5uKqNOQFD). PBS. Archived from the original
(http:/ / www. pbs. org/ hueypnewton/ actions/ actions_cointelpro. html) on 2010-11-18. . Retrieved 2008-06-23.
[12] "Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports on Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans" (http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/
finalreportofsel03unit). United States Senate. . Retrieved 2010-12-01.
[13] See, for example, Hobson v. Wilson, 737 F.2d 1 (1984); Rugiero v. U.S. Dept. of Justice, 257 F.3d 534, 546 (2001).
[14] http:/ / www. publiceye. org/ liberty/ RepressionTOC. html
[15] Berlet, Chip. “The X-Files Movie: Facilitating Fanciful Fun, or Fueling Fear and Fascism? Conspiracy Theories for Fun, Not for False
Prophets” (http:/ / www. publiceye. org/ conspire/ x-files. html), 1998, Political Research Associates
[16] A Short History of FBI COINTELPRO (http:/ / www. albionmonitor. net/ 9905a/ jbcointelpro. html). Retrieved July 13, 2007. Archived
(http:/ / web. archive. org/ 20070928104133/ http:/ / www. albionmonitor. net/ 9905a/ jbcointelpro. html) September 28, 2007 at the Wayback
Machine
[17] Deflam, Mathieu (2008). Surveillance and governance: crime control and beyond (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=zBgDPupR_lMC& pg=PA182). Emerald Publishing Group. pp. 182. ISBN 978-0-7623-1416-4. .
COINTELPRO 24
[18] Deflam, Mathieu (2008). Surveillance and governance: crime control and beyond (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=zBgDPupR_lMC& pg=PA184). Emerald Publishing Group. pp. 184–185. ISBN 978-0-7623-1416-4. .
[19] Video (http:/ / www. youtube. com/ watch?v=oG24vg8js4o) at YouTube
[20] Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans, Final Report of the Senate Committee to Study Governmental Operations with respect
to Intelligence Activities (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ churchfinalreportIIa. htm)
[21] Blackstock, Nelson. COINTELPRO: The FBI's Secret War on Political Freedom, Pathfinder, New York. 1975. p. 111.
[22] Gelbspan, Ross. (1991) Break-Ins, Death Threats, and the FBI: The Covert War Against the Central America Movement, Boston: South End
Press.
[23] Churchill, Ward; and James Vander Wall. Agents of Repression: The FBI's Secret Wars against the Black Panther Party and the American
Indian Movement, 1988, Boston, South End Press.
[24] Pickett, Karen. "Earth First!(The RedWood Tree Activists on the West Coast) Takes the FBI to Court (http:/ / www. earthfirstjournal. org/
article. php?id=132): Judi Bari and Darryl Cherney’s Case Heard after 12 Years," Earth First Journal, no date.
[25] The Railroading of Matt Hale by Edgar J. Steele (http:/ / www. conspiracypenpal. com/ columns/ hale. htm)
[26] "The Black Panther Toll is Now 28," NYT, The Week in Review, 7 Dec 1969, p.E4
[27] Brown, Elaine. A Taste of Power: A Black Woman’s Story. (New York: Doubleday, 1992, pp204-06
[28] icdc.com (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ doc156. gif)
[29] "Former Black Panther freed after 27 years in jail" (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5uKqQinXr). CNN. Archived from the original (http:/ /
www. cnn. com/ US/ 9706/ 10/ pratt. release/ ) on 2010-11-18. . Retrieved April 30, 2010.
[30] In re Pratt, 82 Cal (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ law/ inrepratt82CalRptr2d260. htm)
[31] Alexander Cockburn; Jeffrey St. Clair (1998). Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and the Press (http:/ / books. google. co. uk/
books?id=s5qIj_h_PtkC& printsec=frontcover). Verso. p. 69. ISBN 978-1-85984-139-6. .
[32] FBI document, 19 July 1966, DeLoach to Sullivan re: "Black Bag" Jobs.
[33] (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ churchfinalreportIIIf. htm)
[34] FBI document, 27 May 1969, Director FBI to SAC San Francisco. Available at the FBI reading room.
[35] FBI document, 16 September 1970, Director FBI to SAC's in Baltimore, Detroit, Los Angeles, New Haven, San Francisco, and Washington
Field Office. Available at the FBI reading room.
[36] Gary May, The Informant: The FBI, the Ku Klux Klan, and the Murder of Viola Luzzo, Yale University Press, 2005.
[37] "Jonathan Yardley" (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5uKqS0VOK). The Washington Post. Archived from the original (http:/ / www.
washingtonpost. com/ wp-dyn/ content/ article/ 2005/ 06/ 30/ AR2005063001422_pf. html) on 2010-11-18. . Retrieved April 30, 2010.
[38] Joanne Giannino. "Viola Liuzzo" (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5uKqSe8XJ). Dictionary of Unitarian & Universalist Biography.
Archived from the original (http:/ / www25-temp. uua. org/ uuhs/ duub/ articles/ violaliuzzo. html) on 2010-11-18. . Retrieved 2008-09-29.
[39] Kay Houston. "The Detroit housewife who moved a nation toward racial justice" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 19990427180231/ http:/ /
www. detroitnews. com/ history/ viola/ viola. htm). The Detroit News, Rearview Mirror. Archived from the original (http:/ / www.
detroitnews. com/ history/ viola/ viola. htm) on 1999-04-27. .
[40] "Uncommon Courage: The Viola Liuzzo Story" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060223045502/ http:/ / www. plantingseedsmedia. com/
violaliuzzo. html). Archived from the original (http:/ / www. plantingseedsmedia. com/ violaliuzzo. html) on 2007-08-13. .
[41] Mary Stanton (2000). From Selma to Sorrow: The Life and Death of Viola Liuzzo. University of Georgia Press. p. 190.
[42] Triumphs of Democracy, by Noam Chomsky (Excerpted from Language and Responsibility) (http:/ / www. chomsky. info/ books/
responsibility01. htm)
[43] Watergate and the Secret Army Organization - msg#00404 - culture.discuss.cia-drugs (http:/ / osdir. com/ ml/ culture. discuss. cia-drugs/
2005-10/ msg00404. html)
[44] 1972 (http:/ / crca. ucsd. edu/ ~esisco/ friendlyfire/ A1972. html)
[45] OpEdNews - Article: J. Edgar Hoover personally ordered FBI to initiate COINTELPRO dirty tricks against Black Panthers in 'Omaha Two'
case (http:/ / www. opednews. com/ articles/ J-Edgar-Hoover-personally-by-Michael-Richardson-090123-327. html)
[46] "Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans Book II, Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with
respect to Intelligence Activities United States Senate (Church Committee)" (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/
churchfinalreportIIa. htm). United States Senate. . Retrieved May 11, 2006.
[47] "Tapped Out Why Congress won't get through to the NSA." (http:/ / www. slate. com/ id/ 2135325/ ). Slate.com. . Retrieved May 11, 2006.
[48] David Cunningham. There's Something Happening Here: The New Left, the Klan, and FBI. University of California Press, 2005: "However,
strong suspicions lingered that the program's tactics were sustained on a less formal basis—suspicions sometimes furthered by agents
themselves, who periodically claimed that counterintelligence activities were continuing, though in a manner undocumented within Bureau
files."; Hobson v. Brennan, 646 F.Supp. 884 (D.D.C.,1986)
[49] Bud Schultz, Ruth Schultz. The Price of Dissent: Testimonies to Political Repression in America. University of California Press, 2001:
"Although the FBI officially discontinued COINTELPRO immediately after the Pennsylvania disclosures "for security reasons," when pressed
by the Senate committee, the bureau acknowledged two new instances of "Cointelpro-type" operations. The committee was left to discover a
third, apparently illegal operation on its own."
[50] Athan G. Theoharis, et al. The FBI: A Comprehensive Reference Guide. Greenwood Publishing Group, 1999: "More recent controversies
have focused on the adequacy of recent restrictions on the Bureau's domestic intelligence operations. Disclosures of the 1970s that FBI agents
continued to conduct break-ins, and of the 1980s that the FBI targeted CISPES, again brought forth accusations of FBI abuses of power — and
COINTELPRO 25
raised questions of whether reforms of the 1970s had successfully exorcised the ghost of FBI Director Hoover."
[51] The Associated Press, "FBI tracked journalist for over 20 years" (http:/ / www. thestar. com/ News/ World/ article/ 533203). Toronto Star.
November 7, 2008. . Retrieved November 23, 2008.
[52] (http:/ / ap. google. com/ article/ ALeqM5gHBk0Wtol8FN8SMpFQIYL5CPxXfwD94AF32O0)
[53] Bud Schultz, Ruth Schultz. The Price of Dissent: Testimonies to Political Repression in America. University of California Press, 2001: "The
problem persists after Hoover…."The record before this court," Federal Magistrate Joan Lefkow stated in 1991, "shows that despite
regulations, orders and consent decrees prohibiting such activities, the FBI had continued to collect information concerning only the exercise
of free speech."
[54] Mike Mosedale, "Bury My Heart," City Pages, Volume 21 - Issue 1002 - Cover Story - February 16, 2000
[55] "FBI Probes of Groups Were Improper, Justice Department Says" (http:/ / www. mercurynews. com/ california/
ci_16128591?nclick_check=1). The San Jose Mercury News. September 20, 2010. . also reported at democracynow.org (http:/ / www.
democracynow. org/ 2010/ 9/ 21/ headlines#2)
[56] Weyler, Rex. Blood of the Land: The Government and Corporate War Against First Nations.
[57] Matthiessen, Peter, In the Spirit of Crazy Horse, 1980, Viking.
[58] Woidat, Caroline M. The Truth Is on the Reservation: American Indians and Conspiracy Culture, The Journal of American Culture 29 (4),
2006. Pages 454–467
[59] McQuinn, Jason. "Conspiracy Theory vs Alternative Journalism", Alternative Press Review, Vol. 2, No. 3, Winter 1996
[60] Horowitz, David. "Johnnie's Other O.J.", FrontPageMagazine.com. September 1, 1997.
[61] Woidat, Caroline M. "The Truth Is on the Reservation: American Indians and Conspiracy Culture", The Journal of American Culture 29 (4),
2006. pp. 454–467.
[62] Berlet, Chip; and Matthew N. Lyons. 1998, "One key to litigating against government prosecution of dissidents: Understanding the
underlying assumptions" (http:/ / www. publiceye. org/ liberty/ RepressionTOC. html), Parts 1 and 2, Police Misconduct and Civil Rights Law
Report (West Group), 5 (13), (January–February): 145–153; and 5 (14), (March–April): 157–162.
Further reading
Books
• Blackstock, Nelson (1988). Cointelpro: The FBI's Secret War on Political Freedom. Pathfinder Press.
ISBN 978-0-87348-877-8.
• Carson, Clayborne; Gallen, David, editors (1991). Malcolm X: The FBI File. Carroll & Graf Publishers.
ISBN 978-0-88184-758-1.
• Churchill, Ward; Vander Wall, Jim (2001). The COINTELPRO Papers: Documents from the FBI's Secret Wars
Against Dissent in the United States. South End Press. ISBN 978-0-89608-648-7.
• Cunningham, David (2004). There’s Something Happening Here: The New Left, The Klan, and FBI
Counterintelligence. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-23997-5.
• Davis, James Kirkpatrick (1997). Assault on the Left. Praeger Trade. ISBN 978-0-275-95455-0.
• Garrow, David (2006). The FBI and Martin Luther King, Jr. (Revised ed.). Yale University Press.
ISBN 978-0-300-08731-4.
• Glick, Brian (1989). War at Home: Covert Action Against U.S. Activists and What We Can Do About It. South
End Press. ISBN 978-0-89608-349-3.
• Halperin, Morton; Berman, Jerry; Borosage Robert; Marwick, Christine (1976). The Lawless State: The Crimes
Of The U.S. Intelligence Agencies. ISBN 978-0-14-004386-0.
• Olsen, Jack (2000). Last Man Standing: The Tragedy and Triumph of Geronimo Pratt. Doubleday.
ISBN 978-0-385-49367-3.
• Perkus, Cathy (1976). Cointelpro. Vintage.
• Theoharis, Athan, Spying on Americans: Political Surveillance from Hoover to the Huston Plan (Temple
University Press, 1978).
COINTELPRO 26
Articles
• Drabble, John. "The FBI, COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE and the Decline of Ku Klux Klan Organizations in
Mississippi, 1964–1971", Journal of Mississippi History, 66:4, (Winter 2004).
• Drabble, John. "The FBI, COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE and the Decline Ku Klux Klan Organizations in
Alabama, 1964–1971", Alabama Review, 61:1, (January 2008): 3-47.
• Drabble, John. "To Preserve the Domestic Tranquility:” The FBI, COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE, and Political
Discourse, 1964–1971", Journal of American Studies, 38:3, (August 2004): 297-328.
• Drabble, John. “From White Supremacy to White Power: The FBI’s COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE Operation
and the “Nazification” of the Ku Klux Klan in the 1970s,” American Studies, 48:3 (Fall 2007): 49-74.
• Drabble, John. "Fighting Black Power-New Left coalitions: Covert FBI media campaigns and American cultural
discourse, 1967-1971," European Journal of American Culture, 27:2, (2008): 65-91.
U.S. government reports

• U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Internal Security. Hearings on Domestic Intelligence Operations for
Internal Security Purposes. 93rd Cong., 2d sess, 1974.
• U.S. Congress. House. Select Committee on Intelligence. Hearings on Domestic Intelligence Programs. 94th
Cong., 1st sess, 1975.
• U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Government Operations. Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations.
Hearings on Riots, Civil and Criminal Disorders. 90th Cong., 1st sess. - 91st Cong., 2d sess, 1967–1970.
• U.S. Congress. Senate. Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence
Activities. Hearings — The National Security Agency and Fourth Amendment Rights. Vol. 6. 94th Cong., 1st sess,
1975.
Activities. Hearings — Federal Bureau of Investigation. Vol. 6. 94th Cong., 1st sess, 1975.
Activities. Final Report — Book II, Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans. 94th Cong., 2d sess,
1976.
Activities. Final Report — Book III, Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports on Intelligence Activities and the
Rights of Americans. 94th Cong., 2d sess, 1976.
External links
Documentary
• "Me and My Shadow": A History of the FBI's Covert Operations and COINTELPRO - Part 1" (http://www.
democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=03/04/07/0259253&mode=thread&tid=5). 34:21 minute RealAudio.
Produced by Adi Gevins, Pacifica Radio. 1976. Rebroadcast by Democracy Now! Wednesday, June 5, 2002.
Retrieved May 12, 2005.
• "'Me and My Shadow': A History of the FBI's Covert Operations and COINTELPRO - Part 2" (http://www.
democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=03/04/07/0259257&mode=thread&tid=5). 13:43 minute RealAudio.
Produced by Adi Gevins, Pacifica Radio. 1976. Rebroadcast by Democracy Now! Thursday, June 6, 2002.
Retrieved May 12, 2005.
COINTELPRO 27
Websites
• COINTELPRO videos on African American History Channel (http://www.africanamericanhistory.tv/videos/
playlist/4637-cointelpro)
• COINTELPRO STILL LIVES by Sista Shiriki Unganisha (http://www.sonic.net/~doretk/Issues/98-09 FALL/
coint.html)
• COINTELPRO: The Untold American Story - presented to U.N. World Conference Against Racism 2001 by the
U.S. Congressional Black Caucus (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/coinwcar3.htm)
• Nation of Islam website's section on COINTELPRO, includes an assortment of documents, links and references
(http://www.noi.org/cointelpro/default.html).
• The Judi Bari case, COINTELPRO in the 1990s (http://www.judibari.org). Retrieved April 19, 2005.
• COINTELPRO: the Sabotage of Legitimate Dissent (http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/
POLITICS/COINTELPRO/cointelpro.html), What Really Happened, June 5, 1998.
• Fake Black Panther Party coloring book distributed by the FBI (http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/
RANCHO/POLITICS/COINTELPRO/coloring.html)
• COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE Operation Against the Ku Klux Klan (http://www.webcitation.org/
query?url=http://www.geocities.com/drabbs/workingpapers.html&date=2009-10-25+21:05:15)
Articles
• WIKILEAKS: Corrupted Oracle or Cointelpro Asset of the Establishment? (http://21stcenturywire.com/2010/
12/08/is-wikileaks-a-cointelpro-operation-for-the-establishment/)
• McKinney, Cynthia. Article regarding COINTELPRO (http://www.counterpunch.org/mckinney0918.html) on
CounterPunch
• Jakopovich, Dan. The COINTELPRO programme against the Socialist Workers' Party (http://www.isg-fi.org.
uk/spip.php?article626)
U.S. government reports

• Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities.
United States Senate, 94th Congress, 2nd Session, April 26 (legislative day, April 14), 1976. [AKA "Church
Committee Report"]. Archived on COINTELPRO sources website (http://www.cointel.org). Transcription and
HTML by Paul Wolf. Retrieved April 19, 2005.
• Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans, Book II
I. Introduction and Summary (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/churchfinalreportIIa.htm)
II. The Growth of Domestic Intelligence: 1936 to 1976 (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/
churchfinalreportIIb.htm)
III. Findings (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/churchfinalreportfindings.htm)
(A) Violating and Ignoring the Law (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/
churchfinalreportIIca.htm)
(B) Overbreadth of Domestic Intelligence Activity (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/
churchfinalreportIIcb.htm)
(C) Excessive Use of Intrusive Techniques (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/
churchfinalreportIIcc.htm)
(D) Using Covert Action to Disrupt and Discredit Domestic Groups (http:/ / www. icdc. com/
~paulwolf/cointelpro/churchfinalreportIIcd.htm)
(E) Political Abuse of Intelligence Information (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/
churchfinalreportIIce.htm)
COINTELPRO 28
(F) Inadequate Controls on Dissemination and Retention (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/
cointelpro/churchfinalreportIIcf.htm)
(G) Deficiencies in Control and Accountability (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/
churchfinalreportIIcg.htm)
IV. Conclusions and Recommendations (http:/ / www. icdc. com/ ~paulwolf/ cointelpro/ churchfinalreportIId.
htm)
• Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports, Book III
• COINTELPRO: The FBI's Covert Action Programs Against American Citizens (http://www.icdc.com/
~paulwolf/cointelpro/churchfinalreportIIIa.htm)
• Martin Luther King, Jr., Case Study (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/churchfinalreportIIIb.
htm)
• The FBI's Covert Action Program to Destroy the Black Panther Party (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/
cointelpro/churchfinalreportIIIc.htm)
• The Use of Informants in FBI Intelligence Investigations (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/
churchfinalreportIIId.htm)
• Warrantless FBI Electronic Surveillance (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/churchfinalreportIIIe.
htm)
• Warrantless Surreptitious Entries: FBI "Black Bag" Break-ins And Microphone Installations (http://www.
icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/churchfinalreportIIIf.htm)
• The Development of FBI Domestic Intelligence Investigations (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/
churchfinalreportIIIg.htm)
• Domestic CIA and FBI Mail Opening (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/churchfinalreportIIIh.
htm)
• CIA Intelligence Collection About Americans: CHAOS Program And The Office of Security (http://www.
icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/churchfinalreportIIIi.htm)
• National Security Agency Surveillance Affecting Americans (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/
churchfinalreportIIIj.htm)
• Improper Surveillance of Private Citizens By The Military (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/
churchfinalreportIIIk.htm)
• The Internal Revenue Service: An Intelligence Resource and Collector (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/
cointelpro/churchfinalreportIIIl.htm)
• National Security, Civil Liberties, And The Collection of Intelligence: A Report On The Huston Plan (http://
www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/churchfinalreportIIIm.htm)
Family Jewels (Central Intelligence Agency)

The Family Jewels is the informal name used to refer to a set of reports that detail activities conducted by the United
States Central Intelligence Agency. Considered illegal or inappropriate, these actions were conducted over the span
of decades, from the 1950s to the mid-1970s.[1] William Colby, who was the CIA director in the mid-1970s and
helped in the compilation of the reports, dubbed them the "skeletons" in the CIA's closet.[1] Most of the documents
were publicly released on June 25, 2007, after more than three decades of secrecy.[2] The non-governmental National
Security Archive had filed a FOIA request fifteen years earlier.[3]
Background
The reports that constitute the CIA's "Family Jewels" were commissioned in 1973 by then CIA director James R.
Schlesinger, in response to press accounts of CIA involvement in the Watergate scandal — in particular, support to
the burglars, E. Howard Hunt and James McCord, both CIA veterans.[1] On May 7, 1973, Schlesinger signed a
directive commanding senior officers to compile a report of current or past CIA actions that may have fallen outside
the agency's charter.[4] The resulting report, which was in the form of a 693-page loose-leaf book of memos, was
passed on to William Colby when he succeeded Schlesinger as Director of Central Intelligence in late 1973.
Leaks and official release

Investigative journalist Seymour Hersh revealed some of the contents of the "Family Jewels" in a front-page New
York Times article in December 1974, in which he reported that:
The Central Intelligence Agency, directly violating its charter, conducted a massive, illegal domestic
intelligence operation during the Nixon Administration against the antiwar movement and other
dissident groups in the United States according to well-placed Government sources.[5]
Additional details of the contents trickled out over the years, but requests by journalists and historians for access to
the documents under the Freedom of Information Act were long denied. Finally, in June 2007, CIA Director Michael
Hayden announced that the documents would be released to the public at an announcement made to the annual
meeting of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations.[1] A six-page summary of the reports was made
available at the National Security Archive (based at George Washington University), with the following
introduction:
The Central Intelligence Agency violated its charter for 25 years until revelations of illegal wiretapping,
domestic surveillance, assassination plots, and human experimentation led to official investigations and
reforms in the 1970s.[3]
The complete set of documents, with some redactions (including a number of pages in their entirety), was released
on the CIA website on June 25, 2007.[6]
Content
The reports describe numerous activities conducted by the CIA during the 1950s to 1970s that violated its charter.
According to a briefing provided by CIA Director William Colby to the Justice Department on December 31, 1974,
these included 18 issues which were of legal concern:[7]
1. Confinement of a KGB defector, Yuri Ivanovich Nosenko, that "might be regarded as a violation of the
kidnapping laws."
2. Wiretapping of two syndicated columnists, Robert Allen and Paul Scott, speculated to have been approved by US
Attorney General Robert Kennedy and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara (see also Project Mockingbird)[7]
3. Physical surveillance of investigative journalist and muckraker Jack Anderson and his associates, including Les
Whitten of the Washington Post and future Fox News Channel anchor and managing editor Brit Hume. Jack
Anderson had written two articles on CIA-backed assassination attempts on Cuban leader Fidel Castro
4. Physical surveillance of then-Washington Post reporter Michael Getler, who was later an ombudsman for the
Washington Post and PBS
5. Break-in at the home of a former CIA employee
6. Break-in at the office of a former defector
7. Warrantless entry into the apartment of a former CIA employee
8. Opening of mail to and from the Soviet Union from 1953 to 1973 (including letters associated with actress Jane
Fonda) (project SRPOINTER/HTLINGUAL at JFK airport)
9. Opening of mail to and from the People's Republic of China from 1969 to 1972 (project
SRPOINTER/HTLINGUAL at JFK airport - see also Project SHAMROCK by the NSA)
10. Funding of behavior modification research on unwitting US citizens, including unscientific, non-consensual
human experiments.[8] (see also Project MKULTRA concerning LSD experiments)
11. Assassination plots against Cuban President Fidel Castro (authorized by Robert Kennedy);[9] Congolese leader
Patrice Lumumba; President Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic; and René Schneider,
Commander-in-chief of the Chilean Army. All of these plots were said to be unsuccessful ones.[10]
12. Surveillance of dissident groups between 1967 and 1971 (see Project RESISTANCE, Project MERRIMAC and
Operation CHAOS)
13. Surveillance of a particular Latin American female, and of US citizens in Detroit
14. Surveillance of former CIA officer and Agency critic, Victor Marchetti, author of the book, The CIA and the
Cult of Intelligence, published in 1974.
15. Amassing of files on 9,900-plus US citizens related to the antiwar movement (see Project RESISTANCE,
Project MERRIMAC and Operation CHAOS)
16. Polygraph experiments with the sheriff of San Mateo County, California
17. Fake CIA identification documents that might violate state laws
18. Testing of electronic equipment on US telephone circuits
Others
The documents also include Watergate-related items (p. 350-351) as well as a joint USAID-OPS operation
concerning training foreign police in bomb-making, sabotage, etc. (one quotes Dan Mitrione,[11] responsible for the
Office of Public Safety in Uruguay, and a torture expert who coordinated police forces in South America).
They also highlight equipment support to local police, which could have been considered illegal under the National
Security Act of 1947 (page 6).
The Family Jewels also document the infiltration and surveillance of the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs
(BNDD), the predecessor to the DEA, on requests of the BNDD's director in order to root out corruption from among
its ranks.
The CIA also surveilled black nationalism in the Caribbean and in the US, producing two memorandums in 1969 and
1970 (p. 188). It focused primarily on Stokely Carmichael's visits to the Caribbean Islands, and concluded that there
was no "evidence of important links between militant blacks in the US and the Caribbean." A copy of these reports
"was inadvertently sent to the FBI."
After FBI director John Edgar Hoover's public statement that "the Black Panthers are supported by terrorist
organizations," the CIA responded in December 1970 that they "found no indication of any relationship between the
fedayeen and the Black Panthers." (p. 283)
Apart from surveilling student activism in the US (in particular the Students for a Democratic Society, SDS), the
CIA also had surveys in 19 countries, from Argentina to Yugoslavia (p. 191).
The CIA requested to the Department of Agriculture (USDA) "the establishment of a two-acre plot of opium poppies
at a USDA research site in Washington, to be used for tests of photo-recognition of opium poppies" (p. 246). The
agency was then investigating into multi-spectral sensors (p. 254 and 257).
Some pages are also dedicated to the Pentagon Papers (p. 288 sq.), leaked in 1971 by Daniel Ellsberg who became
the subject of focused attention.
Reactions to release of documents

Then-President of Cuba, Fidel Castro, who was the target of multiple CIA assassination attempts reported in these
documents, responded to their release on July 1, 2007, saying that the United States was still a "killing machine" and
that the revealing of the documents was an attempt at diversion.[12][13] Some commentators, including David Corn
and Amy Zegart, noted that one key 'jewel' had been redacted and remained classified.[14][15]
References
[1] DeYoung, Karen; Walter Pincus (2007-06-22). "CIA to Air Decades of Its Dirty Laundry" (http:/ / www. washingtonpost. com/ wp-dyn/
content/ article/ 2007/ 06/ 21/ AR2007062102434_pf. html). Washington Post. . Retrieved 2007-06-22.
[2] "C.I.A. Releases Files on Misdeeds From the Past" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ aponline/ washington/ AP-CIA-Family-Jewels. html). New
York Times. 2007-06-26. . Retrieved 2007-06-26.
[3] The CIA's Family Jewels (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ NSAEBB/ NSAEBB222/ index. htm), National Security Archive
[4] http:/ / nsarchive. chadwyck. com/ marketing/ fj/ displayItemId. do?ItemID=FJ00036
[5] Hersh, Seymour (1974-12-22). "Huge C.I.A. operation reported in U.S. against antiwar forces, other dissidents in Nixon years". New York
Times. p. 1.
[6] "Family Jewels" (http:/ / www. foia. cia. gov/ browse_docs. asp?doc_no=0001451843). FOIA Electronic Reading Room. Central Intelligence
Agency. . Retrieved 2007-06-26.. This CIA resource offers quick access, one page at a time, but pages are GIF images without selectable or
searchable text. The following file from the National Security Archive offers selectable and searchable text, but it is a 24 MB download.
"CIA's "Family Jewels" - full report" (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ NSAEBB/ NSAEBB222/ family_jewels_full. pdf) (PDF). National
Security Archive. . Retrieved 2007-06-26.
[7] James A. Wilderotter (1975-01-03). "Memorandum: CIA Matters" (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ NSAEBB/ NSAEBB222/
family_jewels_wilderotter. pdf) (PDF). National Security Archive. . Retrieved 2007-06-22.
[8] 4 documents relating to Dr. Sidney Gottlieb: (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ NSAEBB/ NSAEBB222/ top04. pdf) CIA Science and
Technology Directorate Chief Carl Duckett "thinks the Director would be ill-advised to say he is acquainted with this program" (Sidney
Gottlieb's drug experiments)
[9] January 4, 1975 memorandum of conversation (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ NSAEBB/ NSAEBB222/ family_jewels_wh2. pdf)
between President Gerald Ford and Henry Kissinger, made available by the National Security Archive, June 2007
[10] Memo of conversation (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ NSAEBB/ NSAEBB222/ family_jewels_wh1. pdf), January 3, 1975, between
President Gerald Ford, William Colby, etc., made available by the National Security Archive
[11] 10) CIA counter-intelligence official James J. Angleton and issue of training foreign police in bomb-making, sabotage, etc. (pp. 599-603)
(http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ NSAEBB/ NSAEBB222/ top10. pdf), National Security Archive
[12] Fidel Castro, La máquina de matar (http:/ / www. juventudrebelde. cu/ cuba/ 2007-07-01/ la-maquina-de-matar), Juventud Rebelde, July 1,
2007 (Spanish)
[13] Castro: US is still a 'killing machine' (http:/ / www. miamiherald. com/ 915/ story/ 157565. html), Associated Press, published by The Miami
Herald, July 1, 2007 (English)
[14] Where's the CIA's Missing Jewel? (http:/ / www. thenation. com/ blog/ 156337/ wheres-cias-missing-jewel) David Corn, "Capital Games"
[15] (http:/ / washington. blogs. nytimes. com/ 2007/ 06/ 26/ entire-category-of-activities-still-classified/ ) Amy Zegart, "Keeping Track of All
the Redactions"
Bay of Pigs Invasion

The Bay of Pigs Invasion was an unsuccessful action by a CIA-trained force of Cuban exiles to invade southern
Cuba, with support and encouragement from the US government, in an attempt to overthrow the Cuban government
of Fidel Castro. The invasion was launched in April 1961, three months after John F. Kennedy assumed the
presidency in the United States. The Cuban armed forces, trained and equipped by Eastern Bloc nations, defeated the
invading combatants within three days.
The main invasion landing took place at a beach named Playa Girón, located at the mouth of the bay. The invasion is
named after the Bay of Pigs, although that is only a modern translation of the Spanish Bahía de Cochinos. In Latin
America, the conflict is often known as La Batalla de Girón, or just Playa Girón.
Political background
On 17 March 1960, American president Dwight Eisenhower approved a document prepared by the 5412 Committee
(also known as the "Special Group"), at a meeting of the US National Security Council (NSC). The stated first
objective of the plan began as follows:[1]
A Program of Covert Action Against the Castro Regime
1. Objective: The purpose of the program outlined herein is to bring about the replacement of the Castro
regime with one more devoted to the true interests of the Cuban people and more acceptable to the U.S.
in such a manner to avoid any appearance of U.S. intervention.
On 18 August 1960, President Eisenhower approved a budget of $13 million for the operation. By 31 October 1960,
most guerrilla infiltrations and supply drops directed by the CIA into Cuba had failed, and developments of further
guerrilla strategies were replaced by plans to mount an initial amphibious assault, with a minimum of 1,500 men. On
18 November 1960, Allen Dulles (CIA Director) and Richard Bissell (CIA Deputy Director for Plans) first briefed
President-elect John Kennedy on the outline plans. Having experience in actions such as the 1954 Guatemalan coup
d'état, Dulles was confident that the CIA was capable of overthrowing the Cuban government as led by Prime
Minister Fidel Castro since 16 February 1959. On 29 November 1960, President Eisenhower met with the chiefs of
the CIA, Defense, State and Treasury departments to discuss the new concept. No objections were expressed, and
Eisenhower approved the plans, with the intention of persuading John Kennedy of their merit. On 8 December 1960,
Bissell presented outline plans to the "Special Group" while declining to commit details to written records. Further
development of the plans continued, and on 4 January 1961 they consisted of an intention to carry out a "lodgement"
by 750 men at an undisclosed site in Cuba, supported by considerable air power.[2]:9-19
On 28 January 1961, President Kennedy was briefed, together with all the major departments, on the latest plan
(code-named Operation Pluto) that involved 1,000 men to be landed in a ship-borne invasion at Trinidad, Cuba,
about 270 km (170 mi) south-east of Havana, at the foothills of the Escambray Mountains in Sancti Spiritus
province. Kennedy authorized the active departments to continue, and to report progress.[2]:20 Trinidad had good port
facilities, it was closer to many existing counter-revolutionary activities, it had an easily defensible beachhead, and it
offered an escape route into the Escambray Mountains. When that scheme was subsequently rejected by the State
Department, the CIA went on to propose an alternative plan. On 4 April 1961, President Kennedy then approved the
Bay of Pigs plan (also known as Operation Zapata), because it had an airfield that would not need to be extended to
handle bomber operations, it was farther away from large groups of civilians than the Trinidad plan, and it was less
"noisy" militarily, which would make any future denial of direct US involvement more plausible. The invasion
landing area was changed to beaches bordering the Bahía de Cochinos (Bay of Pigs) in Las Villas Province, 150 km
south-east of Havana, and east of the Zapata peninsula. The landings were to take place at Playa Girón (code-named
Blue Beach), Playa Larga (code-named Red Beach), and Caleta Buena Inlet (code-named Green Beach).[3][4][5][6]
In March 1961, the CIA helped Cuban exiles in Miami to create the Cuban Revolutionary Council (CRC), chaired by
José Miró Cardona, former Prime Minister of Cuba in January 1959. Cardona became the de facto leader-in-waiting
of the intended post-invasion Cuban government.[7]
Existing anti-Castro resistance in Cuba

After the success of the Cuban Revolution in January 1959, counter-revolutionary groups grew, particularly in the
Escambray Mountains, where the War Against the Bandits guerrilla war continued sporadically until 1965. Prior to
the invasion, the CIA supported and supplied various groups with arms and other resources, but they were not
included in the invasion plans due to concerns about information security.[3]:64 No quarter was given during the
suppression of the resistance in the Escambray Mountains, where former rebels from the War Against Batista took
different sides.[8] On 11 March 1961, Jesus Carreras and American William Alexander Morgan (a former Castro
ally) were executed after a trial.[9][10]
On 3 April 1961, a bomb attack on militia barracks in Bayamo killed four militia, and wounded eight more. On 6
April, the Hershey Sugar factory in Matanzas was destroyed by sabotage.[11] On 14 April 1961, guerrillas led by
Agapito Rivera fought Cuban government forces near Las Cruces, Montembo, Las Villas, where several government
troops were killed and others wounded.[11] Also on 14 April 1961, a Cubana airliner was hijacked and flown to
Jacksonville, Florida; resultant confusion then helped discovery of the staged 'defection' of a B-26 and pilot at Miami
on 15 April.[12][13]:245
Preparation and training for invasion

In April 1960, the CIA began to recruit anti-Castro Cuban exiles in the Miami area. Until July 1960, assessment and
training was carried out on Useppa Island and at various other facilities in South Florida, such as Homestead AFB.
Specialist guerrilla training took place at Fort Gulick, Panama and at Fort Clayton, Panama.[12][14]:78 For the
increasing ranks of recruits, infantry training was carried out at a CIA-run base (code-named JMTrax) near
Retalhuleu in the Sierra Madre on the Pacific coast of Guatemala.[15] The exiles group named themselves Brigade
2506 (Brigada Asalto 2506).[15] In summer 1960, an airfield (code-named JMadd, aka Rayo Base) was constructed
near Retalhuleu, Guatemala. Gunnery and flight training of Brigade 2506 aircrews was carried out by personnel from
Alabama ANG (Air National Guard), using at least six Douglas B-26 Invaders in the markings of FAG (Fuerza
Aérea Guatemalteca), legitimate delivery of those to the FAG being delayed by about six months. An additional 26
B-26s were obtained from US military stocks, 'sanitized' at 'Field Three' to obscure their origins, and about 20 of
them were converted for offensive operations by removal of defensive armament, standardization of the 'eight-gun
nose', addition of underwing drop tanks and rocket racks.[16][17] Paratroop training was at a base nicknamed
Garrapatenango, near Quetzaltenango, Guatemala. Training for boat handling and amphibious landings took place
at Vieques Island, Puerto Rico. Tank training took place at Fort Knox, Kentucky and Fort Benning, Georgia.
Underwater demolition and infiltration training took place at Belle Chase near New Orleans.[6]
The CIA used Douglas C-54 transports to deliver people, supplies, and arms from Florida at night. Curtiss C-46s
were also used for transport between Retalhuleu and a CIA base (code-named JMTide, aka Happy Valley) at Puerto
Cabezas, Nicaragua. On 9 April 1961, Brigade 2506 personnel, ships, and aircraft started transferring from
Guatemala to Puerto Cabezas, Nicaragua.[10]
Facilities and limited logistical assistance were provided by the governments of General Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes in
Guatemala, and General Luis Somoza Debayle in Nicaragua. In return, in 1960 the CIA helped to prevent a military
coup in Guatemala, and both governments later received military training and equipment, including some of the
remaining CIA B-26s. No military personnel or equipment of those nations were directly employed in the
conflict[18][17]
In early 1961, Cuba's army possessed Soviet-designed T-34 and IS-2 Stalin tanks, SU-100 self-propelled 'tank
destroyers', 122 mm howitzers, other artillery and small arms, plus Italian 105 mm howitzers. The Cuban air force
armed inventory included Douglas B-26 Invader light bombers, Hawker Sea Fury fighters, and Lockheed T-33 jets,
all remaining from the Fuerza Aérea del Ejército de Cuba (FAEC), the Cuban air force of the Batista
government.[15]
Anticipating an invasion, Che Guevara stressed the importance of an armed civilian populace, stating "all the Cuban
people must become a guerrilla army, each and every Cuban must learn to handle and if necessary use firearms in
defense of the nation."[19]
Participants
U.S. Government personnel

Recruiting of Cuban exiles in Miami was organized by CIA staff officers E. Howard Hunt and Gerry Droller.
Detailed planning, training and military operations were conducted by Jacob Esterline, Colonel Jack Hawkins and
Colonel Stanley W. Beerli under the direction of Richard Bissell, and his deputy Tracy Barnes.[6]
Cuban government personnel

Already, Fidel Castro was known as, and addressed as, the commander-in-chief of Cuban armed forces, with a
nominal base at 'Point One' in Havana. In early April 1961, his brother Raúl Castro was assigned command of forces
in the east, based in Santiago de Cuba. Che Guevara commanded western forces, based in Pinar del Río. Major Juan
Almeida Bosque commanded forces in the central provinces, based in Santa Clara. Raúl Curbelo Morales was head
of the air force. Sergio del Valle Jiménez was Director of Headquarters Operations at Point One. Efigenio Ameijeiras
was the Head of the Revolutionary National Police. Ramiro Valdés Menéndez was Minister of the Interior and head
of G-2 (Seguridad del Estado, or state security). His deputy was Comandante Manuel Piñeiro Losada, also known as
'Barba Roja'. Captain José Ramón Fernández was head of the School of Militia Leaders (Cadets) at
Matanzas.[20][14]:169[21][22][23]
Other commanders of units during the conflict included Major Raúl Menéndez Tomassevich, Major Filiberto Olivera
Moya, Major René de los Santos, Major Augusto Martínez Sanchez, Major Félix Duque, Major Pedro Miret, Major
Flavio Bravo, Major Antonio Lussón, Captain Orlando Pupo Pena, Captain Victor Dreke, Captain Emilio Aragonés,
Captain Angel Fernández Vila, Arnaldo Ochoa, Orlando Rodriguez Puerta.[12][14][24][25]
Soviet-trained Spanish advisors were brought to Cuba from Eastern Bloc countries. These advisors had held high
staff positions in the Soviet Armies during World War II, and became known as 'Hispano-Soviets', having
long-resided in the Soviet Union. The most senior of these were the Spanish Communist veterans of the Spanish
Civil War, Francisco Ciutat de Miguel, Enrique Líster, and Cuban-born Alberto Bayo.[26] Ciutat de Miguel (Cuban
alias: Ángel Martínez Riosola, commonly referred to as Angelito) was an advisor to forces in the central provinces.
The role of other Soviet agents at the time is uncertain, but some of them acquired greater fame later. For example,
two KGB colonels, Vadim Kochergin and Victor Simanov were first sighted in Cuba in about September
1959.[27][28]
Prior warnings of invasion

The Cuban security apparatus knew the invasion was coming, via their secret intelligence network, as well as loose
talk by members of the brigade, some of which was heard in Miami, and was repeated in US and foreign newspaper
reports. Nevertheless, days before the invasion, multiple acts of sabotage were carried out, such as the El Encanto
fire, an arson attack in a department store in Havana on 13 April, that killed one shop worker.[12][14]:123-125 The
Cuban government also had been warned by senior KGB agents Osvaldo Sánchez Cabrera and 'Aragon', who died
violently before and after the invasion, respectively.[29] The general Cuban population was not well informed, except
for CIA-funded Radio Swan.[30] As of May 1960, almost all means of public communication were in the
government's hands.[31][32]
On 29 April 2000, a Washington Post article, "Soviets Knew Date of Cuba Attack", reported that the CIA had
information indicating that the Soviet Union knew the invasion was going to take place, and did not inform
Kennedy. On 13 April 1961, Radio Moscow broadcast an English-language newscast, predicting the invasion "in a
plot hatched by the CIA" using paid "criminals" within a week. The invasion took place four days later.[33]
David Ormsby-Gore, British Ambassador to the US, stated that British intelligence analysis, as made available to the
CIA, indicated that the Cuban people were predominantly behind Castro, and that there was no likelihood of mass
defections or insurrections.[13]:264
Prelude to invasion
Air attacks on airfields (15 April)

During the night of 14/15 April, a diversionary landing was planned near Baracoa, Oriente Province, by about 164
Cuban exiles commanded by Higinio 'Nino' Diaz. Their mother ship, named La Playa or Santa Ana, had sailed from
Key West under a Costa Rican ensign. Several US Navy destroyers were stationed offshore near Guantánamo Bay to
give the appearance of an impending invasion fleet.[34] The reconnaissance boats turned back to the ship after their
crews detected activities by Cuban militia forces along the coastline.[20][14]:156–159[15][21][35][36]
As a result of those activities, at daybreak, a Cuban Air Force reconnaissance sortie over the Baracoa area was
launched from Santiago de Cuba. That was a FAR T-33, piloted by Lt Orestes Acosta, and it crashed fatally into the
sea. On 17 April, his name was falsely quoted as a defector among the disinformation circulating in Miami.[37]
On 15 April 1961, at about 06:00 Cuba local time, eight Douglas B-26B Invader bombers in three groups
simultaneously attacked three Cuban airfields at San Antonio de los Baños and at Ciudad Libertad (formerly named
Campo Columbia), both near Havana, plus the Antonio Maceo International Airport at Santiago de Cuba. The B-26s
had been prepared by the CIA on behalf of Brigade 2506, and had been painted with the false flag markings of the
FAR (Fuerza Aérea Revolucionaria), the air force of the Cuban government. Each was armed with bombs, rockets
and machine guns. They had flown from Puerto Cabezas in Nicaragua, and were crewed by exiled Cuban pilots and
navigators of the self-styled Fuerza Aérea de Liberación (FAL). The purpose of the action (code-named Operation
Puma) was reportedly to destroy most or all of the armed aircraft of the FAR in preparation for the main invasion. At
Santiago, the two attackers destroyed a C-47 transport, a PBY Catalina flying boat, two B-26s and a civilian DC-3
plus various other civilian aircraft. At San Antonio, the three attackers destroyed three FAR B-26s, one Sea Fury and
one T-33, and one attacker diverted to Grand Cayman due to low usable fuel. At Ciudad Libertad, the three attackers
destroyed only non-operational aircraft such as two P-47 Thunderbolts. One of those attackers was damaged by
anti-aircraft fire, and ditched about 50 km north of Cuba, with the loss of its crew Daniel Fernández Mon and Gaston
Pérez. Its companion B-26, also damaged, continued north and landed at Boca Chica field (Naval Air Station Key
West), Florida. The crew, José Crespo and Lorenzo Pérez-Lorenzo, were granted political asylum, and made their
way back to Nicaragua the next day via Miami and the daily CIA C-54 flight from Opa-locka Airport to Puerto
Cabezas. Their B-26, purposely numbered 933, the same as at least two other B-26s that day for disinformation
reasons, was held until late on 17 April.[14]:130[37]
Deception flight (15 April)

About 90 minutes after the eight B-26s had taken off from Puerto Cabezas to attack Cuban airfields, another B-26
departed on a deception flight that took it close to Cuba but headed north towards Florida. Like the bomber groups, it
carried false FAR markings and the same number 933 as painted on at least two of the others. Prior to departure, the
cowling from one of the aircraft's two engines was removed by CIA personnel, fired upon, then re-installed to give
the false appearance that the aircraft had taken ground fire at some point during its flight. At a safe distance north of
Cuba, the pilot feathered the engine with the pre-installed bullet holes in the cowling, radioed a mayday call, and
requested immediate permission to land at Miami International airport. The pilot was Mario Zúñiga, formerly of the
FAEC (Cuban Air Force), and after landing he masqueraded as 'Juan Garcia', and publicly claimed that three
colleagues had also defected from the FAR. The next day he was granted political asylum, and that night he returned
to Puerto Cabezas via Opa-Locka.[17][37][38]
Reactions (15 April)

At 10:30 am on 15 April at the United Nations, the Cuban Foreign Minister Raúl Roa attempted to accuse the US of
aggressive air attacks against Cuba, and that afternoon formally tabled a motion to the Political (First) Committee of
the UN General Assembly. In response, US ambassador to the UN Adlai Stevenson stated that US armed forces
would not "under any conditions" intervene in Cuba, and that the US would do everything in its power to ensure that
no US citizens would participate in actions against Cuba. He also stated that Cuban defectors had carried out the
attacks that day, and he presented a UPI wire photo of Zúñiga's B-26 in Cuban markings at Miami airport. Stevenson
was later embarrassed to realize that the CIA had lied to him and to Secretary of State Dean Rusk.[5][10][21]
President Kennedy supported the statement made by Stevenson: "I have emphasized before that this was a struggle
of Cuban patriots against a Cuban dictator. While we could not be expected to hide our sympathies, we made it
repeatedly clear that the armed forces of this country would not intervene in any way."[39]
On 15 April, the national police, led by Efigenio Ameijeiras, started the process of arresting thousands of suspected
anti-revolutionary individuals, and detaining them in provisional locations such as the Karl Marx Theatre, the moat
of Fortaleza de la Cabana and the Principe Castle all in Havana, and the baseball park in Matanzas.[9]
Phony war (16 April)

On the night of 15/16 April, the Nino Diaz group failed in a second attempted diversionary landing at a fresh
location near Baracoa.[21]
On 16 April, Merardo Leon, Jose Leon, and 14 others staged an armed uprising at Las Delicias Estate in Las Villas,
with only four surviving. Leonel Martinez and three others took to the countryside.[11]
Following the air strikes on airfields on 15 April 1961, the FAR managed to prepare for armed action at least four
T-33s, four Sea Furies and five or six B-26s. All three types were armed with machine guns for air-to-air combat and
for strafing of ships and ground targets. CIA planners had failed to discover that the US-supplied T-33 jets had long
been armed with M-3 machine guns. The three types could also carry bombs, for attacks against ships and tanks.[40]
No additional air strikes against Cuban airfields and aircraft were specifically planned before 17 April, because B-26
pilots' exaggerated claims gave the CIA false confidence in the success of the 15 April attacks, until U-2
reconnaissance photos on 16 April showed otherwise. Late on 16 April, President Kennedy ordered cancellation of
further airfield strikes planned for dawn on 17 April, to attempt plausible deniability of US direct involvement.[6]
Late on 16 April, the CIA/Brigade 2506 invasion fleet converged on 'Rendezvous Point Zulu', about 65 kilometres
(40 mi) south of Cuba, having sailed from Puerto Cabezas in Nicaragua where they had been loaded with troops and
other materiel, after loading arms and supplies at New Orleans. The US Navy operation was code-named Bumpy
Road, having been changed from Crosspatch on 1 April 1961.[6] The fleet, labelled the 'Cuban Expeditionary Force'
(CEF), included five 2,400-ton (empty weight) freighter ships chartered by the CIA from the Garcia Line, and
subsequently outfitted with anti-aircraft guns. Four of the freighters, Houston (code name Aguja), Río Escondido
(code name Ballena), Caribe (code name Sardina), and Atlántico (code-name Tiburón), were planned to transport
about 1,400 troops in seven battalions of troops and armaments near to the invasion beaches. The fifth freighter,
Lake Charles, was loaded with follow-up supplies and some Operation 40 infiltration personnel. The freighters
sailed under Liberian ensigns. Accompanying them were two LCIs (Landing Craft Infantry) 'purchased' from Zapata
Corporation then outfitted with heavy armament at Key West, then exercises and training at Vieques Island. The
LCIs were Blagar (code-name Marsopa) and Barbara J (code-name Barracuda), sailing under Nicaraguan ensigns.
The CEF ships were individually escorted (outside visual range) to Point Zulu by US Navy destroyers USS Bache,
USS Beale, USS Conway, USS Cony, USS Eaton, USS Murray, USS Waller. US Navy Task Group 81.8 had already
assembled off the Cayman Islands, commanded by Rear Admiral John E. Clark onboard aircraft carrier USS Essex,
plus helicopter assault carrier USS Boxer, destroyers USS Hank, USS John W. Weeks, USS Purdy, USS Wren, and
submarines USS Cobbler and USS Threadfin. Command and control ship USS Northampton and carrier
USS Shangri-La were also reportedly active in the Caribbean at the time. USS San Marcos was a Landing Ship
Dock that carried three LCUs (Landing Craft Utility) and four LCVPs (Landing Craft, Vehicles, Personnel). San
Marcos had sailed from Vieques Island. At Point Zulu, the seven CEF ships sailed north without the USN escorts,
except for San Marcos that continued until the seven landing craft were unloaded when just outside the 5 kilometres
(3 mi) Cuban territorial limit.[10][12][41]
Invasion
Invasion day (17 April)

During the night of 16/17 April, a mock diversionary landing was
organized by CIA operatives near Bahía Honda, Pinar del Río
Province. A flotilla of small boats towed rafts containing equipment
that broadcasted sounds and other effects of a shipborne invasion
landing. That was the source of Cuban reports that briefly lured Fidel
Castro away from the Bay of Pigs battlefront area.[12][14]:183[21]
At about 00:00 on 17 April 1961, the two CIA LCIs Blagar and Bahia de Cochinos 1961
Barbara J, each with a CIA 'operations officer' and an Underwater

Demolition Team (UDT) of five frogmen, entered the Bay of Pigs (Bahía de Cochinos) on the southern coast of
Cuba. They headed a force of four transport ships (Houston, Río Escondido, Caribe and Atlántico) carrying about
1,400 Cuban exile ground troops of Brigade 2506, plus tanks and other vehicles in the landing craft. At about 01:00,
the Blagar, as the battlefield command ship, directed the principal landing at Playa Girón (code-named Blue Beach),
led by the frogmen in rubber boats followed by troops from Caribe in small aluminium boats, then LCVPs and
LCUs. The Barbara J, leading Houston, similarly landed troops 35 km further northwest at Playa Larga
(code-named Red Beach), using small fiberglass boats. Unloading troops at night was delayed, due to engine failures
and boats damaged by unseen coral reefs. The few militia in the area succeeded in warning Cuban armed forces via
radio soon after the first landing, before the invaders overcame their token resistance.[14]:161,167[21]
At daybreak at about 06:30, three FAR Sea Furies, one B-26 and two T-33 jets started attacking those CEF ships still
unloading troops. At about 06:50, and 8 kilometres (5 mi) south of Playa Larga, Houston was damaged by several
rockets from a Sea Fury and a T-33, and about 2 hours later captain Luis Morse intentionally beached it on the
western side of the bay. About 270 troops had been unloaded, but about 180 survivors who struggled ashore were
incapable of taking part in further action because of the loss of most of their weapons and equipment. At about
07:00, two invading FAL B-26s attacked and sank the Cuban Navy Patrol Escort ship El Baire at Nueva Gerona on
the Isle of Pines.[21][37] They then proceeded to Girón to join two other B-26s to attack Cuban ground troops and
provide distraction air cover for the paratroop C-46s and the CEF ships under air attack.
At about 07:30, five C-46 and one C-54 transport aircraft dropped 177 paratroops from the parachute battalion of
Brigade 2506 in an action code-named Operation Falcon.[42] About 30 men, plus heavy equipment, were dropped
south of Australia sugar mill on the road to Palpite and Playa Larga, but the equipment was lost in the swamps, and
the troops failed to block the road. Other troops were dropped at San Blas, at Jocuma between Covadonga and San
Blas, and at Horquitas between Yaguaramas and San Blas. Those positions to block the roads were maintained for
two days, reinforced by ground troops from Playa Girón.[14]:206
At about 08:30, a FAR Sea Fury piloted by Carlos Ulloa Arauz crashed in the bay, due to stalling or anti-aircraft fire,
after encountering a FAL C-46 returning south after dropping paratroops. By 09:00, Cuban troops and militia from
outside the area had started arriving at Australia sugar mill, Covadonga and Yaguaramas. Throughout the day they
were reinforced by more troops, heavy armour and T-34 tanks typically carried on flat-bed trucks.[14]:195-196 At
about 09:30, FAR Sea Furies and T-33s fired rockets at the Rio Escondido, that 'blew up' and sank about 3
kilometres (1.9 mi) south of Girón.[15][21]
At about 11:00, Premier Fidel Castro issued a statement over Cuba's nationwide network saying that the invaders,
members of the exiled Cuban revolutionary front, have come to destroy the revolution and take away the dignity and
rights of men.[43]
At about 11:00, a FAR T-33 attacked a FAL B-26 (serial number 935) piloted by Matias Farias who then survived a
crashlanding on the Girón airfield, his navigator Eduardo González already killed by gunfire. His companion B-26
suffered damage and diverted to Grand Cayman Island; pilot Mario Zúñiga (the 'defector') and navigator Oscar Vega
returned to Puerto Cabezas via CIA C-54 on 18 April. By about 11:00, the two remaining freighters Caribe and
Atlántico, and the CIA LCIs and LCUs, started retreating south to international waters, but still pursued by FAR
aircraft. At about 12:00, a FAR B-26 exploded due to heavy anti-aircraft fire from Blagar, and pilot Luis Silva
Tablada (on his second sortie) and his crew of three were lost.[17][21]
By 12:00, hundreds of militia cadets from Matanzas had secured Palpite, and cautiously advanced on foot south
towards Playa Larga, suffering many casualties during attacks by FAL B-26s. By dusk, other Cuban ground forces
were gradually advancing southward from Covadonga and southwest from Yaguaramas toward San Blas, and
westward along coastal tracks from Cienfuegos towards Girón, all without heavy weapons or armour.[21]
Three FAL B-26s were shot down by FAR T-33s, with the loss of pilots Raúl Vianello, José Crespo, Osvaldo Piedra
and navigators Lorenzo Pérez-Lorenzo and José Fernández. Vianello's navigator Demetrio Pérez bailed out and was
picked up by USS Murray. Pilot Crispín García Fernández and navigator Juan González Romero, in B-26 serial 940,
diverted to Boca Chica, but late that night they attempted to fly back to Puerto Cabezas in B-26 serial 933 that
Crespo had flown to Boca Chica on 15 April. In October 1961, the remains of the B-26 and its two crew were found
in dense jungle in Nicaragua.[37][44]:313-317 One FAL B-26 diverted to Grand Cayman with engine failure. By 16:00,
Fidel Castro had arrived at the central Australia sugar mill, joining José Ramón Fernández whom he had appointed
as battlefield commander before dawn that day.[14]:168
On 17 April 1961, Osvaldo Ramírez (leader of the rural resistance to Castro) was captured in Aromas de Velázquez,
and immediately executed.[45] The CIA was unaware or unconcerned at such repression's effects on the planned
operation.[10]
At about 21:00 on 17 April 1961, a night air strike by three FAL B-26s on San Antonio de Los Baños airfield failed,
reportedly due to incompetence and bad weather. Two other B-26s had aborted the mission after take-off.[17][40]
Other sources allege that heavy anti-aircraft fire scared the aircrews, the resultant smoke perhaps a convenient
excuse for "poor visibility".[14]:138
Invasion day plus one (D+1) 18 April

By about 10:30 on 18 April, Cuban troops and militia, supported by tanks, took Playa Larga after Brigade forces had
fled towards Girón in the early hours. During the day, Brigade forces retreated to San Blas along the two roads from
Covadonga and Yaguaramas. By then, both Fidel Castro and José Ramón Fernández had re-located to that battlefront
area.[14]:207
At about 17:00 on 18 April, FAL B-26s attacked a Cuban column of 12 civilian buses leading trucks carrying tanks
and other armour, moving southeast between Playa Larga and Punta Perdiz. The vehicles, loaded with civilians,
militia, police and soldiers, were attacked with bombs, napalm and rockets, suffering heavy casualties. The six B-26s
were piloted by two CIA contract pilots plus four pilots and six navigators from Brigade 2506 air force.[21][37] The
column later re-formed and advanced to Punta Perdiz, about 11 km northwest of Girón.[14]:197
Invasion day plus two (D+2) 19 April

During the night of 18 April, a FAL C-46 delivered arms and equipment to the Girón airstrip occupied by Brigade
2506 ground forces, and took off before daybreak on 19 April.[46] The C-46 also evacuated Matias Farias, the pilot
of B-26 serial '935' (code-named Chico Two) that had been shot down and crash-landed at Girón on 17 April.[42]
The final air attack mission (code-named Mad Dog Flight) comprised five B-26s, four of which were manned by
American CIA contract air crews and pilots from the Alabama Air Guard. One FAR Sea Fury (piloted by Douglas
Rudd) and two FAR T-33s (piloted by Rafael del Pino and Alvaro Prendes) shot down two of these B-26s, killing
four American airmen.[10]
Combat air patrols were flown by Douglas A4D-2N Skyhawk jets of VA-34 squadron operating from USS Essex,
with nationality and other markings removed. Sorties were flown to reassure Brigade soldiers and pilots, and to
intimidate Cuban government forces without directly engaging in acts of war.[37]
Without direct air support, and short of ammunition, Brigade 2506 ground forces retreated to the beaches in the face
of considerable onslaught from Cuban government artillery, tanks and infantry.[15][47][48]
Late on 19 April, destroyers USS Eaton (code-named Santiago) and USS Murray (code-named Tampico) moved into
Cochinos Bay to evacuate retreating Brigade soldiers from beaches, before firing from Cuban army tanks caused
Commodore Crutchfield to order a withdrawal.[21]
Invasion day plus three (D+3) 20 April

From 19 April until about 22 April, sorties were flown by A4D-2Ns to obtain visual intelligence over combat areas.
Reconnaissance flights are also reported of Douglas AD-5Ws of VFP-62 and/or VAW-12 squadron from USS Essex
or another carrier, such as USS Shangri-La that was part of the task force assembled off the Cayman Islands.[21][37]
On 21 April, Eaton and Murray, joined on 22 April by destroyers USS Conway and USS Cony, plus submarine USS
Threadfin and a CIA PBY-5A Catalina flying boat, continued to search the coastline, reefs and islands for scattered
Brigade survivors, about 24-30 being rescued.[46]
Aftermath
Casualties
Aircrews killed in action totaled 6 from the Cuban air force, 10 Cuban exiles and 4 American airmen.[17] Paratrooper
Herman Koch Gene was killed in action, and the American airmen shot down were Thomas W. Ray, Leo F. Baker,
Riley W. Shamburger and Wade C. Gray.[21] In 1979, the body of Thomas 'Pete' Ray was repatriated from Cuba.[49]
In the 1990s, the CIA admitted to his links to the agency, and awarded him the Intelligence Star.[50] 114 Cuban
exiles from Brigade 2506 were killed in action.[D]
The final toll in Cuban armed forces during the conflict was 176 killed in action.[B] Other Cuban forces casualties
were between 500 and 4,000 (killed, wounded or missing).[C] The airfield attacks on 15 April left 7 Cubans dead and
53 wounded.[12]
Prisoners
"Havana gleefully noted the wealth of the captured invaders: 100 plantation owners, 67 landlords of apartment houses, 35 factory
owners, 112 businessmen, 179 lived off unearned income, and 194 ex-soldiers of Batista."
[51]
— Life magazine
On 19 April 1961, at least seven Cubans plus two CIA-hired US citizens (Angus K. McNair and Howard F.
Anderson) were executed in Pinar del Rio province, after a two-day trial. On 20 April, Humberto Sorí Marin was
executed at Fortaleza de la Cabaña, having been arrested on 18 March following infiltration into Cuba with 14 tons
of explosives. His fellow conspirators Rogelio González Corzo (alias "Francisco Gutierrez"), Rafael Diaz Hanscom,
Eufemio Fernandez, Arturo Hernandez Tellaheche and Manuel Lorenzo Puig Miyar were also
executed.[9][11][14]:46[35][52]
Between April and October 1961, hundreds of executions took place in response to the invasion. They took place at
various prisons, including the Fortaleza de la Cabaña and El Morro Castle.[35] Infiltration team leaders Antonio Diaz
Pou and Raimundo E. Lopez, as well as underground students Virgilio Campaneria, Alberto Tapia Ruano, and more
than one hundred other insurgents were executed.[5]
About 1,202 Brigade 2506 members were captured, of which nine died from asphyxiation during transfer to Havana
in a closed truck. In May 1961, Fidel Castro proposed to exchange the surviving Brigade prisoners for 500 large
farm tractors, valued at US $28 million.[13]:713 On 8 September 1961, 14 Brigade prisoners were convicted of
torture, murder and other major crimes committed in Cuba before the invasion, five being executed and nine jailed
for 30 years.[20] Three confirmed as executed were Ramon Calvino, Emilio Soler Puig ("el Muerte") and Jorge King
Yun ("el Chino").[9][15] On 29 March 1962, 1,179 men were put on trial for treason. On 7 April 1962, all were
convicted and sentenced to 30 years in prison. On 14 April 1962, 60 wounded and sick prisoners were freed and
transported to the US.[20] On December 21, 1962, Cuban Prime Minister Fidel Castro and James B. Donovan, a US
lawyer, signed an agreement to exchange 1,113 prisoners for US $53 million in food and medicine, sourced from
private donations and from companies expecting tax concessions. On 24 December 1962, some prisoners were flown
to Miami, others following on the ship African Pilot, plus about 1,000 family members also allowed to leave Cuba.
On 29 December 1962, President Kennedy and his wife Jacqueline attended a "welcome back" ceremony for Brigade
2506 veterans at the Orange Bowl in Miami, Florida.[15][53]
Political reaction
The failed invasion severely embarrassed the Kennedy
Administration, and made Castro wary of future US
intervention in Cuba. On 21 April, in a State
Department press conference, President Kennedy said:
"There's an old saying that victory has a hundred
fathers and defeat is an orphan... What matters is only
one fact, I am the responsible officer of the
government."[13]:262
In August 1961, during an economic conference of the

Organization of American States in Punta del Este,
Uruguay, Che Guevara sent a note to Kennedy via
Richard N. Goodwin, a secretary of the White House. It
said: "Thanks for Playa Girón. Before the invasion, the
revolution was weak. Now it's stronger than ever."[54]
Additionally, Guevara answered a set of questions from

Leo Huberman of Monthly Review following the
invasion. In one reply, Guevara was asked to explain
the growing number of Cuban counter-revolutionaries
and defectors from the regime, to which he replied that
Robert F. Kennedy's Statement on Cuba and Neutrality Laws, 20
the repelled invasion was the climax of counter April 1961
revolution, and that afterwards such actions "fell
drastically to zero." In regards to the defections of some prominent figures within the Cuban government, Guevara
remarked that this was because "the socialist revolution left the opportunists, the ambitious, and the fearful far
behind and now advances toward a new regime free of this class of vermin."[55]
As Allen Dulles later stated, CIA planners believed that once the troops were on the ground, any action required for
success would be authorized to prevent failure, as Eisenhower had done in Guatemala in 1954 after the invasion
looked as if it was collapsing.[56] President Kennedy was angered with the CIA's failure, and declared he wanted "to
splinter the CIA in a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds."[57] Kennedy commented to his journalist friend Ben
Bradlee, "The first advice I'm going to give my successor is to watch the generals and to avoid feeling that because
they were military men their opinions on military matters were worth a damn."[58]
Later analysis
Maxwell Taylor survey

On 22 April 1961, President Kennedy asked General Maxwell D. Taylor, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy,
Admiral Arleigh Burke and CIA Director Allen Dulles to form the Cuba Study Group, to report on the lessons to be
learned from the failed operation. On 13 June, General Taylor submitted the report of the Board of Inquiry to
President Kennedy. The defeat was attributed to lack of early realization of the impossibility of success by covert
means, inadequate aircraft, limitations of armaments, pilots and air attacks to attempt plausible deniability, and
ultimately, loss of important ships and lack of ammunition.[6]:324
CIA report
In November 1961, CIA inspector general Lyman B Kirkpatrick, authored a report 'Survey of the Cuban Operation',
that remained classified top secret until 1996. Conclusions were:[6]:99
1. The CIA exceeded its capabilities in developing the project from guerrilla support to overt armed action without
any plausible deniability.
2. Failure to realistically assess risks and to adequately communicate information and decisions internally and with
other government principals.
3. Insufficient involvement of leaders of the exiles.
4. Failure to sufficiently organize internal resistance in Cuba.
5. Failure to competently collect and analyze intelligence about Cuban forces.
6. Poor internal management of communications and staff.
7. Insufficient employment of high-quality staff.
8. Insufficient Spanish-speakers, training facilities and material resources.
9. Lack of stable policies and/or contingency plans.
In spite of vigorous rebuttals by CIA management of the findings, CIA Director Allen Dulles, CIA Deputy Director
Charles Cabell, and Deputy Director for Plans Richard Bissell were all forced to resign by early 1962.[4]
In later years, the CIA's behavior in the event became the prime example cited for the psychology paradigm known
as groupthink syndrome.[21]
In mid-1960, CIA operative E. Howard Hunt had interviewed Cubans in Havana; in a 1997 interview with CNN, he
said, "…all I could find was a lot of enthusiasm for Fidel Castro."[59]
Invasion legacy in Cuba

The invasion is often recognized as making Castro even more popular, adding nationalistic sentiments to the support
for his economic policies. Following the 15 April air attacks on Cuban airfields, he declared the revolution
"Marxist-Leninist".[22] After the invasion, he pursued closer relations with the Soviet Union, partly for protection,
that helped pave the way for the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis. Castro was then increasingly wary of further US
intervention, and more open to Soviet suggestions of placing nuclear weapons on Cuba to ensure its security.
In March 2001, shortly before the 40th anniversary of the invasion, a
conference took place in Havana, attended by about 60 American delegates.
The conference was titled Bay of Pigs: 40 Years After, co-sponsored by the
University of Havana and the US-based National Security Archive.[60]
There are still yearly nationwide drills in Cuba during the 'Dia de la Defensa'
(Defense Day), to prepare the population for an invasion.
Invasion legacy for Cuban exiles

Many who fought for the CIA in the conflict remained loyal after the event;
some Bay of Pigs veterans became officers in the US Army in Vietnam,
including six colonels, 19 lieutenant colonels, nine majors, and 29
captains.[61] By March 2007, about half of the Brigade had died.[62]
Bay of Pigs Memorial in Little Havana-
In April 2010, the Cuban Pilot's Association debuted a monument at the Miami, Florida.
Kendall-Tamiami Executive Airport memorializing the 16 aviators for the
exile side killed during the battle.[63] The memorial consists of an obelisk and a restored B-26 replica aircraft atop a
large Cuban flag.[64]
Playa Girón today

Little remains of the original village, which in the 1960s was small and
remote. It is still remote, with just a single road to the village and out
again, but it has grown markedly since the invasion. Few people there
today were residents at the time. The road from the north is marked by
frequent memorials to the Cuban dead. There are billboards marking
where invaders were rounded up and showing pictures of their being
led away. Another at the entrance to the village quotes Fidel Castro's
comment that the conflict was the "first defeat of Yankee imperialism."
Hawker Sea Fury displayed at Museo Girón.
A two-room museum, with aircraft and other military equipment
outside, shows pictures, arms and maps of the attack and photos of
Cuban soldiers who died. Billboards and other material also remember the US-financed mercenaries.
Explanatory notes
A. ^ 1,500 ground forces (including 177 paratroops) - c. 1,300 landed. Also Cuban exile aircrews, American
aircrews, CIA operatives[12]
B. ^ 176 Cuban government forces killed[12][35]
C. ^ 500 Cuban forces wounded,[14]:180 or 4,000 killed, missing or wounded (includes militias and armed
civilians)[15]:179
D. ^ 118 invaders killed (114 Cuban exiles plus 4 American aircrew)[21]
E. ^ 1,202 Brigade members captured (1,179 tried; 14 tried previously for pre-invasion crimes; 9 died in transit)[12]
Notes
[1] FRUS VI, p. 850
[2] Gleijeses (1995)
[3] Jones (2008)
[4] Higgins (2008)
[5] Faria (2002), pp. 93-98.
[6] Kornbluh (1998)
[7] Bethell (1993)
[8] Dreke (2002), pp. 40–117.
[9] Thomas (1971)
[10] Bay of Pigs, 40 Years After: Chronology (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ bayofpigs/ chron. html). The National Security Archive. The
George Washington University.
[11] Corzo (2003), pp. 79–90
[12] Fernandez (2001)
[13] Schlesinger (1965)
[14] Rodriguez (1999)
[15] Johnson (1964)
[16] Overall, Mario E. (2003). Bay of Pigs: The Guatemalan Connection (http:/ / www. laahs. com/ artman/ publish/ article_50. shtml)
[17] Hagedorn (2006)
[18] Hagedorn 1993
[19] Kellner 1989, pp. 54-55.
[20] Szulc (1986)
[21] Wyden (1979)
[22] Kellner 1989, p. 69.
[23] Alfonso, Pablo. 2001. Los Ultimos Castristas. Centro de Documentacion y Formacion, Caracas. ISBN 978-980-07-5657-7, pp. 125–6.
[24] del Pino, Rafael (2002-03-02). "Como te Paga un Dictador" (http:/ / www. network54. com/ Forum/ 59476/ thread/ 1015117960/
last-1015117960/ COMO+ TE+ PAGA+ UN+ DICTADOR) (in es). Network 54. . Retrieved 2007-12-24.
[25] Dreke (2002)
[26] Paz-Sanchez (2001), pp. 189–99.
[27] British Foreign Office. Chancery American Department, Foreign Office, London September 2, 1959 (2181/59) to British Embassy Havana
classified as restricted Released 2000 by among British Foreign Office papers. Foreign Offices Files for Cuba Part 1: Revolution in Cuba "in
our letter 1011/59 May 6 we mentioned that a Russian workers' delegation had been invited to participate in the May Day celebrations here,
but had been delayed. The interpreter with the party, which arrived later and stayed in Cuba a few days, was called Vadim Kotchergin
although he was at the time using what he subsequently claimed was his mother's name of Liston (?). He remained in the background, and did
not attract any attention." These two agents went on to train overseas personnel including Carlos the Jackal (Ilich Ramírez Sánchez) and
subcomandante Marcos (Rafael Sebastián Guillén).
[28] "El campo de entrenamiento "Punto Cero" donde el Partido Comunista de Cuba (PCC) adiestra a terroristas nacionales e internacionales"
(http:/ / www. canf. org/ 2005/ 1es/ noticias-de-Cuba/ 2005-nov-07-el-campo-de-entrenamiento. htm) (in es). Cuban American Foundation.
2005-11-07. . Retrieved 2009-01-25.
[29] Welch and Blight (1998), p. 113.
[30] Montaner, Carlos Alberto (1999). "Viaje al Corazón de Cuba" (http:/ / www. firmaspress. com/ viaje-al-corazon-de-cuba. pdf) (in es) (PDF).
Plaza & Janés. .
[31] "The New York Times". 1960-05-26. p. 5.
[32] Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (1983-10-04). "The Situation of Human Rights in Cuba, Seventh Report — Chapter V"
(http:/ / www. cidh. oas. org/ countryrep/ Cuba83eng/ chap. 5. htm). Organization of American States. . Retrieved 2004-12-24.
[33] Galbraith, J.K. (2000) http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060904201459re_/ utip. gov. utexas. edu/ jg/ archive/ 2000/ crimesoimmense. pdf
[34] Wyden (1979), p. 172 (footnote †)
[35] Triay (2001), pp. 83-113
[36] FRUS X, document 198
[37] Ferrer (1975)
[38] Szulc, Tad. "Asylum Granted to Three Airmen" (http:/ / www. latinamericanstudies. org/ bay-of-pigs/ NYT-4-17-61d. htm). New York
Times. 17 April 1961
[39] UPI Radio Archives (JFK) upi.com (http:/ / www. upi. com/ Audio/ Year_in_Review/ Events-of-1961/ Bay-of-Pigs-Invasion/
12295509433760-3/ )
[40] MacPhall, Doug & Acree, Chuck (2003). "Bay of Pigs: The Men and Aircraft of the Cuban Revolutionary Air Force" (http:/ / www. laahs.
com/ artman/ publish/ article_38. shtml).
[42] Cooper, Tom (2003) "Clandestine US Operations: Cuba, 1961, Bay of Pigs" (http:/ / www. acig. org/ artman/ publish/ article_154. shtml)
[43] UPI Radio Archives (Castro) upi.com (http:/ / www. upi. com/ Audio/ Year_in_Review/ Events-of-1961/ Bay-of-Pigs-Invasion/
12295509433760-3/ )
[44] Pfeiffer (1979), Vol.I, Part 2
[45] "Nuevo Acción" (http:/ / www. nuevoaccion. com/ ) (in es). .
[47] De Paz-Sánchez (2001)
[48] Vivés (1984)
[49] findagrave.com (http:/ / www. findagrave. com/ cgi-bin/ fg. cgi?page=gr& GSln=Ray& GSfn=Thomas& GSbyrel=all& GSdy=1961&
GSdyrel=in& GSob=n& GRid=53387769& df=all& )
[50] Thomas, Eric. "Local Man Forever Tied To Cuban Leader: Father Frozen, Displayed by Fidel Castro" (http:/ / abclocal. go. com/ kgo/
story?section=assignment_7& id=5056129). KGO ABC7, KGO-TV/DT. . Retrieved 2007-02-22.
[51] Bay of Pigs: Invasion and Aftermath (http:/ / www. life. com/ image/ 50658964/ in-gallery/ 25102) by Life magazine, caption for the image
entitled "Jose Miro Greets His Ransomed Son"
[52] Ros (1994), pp. 181–185.
[53] JFK Library Kennedy and the Bay of Pigs Invasion (http:/ / www. jfklibrary. org/ JFK/ JFK-in-History/ The-Bay-of-Pigs. aspx)
[54] Anderson (1997), p. 509
[55] Huberman. Cuba and the U.S. (http:/ / www. monthlyreview. org/ 961che. htm) interview with Che Guevara, Monthly Review, September
1961
[56] Reeves, Richard (1993), pp. 71, 673.
[57] "CIA: Maker of Policy, or Tool?" New York Times. 25 April 1966
[58] Dallek (2003) An Unfinished Life: John F. Kennedy, 1917-1963, p. 368
[59] Hunt, Howard (1997). "Episode 18: Backyard" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20071106000444/ http:/ / www. cnn. com/ SPECIALS/ cold.
war/ episodes/ 18/ interviews/ hunt/ ). Cold War. CNN. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. cnn. com/ SPECIALS/ cold. war/ episodes/
18/ interviews/ hunt/ ) on 2007-11-06. . Retrieved 2010-05-20.
[60] NSA press release, 23 March 2001 Bay of Pigs: 40 Years After (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ bayofpigs/ agenda. html)
[61] Ros, Enrique (1994), pp. 287–98.
[62] Iuspa-Abbott, Paola. "Palm Beach County Bay of Pigs veterans remember invasion of Cuba" (http:/ / archives. econ. utah. edu/ archives/
cubanews/ 2007w13/ msg00006. htm). South Florida Sun-Sentinel. . Retrieved 2007-03-27.
[63] Yager, Richard. "'B-26 Bomber is part of Airport Monument" (http:/ / www. communitynewspapers. com/ html/ index.
php?option=com_content& task=view& id=4443& Itemid=44)
[64] Video: "Miami Unveils Monument to Cuban Pilots" (http:/ / www. nbcmiami. com/ news/ local-beat/
cuban_pilot_monument_preview_miami. html), NBC News Miami, 16 April 2010
References
• Anderson, Jon L. 1997,1998. Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life. Grove/Atlantic ISBN 0-8021-3558-7 ISBN
0-553-40664-7
• Andrade, John. 1982. Latin-American Military Aviation. Midland Counties. ISBN 0-904597-31-8
• Bethell, Leslie. 1993. Cuba. Cambridge University Press ISBN 978-0-521-43682-3.
• Castro, Fidel, with Ramonet, Ignacio. 2007. My Life ISBN 1-4165-5328-2
• Corzo, Pedro. 2003. Cuba Cronología de la lucha contra el totalitarismo. Ediciones Memorias, Miami ISBN
1-890829-24-2
• Dreke, Victor. 2002. From Escambray to the Congo: In the Whirlwind of the Cuban Revolution. Pathfinder ISBN
0-87348-947-0 ISBN 978-0-87348-947-8
• Faria, Miguel, A. 2002. Cuba in Revolution — Escape from a Lost Paradise. Hacienda Publishing, pp. 93–102,
notes# 16 and 24. ISBN 0-9641077-3-2 http://www.haciendapublishing.com
• Fernandez, Jose Ramon. 2001. Playa Giron/Bay of Pigs: Washington's First Military Defeat in the Americas.
Pathfinder ISBN 0-87348-925-X ISBN 978-0-87348-925-6
• Ferrer, Edward B. 1975(sp), 1982(en). Operation Puma: The Air Battle of the Bay of Pigs. International Aviation
Consultants ISBN 0-9609000-0-4
• Franqui, Carlos. 1984. Family portrait with Fidel. Random House ISBN 0-394-72620-0 ISBN
978-0-394-72620-5 pp. 111–128
• FRUS VI - Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. (Glennon, John P., Editor) Cuba Volume VI. US
Department of State http://digital.library.wisc.edu/1711.dl/FRUS.FRUS195860v06
• FRUS X - Foreign Relations of the United States 1961-1963 Volume X Cuba, 1961-1962. US Department of
State http://www.fas.org/irp/ops/policy/docs/frusX/index.html
• Gleijeses, Piero. "Ships in the Night: The CIA, the White House and the Bay of Pigs". Journal of Latin American
Studies, Feb., 1995, vol. 27, no. 1, pp. 1–42 (via JSTOR) ISSN 0022-216X
• Hagedorn, Dan. 1993. Central American and Caribbean Air Forces. Air-Britain. ISBN 0-85130-210-6
• Hagedorn, Dan and Hellström, Leif. 1994. Foreign Invaders - The Douglas Invader in foreign military and US
clandestine service. Midland Publishing ISBN 1-85780-013-3
• Hagedorn, Dan. 2006. Latin American Air Wars & Aircraft. Hikoki ISBN 1-902109-44-9 http://www.
hikokiwarplanes.com/downloads/laaws-downloads.html
• Higgins, Trumbull. 1987, 2008. The Perfect Failure: Kennedy, Eisenhower, and the CIA at the Bay of Pigs.
Norton ISBN 0-393-30563-5 ISBN 978-0-393-30563-0
• Hunt, E. Howard. 1973. Give Us This Day. Arlington House ISBN 978-0-87000-228-1
• Johnson, Haynes. 1964, 1974. The Bay of Pigs: The Leaders' Story of Brigade 2506. W. W. Norton & Co ISBN
0-393-04263-4
• Jones, Howard. 2008. Bay of Pigs (Pivotal Moments in American History). OUP USA ISBN 0-19-517383-X
ISBN 978-0-19-517383-3
• Kellner, Douglas (1989). Ernesto "Che" Guevara (World Leaders Past & Present). Chelsea House Publishers.
pp. 112. ISBN 1-55546-835-7.
• Kornbluh, Peter. 1998. Bay of Pigs Declassified: The Secret CIA Report on the Invasion of Cuba. The New Press
ISBN 1-56584-494-7 ISBN 978-1-56584-494-0
• Lagas, Jacques. 1964. Memorias de un capitán rebelde. Editorial del Pácifico. Santiago, Chile. ASIN
B0014VJ2KS
• Lazo, Mario. 1968, 1970. Dagger in the heart: American policy failures in Cuba. Twin Circle. New York. 1968
edition Library of Congress number 6831632, 1970 edition, ASIN B0007DPNJS
• Lynch, Grayston L. 2000. Decision for Disaster: Betrayal at the Bay of Pigs. Potomac Books ISBN
1-57488-237-6
• de Paz-Sánchez, Manuel. 2001. Zona de Guerra, España y la revolución Cubana (1960–1962), Taller de Historia,
Tenerife Gran Canaria ISBN 84-7926-364-4
• Priestland, Jane (editor). 2003. British Archives on Cuba: Cuba under Castro 1959–1962. Archival Publications
International ISBN 1-903008-20-4
• Pfeiffer, Jack B. 1979. Official History of the Bay of Pigs Operation, Vol.I Air Operations, Part 1 (http://www.
foia.cia.gov/bay-of-pigs/bop-vol1-part1.pdf)
• Pfeiffer, Jack B. 1979. Official History of the Bay of Pigs Operation, Vol.I Air Operations, Part 2 (http://www.
foia.cia.gov/bay-of-pigs/bop-vol1-part2.pdf)
• Pfeiffer, Jack B. 1979. Official History of the Bay of Pigs Operation, Vol.II Participation in the Conduct of
Foreign Policy, Part 1 (http://www.foia.cia.gov/bay-of-pigs/bop-vol2-part1.pdf)
• Pfeiffer, Jack B. 1979. Official History of the Bay of Pigs Operation, Vol.III Evolution of CIA's Anti-Castro
Policies, 1959-January 1961 (http://www.foia.cia.gov/bay-of-pigs/bop-vol3.pdf)(14Mb)
• de Quesada, Alejandro; Walsh, Stephen. 2009. The Bay of Pigs: Cuba 1961. Osprey Elite series #166 ISBN
978-1-84603-323-0
• Reeves, Richard. 1993. President Kennedy: Profile of Power. Simon & Schuster ISBN 0-671-89289-4
• Rodriguez, Juan Carlos. 1999. Bay of Pigs and the CIA. Ocean Press ISBN 1-875284-98-2
• Ros, Enrique. 1994 (1998). Girón la verdadera historia. Ediciones Universales (Colección Cuba y sus jueces)
third edition ISBN 0-89729-738-5
• Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr. 1965, 2002. A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House. Houghton Mifflin
ISBN 1-57912-449-6 ISBN 978-1-57912-449-6
• Jean Edward Smith. Bay of Pigs: The Unanswered Questions. The Nation, (Apr. 13, 1964), p. 360–363.
• Somoza Debayle, Anastasio and Jack Cox. 1980. Nicaragua Betrayed. Western Islands Publishers, pp. 169–180
ISBN 0-88279-235-0 ISBN 978-0-88279-235-4
• Szulc, Tad, and Karl E. Meyer. 1962. The Cuban Invasion. The chronicle of a disaster. Praegar ASIN
B0018DMAV0
• Szulc, Tad. 1986. Fidel - A Critical Portrait. Hutchinson ISBN 0-09-172602-6
• Thomas, Hugh. 1971, 1986. The Cuban Revolution. Weidenfeld and Nicolson (Shortened version of Cuba: The
Pursuit of Freedom, includes all history 1952-1970) ISBN 0-297-78954-6
• Thomas, Hugh. 1998. Cuba: The Pursuit of Freedom. Da Capo Press ISBN 0-306-80827-7
• Thompson, Scott. 2002. Douglas A-26 and B-26 Invader. Crowood Press ISBN 1-86126-501-4
• Trest, Warren A. and Dodd, Donald B. 2001. Wings of Denial: The Alabama Air National Guard's Covert Role at
the Bay of Pigs. NewSouth Books ISBN 1-58838-021-1 ISBN 978-1-58838-021-0
• Triay, Victor Andres. 2001. Bay of Pigs: An Oral History of Brigade 2506. University Press of Florida ISBN
0-8130-2090-5 ISBN 978-0-8130-2090-7
• Vivés, Juan (Pseudonym, of a former veteran and Castro Intelligence Official; Translated to Spanish from 1981
Les Maîtres de Cuba. Opera Mundi, Paris by Zoraida Valcarcel) 1982 Los Amos de Cuba. EMCÉ Editores,
Buenos Aires. ISBN 950-04-0075-8
• Welch, David A and James G Blight (editors). 1998. Intelligence and the Cuban Missile Crisis. Frank Cass
Publishers ISBN 0-7146-4883-3 ISBN 0-7146-4435-8
• Wyden, Peter. 1979. Bay of Pigs - The Untold Story. Simon and Schuster ISBN 0-671-24006-4 ISBN
0-224-01754-3 ISBN 978-0-671-24006-6
External links
• Bay of Pigs: Invasion and Aftermath (http://www.life.com/image/first/in-gallery/25102/
bay-of-pigs-invasion-and-aftermath) — slideshow by Life magazine
• A film clip "Cuba Invaded. Foes of Castro Open Offensive, 1961/04/19 (1961)" (http://archive.org/details/
1961-04-19_Cuba_Invaded) is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more]
Cuban Project 48
Cuban Project
Operation Mongoose
The Cuban Project
Operation Mongoose
Memorandum
October 4, 1962
First page of a meeting report
Agency overview
The Cuban Project (also known as Operation Mongoose or the Special Group Augmented) was a program of
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) covert operations developed during the early years of the administration of
President of the United States John F. Kennedy. On November 30, 1961 aggressive covert operations against the
communist government of Fidel Castro in Cuba were authorized by President Kennedy. The operation was led by
Air Force General Edward Lansdale and went into effect after the failed Bay of Pigs invasion.
Operation Mongoose was a secret program of terrorism against Cuba to remove the communists from power, which
was a prime focus of the Kennedy administration, according to Harvard historian Jorge Domínguez.[1] A document
from the US Department of State confirms that the project aimed to "help Cuba overthrow the Communist regime",
including its leader Fidel Castro, and it aimed "for a revolt which can take place in Cuba by October 1962". US
policy makers also wanted to see "a new government with which the United States can live in peace".[2]
Origins
After the Cuban Revolution, and the rise of communism under Fidel Castro, the United States government was
determined to undercut the integrity of the socialist revolution and install in its place a government more in line with
US philosophy. A special committee was formed to search for ways to overthrow Castro when the Bay of Pigs
Invasion failed. The committee became part of the Kennedy imperative to keep a tough line on communism
especially as it, Cuba, was the nearest communist country.
It was based on the estimation of the US government that coercion inside Cuba was severe and that the regime was
serving as a spearhead for allied communist movements elsewhere in the Americas.[3]
Cuban Project 49
Planning
The United States Department of Defense Joint Chiefs of Staff saw the project's ultimate objective to be to provide
adequate justification for a US military intervention in Cuba. They requested that the Secretary of Defense assign
them responsibility for the project, but the Attorney General Robert Kennedy retained effective control.
Mongoose was led by Edward Lansdale in the Defense Department and William King Harvey at the CIA. Lansdale
was chosen due to his experience with counter-insurgency in the Philippines during the Huk Rebellion, and also due
to his experience supporting the Diem regime in Vietnam. Samuel Halpern, a CIA co-organizer, conveyed the
breadth of involvement: "CIA and the US Army and military forces and Department of Commerce, and Immigration,
Treasury, God knows who else — everybody was in Mongoose. It was a government-wide operation run out of
Bobby Kennedy's office with Ed Lansdale as the mastermind."[4]
There were 33 plans (as there are 33[5] living species of Mongooses) considered under the Cuban Project, some of
which were carried out. The plans varied in efficacy and intention, from propagandistic purposes to effective
disruption of the Cuban government and economy. Plans included the use of American Green Berets, destruction of
Cuban sugar crops, and mining of harbors.
Operation Northwoods was a 1962 plan, which was signed by the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and
presented to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara for approval, that intended to use false flag operations to justify
intervention in Cuba. Among things considered were real and simulated attacks which would be blamed on the
Cuban government. These would have involved attacking, or reporting fake attacks on Cuban exiles, US military
targets, Cuban civilian aircraft, and development of a terror campaign on US soil.[6]
The Cuban Project played a significant role in the events leading up to the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962. The
Project's six-phase schedule was presented by counter-insurgency specialist Air Force General Edward Lansdale on
February 20, 1962; it was overseen by Attorney-General Robert Kennedy. President John F. Kennedy was briefed on
the operation guidelines on March 16, 1962. Lansdale outlined the coordinated program of political, psychological,
military, sabotage, and intelligence operations as well as assassination attempts on key political leaders. Each month
since his presentation, a different method was in place to destabilize the communist regime, including the publishing
of views against Fidel Castro, armaments for militant opposition groups, the establishment of guerilla bases
throughout the country and preparations for an October military intervention in Cuba. Many individual plans were
devised by the CIA to assassinate Castro. Plans to discredit Castro in the eyes of the Cuban public included
contaminating his clothing with thallium salts that would make his trademark beard fall out and spraying a
broadcasting studio with hallucinogens before a televised speech. Assassination plots included poisoning a box of
Castro's favorite cigars with botulinus toxin and placing explosive seashells in his favorite diving spots.[7]
The CIA operation was based in Miami, Florida and among its other aspects enlisted the help of the Mafia (who
were eager to regain their Cuban casino operations) to plot an assassination attempt against Castro; William Harvey
was one of the CIA case officers who directly dealt with the mafioso John Roselli.[8]
Professor of History Stephen Rabe writes that "scholars have understandably focused on…the Bay of Pigs invasion,
the US campaign of terrorism and sabotage known as Operation Mongoose, the assassination plots against Fidel
Castro, and, of course, the Cuban missile crisis. Less attention has been given to the state of US-Cuban relations in
the aftermath of the missile crisis." Rabe writes that reports from the Church Committee reveal that from June 1963
onward, the Kennedy administration intensified its war against Cuba while the CIA integrated propaganda,
"economic denial", and sabotage to attack the Cuban state as well as specific targets within.[9] One example cited is
an incident where CIA agents, seeking to assassinate Castro, provided a Cuban official, Rolando Cubela Secades,
with a ballpoint pen rigged with a poisonous hypodermic needle.[9] At this time the CIA received authorization for
13 major operations in Cuba, including attacks on an electric power plant, an oil refinery, and a sugar mill.[9] Rabe
has observed that the "Kennedy administration... showed no interest in Castro's repeated request that the United
States cease its campaign of sabotage and terrorism against Cuba. Kennedy did not pursue a dual-track policy toward
Cuba.... The United States would entertain only proposals of surrender." Rabe further documents how "Exile groups,
Cuban Project 50
such as Alpha 66 and the Second Front of Escambray, staged hit-and-run raids on the island... on ships transporting
goods…purchased arms in the United States and launched...attacks from the Bahamas."[9]
Harvard Historian Jorge Domínguez states that the scope of Mongoose included sabotage actions against a railway
bridge, petroleum storage facilities, a molasses storage container, a petroleum refinery, a power plant, a sawmill, and
a floating crane. Domínguez states that "only once in [the] thousand pages of documentation did a US official raise
something that resembled a faint moral objection to US government sponsored terrorism."[1] Actions were
subsequently carried out against a petroleum refinery, a power plant, a sawmill, and a floating crane in a Cuban
harbour.
Execution
The Cuban Project was originally designed to culminate in October 1962 with an "open revolt and overthrow of the
Communist regime." This was at the peak of the Cuban Missile crisis, where the United States and the Soviet Union
came alarmingly close to nuclear war over the presence of Soviet missiles in Cuba. The operation was suspended on
October 30, 1962, but 3 of 10 six-man sabotage teams had already been deployed to Cuba.
Dominguez writes that Kennedy put a hold on Mongoose actions as the Cuban Missile Crisis escalated, but "returned
to its policy of sponsoring terrorism against Cuba as the confrontation with the Soviet Union lessened."[1] However,
Noam Chomsky has argued that "terrorist operations continued through the tensest moments of the missile crisis",
remarking that "they were formally canceled on October 30, several days after the Kennedy and Khrushchev
agreement, but went on nonetheless". Accordingly, "the Executive Committee of the National Security Council
recommended various courses of action, "including ‘using selected Cuban exiles to sabotage key Cuban installations
in such a manner that the action could plausibly be attributed to Cubans in Cuba’ as well as ‘sabotaging Cuban cargo
and shipping, and [Soviet] Bloc cargo and shipping to Cuba."[10]
Assassination proposals
Many assassination ideas were floated by the CIA during Operation Mongoose.[11] The most infamous was the CIA's
alleged plot to capitalize on Castro's well-known love of cigars by slipping into his supply a very real and lethal
"exploding cigar."[12][13][14][15][16] While numerous sources state the exploding cigar plot as fact, at least one source
asserts it to be simply a myth,[17] and another, mere supermarket tabloid fodder.[18] Another suggests that the story
does have its origins in the CIA, but that it was never seriously proposed by them as a plot. Rather, the plot was
made up by the CIA as an intentionally "silly" idea to feed to those questioning them about their plans for Castro, in
order to deflect scrutiny from more serious areas of inquiry.[19]
Other plots to assassinate Castro that are ascribed to the CIA include, among others: poisoning his cigars[20] (a box
of the lethal smokes was actually prepared and delivered to Havana[21]); exploding seashells to be planted at a scuba
diving site;[22] a gift diving wetsuit impregnated with noxious bacteria[22] and mould spores,[23] or with lethal
chemical agents; infecting Castro's scuba regulator apparatus with tuberculous bacilli; dousing his handkerchiefs, his
tea, and his coffee with other lethal bacteria;[24] having a former lover slip him poison pills;[22][24] and exposing him
to various other poisoned items such as a fountain pen and even ice cream.[11] The CIA even tried to embarrass
Castro by attempting to sneak thallium salts, a potent depilatory, into Castro's shoes, causing "his beard, eyebrows,
and pubic hair to fall out".[25] The US Senate's Church Committee of 1975 stated that it had confirmed at least eight
separate CIA run plots to assassinate Castro.[26] Fabian Escalante, who was long tasked with protecting the life of
Castro, contends that there have been 638 separate CIA assassination schemes or attempts on Castro's life.[24]
In March 1960 author Ian Fleming met John F. Kennedy at a dinner through a mutal friend where he proposed
several schemes to discredit Castro.[27][28]
Cuban Project 51
Legacy
The Cuban Project, as with the earlier Bay of Pigs invasion, is widely acknowledged as an American policy failure
against Cuba. According to Noam Chomsky in 1989, Operation Mongoose "won the prize for the largest operation of
international terrorism in the world." According to the author, it had a budget of $ 50 million per year, employing
2,500 people including about 500 Americans, and still remained secret for 14 years, from 1961 to 1975. It was
revealed in part by the Church Commission in the U.S. Senate and in part "by good investigative journalism." "Here
is a terrorist operation that could trigger a nuclear conflict" (because of operations during the Cuban missile crisis in
1962). He said that "it is possible that the operation is still ongoing [1989], but it certainly lasted throughout all the
70's."[29]
References
[1] Domínguez, Jorge I. "The @#$%& Missile Crisis (Or, What was 'Cuban' about US Decisions during the Cuban Missile Crisis.Diplomatic
History: The Journal of the Society for Historians of Foreign Relations, Vol. 24, No. 2, (Spring 2000): 305-15.)
[2] US Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States 1961-1963, Volume X Cuba, 1961-1962 Washington, DC (http:/ / www.
mtholyoke. edu/ acad/ intrel/ cuba/ mongoose. htm))
[3] Michael Grow. "Cuba, 1961". U.S. Presidents and Latin American Interventions: Pursuing Regime Change in the Cold War. Lawrence:
University of Kansas Press, 2008. 42.
[4] James G. Blight, and Peter Kornbluh, eds., Politics of Illusion: The Bay of Pigs Invasion Reexamined. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999,
125)
[5] Vaughan, Terry A.; James M. Ryan; Nicholas J. Czaplewski (2010). Mammalogy. Jones & Bartlett Learning. p. 300. ISBN 0-7637-6299-7
[6] http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ news/ 20010430/ doc1. pdf
[7] "Castro: Profile of the great survivor" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ americas/ 244974. stm). BBC News. 2008-02-19. . Retrieved
2010-04-30.
[8] Jack Anderson (1971-01-18). "6 Attempts to Kill Castro Laid to CIA". The Washington Post.
[9] Stephen G. Rabe -Presidential Studies Quarterly. Volume: 30. Issue: 4. 2000,714
[10] Chomsky, Noam. Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance, Henry Holt and Company, 80.
[11] Stewart Brewer and Michael LaRosa (2006). Borders and Bridges: A History of US-Latin American Relations. Westport, Ct.: Greenwood
Publishing Group. p. 123. ISBN 0-275-98204-1.
[12] Malcolm Chandler and John Wright (2001). Modern World History. Oxford: Heinemann Education Publishers. p. 282.
ISBN 0-435-31141-7.
[13] Joseph J. Hobbs, Christopher L. Salter (2006). Essentials Of World Regional Geography (5th Ed. ed.). Toronto: Thomson Brooks/Cole.
p. 543. ISBN 0-534-46600-1.
[14] Derek Leebaert (2006). The Fifty-year Wound: How America's Cold War Victory Shapes Our World. Boston: Little, Brown and Company.
p. 302. ISBN 0-316-51847-6.
[15] Fred Inglis (2002). The People's Witness: The Journalist in Modern Politics. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. p. 223.
ISBN 0-300-09327-6.
[16] BBC News (2008-02-19). "Castro: Profile of the great survivor" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ world/ americas/ 244974. stm). . Retrieved
2008-06-03.
[17] David Hambling (2005). Weapons Grade: How Modern Warfare Gave Birth to Our High-Tech World. New York: Carroll & Graf
Publishers. p. 391. ISBN 0-7867-1769-6.
[18] Charles R. Morris (1984). A Time of Passion: America, 1960-1980. New York: Harper & Row. p. 210. ISBN 0-06-039023-9.
[19] Lamar Waldron and Thom Hartmann (2005). Ultimate Sacrifice: John and Robert Kennedy, the Plan for a Coup in Cuba, and the Murder of
JFK. New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers. p. 409. ISBN 0-7867-1832-3.
[20] Lucien S. Vandenbroucke (1993). Perilous Options: Special Operations as an Instrument of US Foreign Policy. New York: Oxford
University Press. p. 30. ISBN 0-19-504591-2.
[21] Charles Schudson (1992). Watergate in American Memory: How We Remember, Forget, and Reconstruct the Past. New York: Basic Books.
p. 45. ISBN 0-465-09084-2.
[22] Ted Shackley and Richard A. Finney (1992). Spymaster: my life in the CIA. Dulles, Virginia: Potomac Books, Inc.. p. 57.
ISBN 1-57488-915-X.
[23] Fidel Castro and Ignacio Ramonet (2008). Fidel Castro: My Life: a Spoken Autobiography. Washington D.C.: Simon and Schuster. p. 262.
ISBN 1-4165-5328-2.
[24] Campbell, Duncan (April 3 2006). "638 ways to kill Castro" (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ cuba/ story/ 0,,1835930,00. html). London: The
Guardian Unlimited. . Retrieved 2006-05-28.
[25] "If at First You Don't Succeed: Killing Castro" (http:/ / www. historyhouse. com/ in_history/ castro/ ). historyhouse.com. . Retrieved
2011-04-09.
Cuban Project 52
[26] Gus Russo (1998). Live by the Sword: The Secret War Against Castro and the Death of JFK. Baltimore: Bancroft Press. p. 83.
ISBN 1-890862-01-0.
[27] p.323 Pearson, John The Life of Ian Fleming Cape, 1966
[28] p.178 Comentale, Edward P.; Watt, Stephen & Willman, Skip Ian Fleming & James Bond: The Cultural Politics of 007 Indiana University
Press, 2005
[29] Noam Chomsky, Peter Mitchell, Understanding Power, 2002, The New Press
External links
• (http://www.marxists.org/history/cuba/subject/cia/mongoose/c-project.htm) Operation Mongoose: The
Cuba Project, Cuban History Archive, 20 Feb 1962.
• (http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/cuba_mis_cri/chron.htm) The Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962, The National
Security Archive.
• (http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/cuba_mis_cri/620119 Meeting with the Attorney Gen..pdf) Meeting
with the Attorney General of the United States Concerning Cuba, CIA minutes, 19 January 1962.
• (http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/news/20010430/doc1.pdf) Justification for US Military Intervention in
Cuba, Joint Chiefs of Staff, 13 March 1962.
• (http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/cuba_mis_cri/621004 Minutes of Meeting of Special.pdf) Minutes of
Meeting of the Special Group on Operation Mongoose, 4 October 1962.
• (http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?docId=9983) CIA Inspector General's
Report on Plots to Assassinate Fidel Castro, CIA Historical Review Program, 23 May 1967. ( HTML version
(http://www.parascope.com/mx/articles/castroreport.htm))
• (http://vimeo.com/20962739) Cuba: Lost in the Shadows, documentary trailer.
Article Sources and Contributors

Operation Northwoods Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=517209303 Contributors: 5 albert square, A Quest For Knowledge, A2fwiki, ASchmoo, AbbaIkea2010, Aeon1006,
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Yamamoto Ichiro, Yasis, ZephyrAnycon, Zleitzen, Zvar, Ρ ħ Φ ę n i χ Đ r ę ą đ, 374 anonymous edits
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PaulinSaudi, Rarelibra, RightCowLeftCoast, Robert Brockway, SWAdair, Saga City, Samuell, Skapur, Surv1v4l1st, 29 anonymous edits
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r ę ą đ, 44 anonymous edits
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Cuban Project Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=515044162 Contributors: $1LENCE D00600D, AI, Astavats, Billybangleballs, Bobguy7, Categorizador, Ccgrimm, Cgingold,
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Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 55
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors

Image:NorthwoodsMemorandum.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:NorthwoodsMemorandum.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Anton, Cadastral, Man vyi,
Piero Montesacro, Themightyquill
Image:OperationNobleEagle.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:OperationNobleEagle.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: BorgQueen, Ρ ħ Φ ę n i χ Đ r ę ą đ
Image:F-15, 71st Fighter Squadron, in flight.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:F-15,_71st_Fighter_Squadron,_in_flight.JPG License: Public Domain Contributors:
U.S. Air Force photo/Staff Sgt. Samuel Rogers
File:Informal J. Edgar Hoover Smile 1940.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Informal_J._Edgar_Hoover_Smile_1940.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Harris &
Ewing
File:BahiadeCochinos40b.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:BahiadeCochinos40b.png License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Contributors: PeterWD
Image:Robert F. Kennedy Statement on Cuba and Neutrality Laws April 20, 1961.png Source:
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Robert_F._Kennedy_Statement_on_Cuba_and_Neutrality_Laws_April_20,_1961.png License: Public Domain Contributors: Robert F. Kennedy
File:LittleHavanOct06BayOfPigsMonument.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:LittleHavanOct06BayOfPigsMonument.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation
License Contributors: User:Infrogmation
Image:Giron.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Giron.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Original uploader was Vgenecr at nl.wikipedia
file:CIA.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:CIA.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: Awg1010, Clindberg, Crazysim, Indolences, PeterWD, Ratatosk, Sam916,
Scientus, Siebrand, The Evil IP address, Túrelio, 13 anonymous edits
file:Mangoose.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mangoose.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Larry Yuma, Str4nd, 1 anonymous edits
License 56
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Northwoods and Garden Plot PDF

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Northwoods and Garden Plot

Operation Northwoods proposals included hijackings and bombings

Origins and public release

international backing, they needed to launch their war.

Related Operation Mongoose proposals

Operation Garden Plot

Operation Noble Eagle

Canadian NORAD Region

Part of the Directorate for Plans

Church Committee investigations

"Family Jewels" Report

Hoover was willing to use false claims to attack his political

U.S. government reports

U.S. government reports

Family Jewels (Central Intelligence Agency)

Leaks and official release

Reactions to release of documents

Bay of Pigs Invasion

Existing anti-Castro resistance in Cuba

Preparation and training for invasion

U.S. Government personnel

Cuban government personnel

Prior warnings of invasion

Air attacks on airfields (15 April)

Deception flight (15 April)

Reactions (15 April)

Phony war (16 April)

Invasion day (17 April)

Barbara J, each with a CIA 'operations officer' and an Underwater

Invasion day plus one (D+1) 18 April

Invasion day plus two (D+2) 19 April

Invasion day plus three (D+3) 20 April

In August 1961, during an economic conference of the

Additionally, Guevara answered a set of questions from

Maxwell Taylor survey

Invasion legacy in Cuba

Invasion legacy for Cuban exiles

Playa Girón today

Article Sources and Contributors

Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors

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