Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1981-89
Greece, 1981-89
The Populist Decade
Edited by
Richard Clogg
Professor of Modern Balkan History
University of London
and Associate Fellow
St Antony's College, Oxford
M
150th YEAR
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NOTES
1. See, inter alia, C. M. Woodhouse, The Rise and Fall of the Greek Colonels
(London, 1985).
2. See the excellent analysis of D. H. Close, The Character of the Metaxas
Dictatorship: An international perspective, Centre of Contemporary Greek
Studies, Occasional Paper 3 (London 1990).
3. See, for instance, Geoffrey Pridham (ed.), The New Mediterranean Democracies:
Regime transition in Spain, Greece and Portugal (London, 1985); Guillermo
O'Donnell, Philippe C. Schmitter and Lawrence Whitehead (eds), Transitions
from Authoritarian Rule: Prospects for democracy (Baltimore, 1986); Geoffrey
xiv Introduction
Pridham (ed.), Securing Democracy: Political parties and democratic
consolidation in southern Europe (London 1990) and Geoffrey Pridham (ed.),
Encouraging Democracy: The international context of regime transition in
Southern Europe (Leicester, 1991).
4. Spourdalakis's pioneering English-language monograph, The Rise of the Greek
Socialist Party (London 1988), while somewhat inchoate and coloured by the
disappointed expectations of a one-time PASOK cadre-member turned critic,
contains many revealing insights into the nature of what the author diagnoses as
the 'clientelistic, autocratic and petty-bourgeois nature' of a party which
demonstrates an 'incredible capacity to claim one thing while doing another'
(pp. 12, 258).
5. For a succinct and balanced introduction to the complexities of Greek-Turkish
differences in the Aegean, see Andrew Wilson, The Aegean Dispute (London
1979/80), International Institute for Strategic Studies, Adelphi papers no. 155.
6. First published in Greece in 1933-36. An English translation was published in
London in 1951.
7. Stephanos Pesmazoglou, 'Titlomakhies', Synkhrona Themata, xiii (1981),
pp. 20--60.
8. Takhydromos, 9 June 1983.
9. To Vima, 15 March 1992.
1 Politics and Culture in
Greece, 1974-91:
An Interpretation
P. Nikiforos Diamandouros
The older of the two cultures reflects the historical realities of the Greek
longue duree. Steeped in the Balkan-Ottoman heritage and profoundly
influenced by the Weltanschauung of an Orthodox Church which, for
historical as well as theological reasons, had long maintained a strongly,
and occasionally militant, anti-Western stance, this is a culture marked by
a pronounced introvertedness; a powerful statist orientation coupled by
profound ambivalence concerning capitalism and the market mechanism; a
decided preference for paternalism and protection, and a lingering
adherence to precapitalist practices; a universe of moral sentiments in
which parochial and, quite often, primordial attachments and the
intolerance of the alien which these imply predominate; a latent author-
itarian temperament fostered by the structures of Ottoman rule and by the
powerful cultural legacy of what Weber so perceptively called 'sultanistic
regimes'; and a diffident attitude towards innovation.s
Reflecting the historical absence of large property-ownership in the
country and the lack of pronounced social class distances, this culture is
also distinguished by a potent, indeed levelling, egalitarianism which, over
time, has played an ambivalent and problematic role in the social and
political conflicts affecting the democratisation process. In fact this is, in
many ways, a predemocratic culture, with a distinct preference for small
and familiar structures compatible with the unmediated exercise of power
4 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
and closely associated with the clientelistic practices which for so long
dominated, and, in a different form, continue to influence, politicallife.6
A related but axial dimension of this culture is a pronounced xeno-
phobia rooted, in great part, in the country's mostly traumatic experiences
in the realm of international politics. The historical sources of this
xenophobia include (a) the 'conditional sovereignty' which, for a century
following liberation from Ottoman rule, characterised the country's formal
status in international relations, sharply restricting its freedom of move-
ment and resulting in a plethora of embarrassing and humiliating experi-
ences; (b) the thwarted nationalist ambitions associated with the
highly-contested, long and tortuous historical process which gave birth to
the successor states of the Ottoman empire in the Balkans; and (c) the
troubled and divisive role played in domestic politics either by foreign
powers or by indigenous structures directly or indirectly identified with
them.
Stripped to its essentials, the xenophobic element so pronounced in the
older of the rival cultures can be said to involve (a) a distinct preference
for conspiratorial interpretations of events; (b) an exaggerated yet insecure
sense of nationalism which has consistently overshadowed the democratic
element within the culture; (c) a siege mentality combined with a
distinctly defensive perception of the international environment; (d) a
manichean division of the world into 'philhellenes' and 'mishellenes'; (e)
a pronounced sense of cultural inferiority towards the Western world, cou-
pled with a hyperbolic and misguided sense of the importance of Greece in
international affairs and, more generally, in the history of Western civilisa-
tion; and finally (f) a clear inclination to identify with other collectivities
or individuals (e.g. Arabs and, more particularly, Palestinians, Armenians,
and Kurds) perceived to have suffered at the hands of the West. 7
In short, this can be described as a powerful 'underdog' culture which,
whether at the mass or the elite levels, became, over time, particularly
entrenched among the very extensive, traditional, more introverted and
least competitive strata and sectors of society and was more fully
elaborated by intellectuals adhering to this tradition. The distinguishing
characteristic of these strata was their involvement in activities (subsist-
ence agriculture, petty commodity production not geared to exports,
finance, import-substitution industries, and the inflated and unproductive
state- and wider public sector) marked, above all, by low productivity,
low competitiveness, the absence or tenuousness of economic, political,
and cultural linkages to the outer world and to the international economy,
the aversion to reform and, hence, the lack of a concrete projet de
societe. 8
P. Nikiforos Diamandouros 5
The sheer size of these strata, the lingering influence derived from their
traditional dominance within society, and an enormous capacity for
adaptability which ensured their survival and even their proliferation,
rendered less discernible, for a long time, the mortal threat to their
continuing vitality posed, over the long run, by the gradual modernisation
and development of the economy, society and polity. Reflecting both this
long-term pressure and the incapacity of these strata, because of the
lateness and weakness of industrialisation, to generate a concrete societal
project and to forge strategies of collective action capable of generating
viable alternatives to marginalisation, the pivotal principle of this culture
has been a pervasive, lasting, ever-adaptable but diffuse sense of
defensiveness, inequity, victimisation and persecution, coupled with
enormous staying power, tenacity, and an obsessive preoccupation with
short-term perspectives to the detriment of long-term considerations.
These characteristics permeate the mechanisms through which this culture
perceives, interprets, and internalises events and developments and
constructs its imagery and system of shared assumptions. This, finally, is a
culture which, with some fluctuation, can be said to claim the allegiance of
a majority of the population over time.
The younger of the twin cultures of Greece draws its intellectual origins
from the Enlightenment and from the tradition of political liberalism
issuing from it. Secular and extrovert in orientation, it has tended to look to
the nations of the advanced industrial West for inspiration and for support
in implementing its programmes. Over time, it has been identified with a
distinct preference for reform, whether in society, economy or polity,
designed to promote rationalisation along liberal, democratic and capitalist
lines. 9 Favourable to the market mechanism and supportive of the use of
the state to foster competition and an internationally competitive economy,
it has been more receptive to innovation and less apprehensive of the costs
involved in the break with tradition. More outward-looking and less
parochial than its rival, this is a culture which, on the whole, has tended to
favour rather than to oppose the creation and proliferation of international
linkages and to promote Greece's integration into the international system.
At the political level, the lasting links with liberalism have closely
identified this cultural tradition with a quest for constitutionalism and, more
generally, with a commitment to democracy, whether of the earlier, liberal
or more recent, political variety, as a major long-term goal worth pursuing
despite occasional reversals. Implicit in this conceptualisation of demo-
cracy is a distinct and normative preference for the mediated exercise of
power, through the establishment and gradual consolidation of modem
political institutions suited to that purpose. A by-product of this emphasis
6 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
on the critical significance of institutions for the success of the long march
to democracy is the desire to diminish the pervasive influence of clien-
telistic relations in politics and the dependence on personalistic structures
which it implies.
The major social and political actors who became the primary carriers of
this culture, sharing and shaping its assumptions, adopting and adapting its
imagery, have been (a) within Greece, the popular strata and elites more
closely identified with cultural, economic (agricultural, commercial, or, over
time, industrial), and political activities linking them to the international
system; (b) the Greek diaspora communities in the Ottoman empire, southern
Russia, and Western Europe, a large segment of which was engaged in
commercial and, to a lesser extent, banking activities, which linked it to deve-
lopments in the international political, cultural and economic environment;
and (c) their intellectual exponents, both inside and outside the Greek state.
The particular composition of these actors and their position in the
international division of labour determined, in large part, the specific ways
in which this culture internalised and negotiated domestic as well as
international developments af(ecting politics and society. More
specifically, I would argue that a crucial component of the overall process
affecting the development of this culture derives from the historical
experience of the diaspora communities, and, especially, their bourgeois
segment, as powerful but also interstitial actors in the countries where they
were settled. The rise of nationalism in multiethnic states during the latter
part of the nineteenth century and the intrusion of powerful and com-
petitive Western capital in the territories inhabited by these communities
emphasized this interstitiality, by adding to their sense of vulnerability and
by highlighting the precarious and impermanent nature of their position.
It was these collective experiences which imparted in the cultural
tradition identified with these social forces a keen appreciation of both the
opportunities and dangers arising from the volatility of the domestic and
international environments in Greece. This increased sensitivity translated,
in tum, into a system of shared assumptions which (a) placed a premium on
quick adaptation to changing circumstances; (b) fostered an imitative
temperament eclectically open to ideas and currents emanating from
Western European cultural milieus; (c) spawned a cultural cosmopoli-
tanism linked to an often exalted sense of Greece's international impor-
tance; (d) gave rise to a more sophisticated, less phobic relationship with
the foreign 'other'; (e) engendered a manipulative approach to international
relations which coexisted uncomfortably with a more realistic and occa-
sionally creative sense of the opportunities but also the limitations facing a
P. Nikiforos Diamandouros 7
small country such as Greece, as it attempted to promote its international
policies in a traditionally sensitive area of the world; and (f) brought forth a
powerful nationalism tempered and influenced by the greater weight this
tradition accorded to the pursuit of reform and of democratisation. 10
In short. this is a modernising and reformist culture favouring moderate
and incremental change. The cosmopolitan Weltanschauung of these social
forces was the ascendant cultural element in the Greek world from the latter
part of the nineteenth century until the early to mid-1930s. From then on
and until the end of the colonels' authoritarian regime in 1974, it entered a
period of slow but pronounced decline paralleling the gradual destruction
of the diaspora communities and the exhaustion of the Venizelist project,
both of which had long sustained it.
During this long period, the underdog culture experienced a growing
ascendancy in politics. The structural changes in both domestic and
international politics associated with the establishment of the Third Greek
Republic in 1974 and subsequent entry into the European Community
imparted a new vitality to this tradition and helped it embark upon a
period of considerable resurgence which has enabled it gradually to
challenge its modernising rival in a bid for ascendancy during the current
phase in the evolution of political life. The confrontation between the rival
cultures which this challenge has brought about has resulted in a
significant indeterminacy and uncertainty that has left its imprint on the
developments of the last decade and a half. It is to these that we shall now
tum.
The Cyprus d6bicle of 1974 and its aftereffects constitute the inter-
national dimension of the three central developments defining the
multiple significance of 1974 in contemporary Greek history and politics.
At its most visible level, the crisis unleashed by the Turkish invasion of
Cyprus and Greece's inability effectively either to prevent it or reverse it
brought about a number of structural changes in her international relations.
P. Nikiforos Diamandouros 9
The most significant of these were: (a) the move away from an exclusive
and often slavish dependence on the United States and NATO; (b) the
adoption of a more European stance underscored by eventual accession to
the European Community; (c) the development of closer ties with a
number of states, especially those in the Balkans, Eastern Europe, and the
Soviet Union; and (d) more generally, the emergence of a more inde-
pendent presence in the international system.
The reorientation of foreign policy away from American tutelage
affected the twin cultures in significant ways. In the discourse of the
modernising culture, the language and imagery of enhanced sovereignty
resonated with the sense of pride and achievement implicit in the
newfound capacity to reduce the intensity of the country's links with the
United States and to privilege, instead, the European option through
participation in the European Community. The ability to subordinate
purely military and strategic considerations to political and economic ones
was also seen as enhancing the logic of modernisation, rationalisation and
reform and of commensurately benefiting the modernising culture.
On the other hand, it was the more negative experiences and images
associated with the Cyprus crisis and its aftermath which, on the whole,
left their mark on the underdog culture. The wave of anti-Americanism
unleashed by the perceived partiality of the United States in favour of
Turkey during the 1974 crisis as well as by the conviction of large sectors
concerning American complicity in the April 1967 coup d'etat helped to
exacerbate the xenophobic element in the underdog culture. The powerful
but latent anti-Westernism and the levelling and reductionist logic which
run deep through this culture came forcefully to the fore in the form of
arguments suggesting that the shift from the Atlantic to the European
option represented a mere change of hegemon for Greece. The same
visceral anti-Westernism, combined with the simultaneous rejection of the
'existing socialism' of the Eastern bloc as a viable alternative model, led
to the adoption by PASOK and its adherents of pronounced Third World
orientations which strengthened latent but powerful identifications with
other peoples perceived to share with Greece a common heritage of
exploitation by Western capitalism.
Most analysts of Greek foreign policy correctly observe that these
extreme attitudes became significantly tempered with the passage of time.
During PASOK's first term in office, to be sure, the structural imperatives
of foreign relations made it necessary sharply to curtail the use of
language and imagery derived from the shared assumptions of the
underdog culture in the design and execution of foreign policy. Such use
as there was, was either confined to the level of rhetoric or channelled into
10 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
initiatives which did not unduly damage the country's vital foreign
concems. 13
that, under the combined pressures emanating from the Community, the
broader international environment and the domestic adherents of the
modernising culture, (a) the confining conditions to the long-sought and
much-needed modernisation and restructuring of Greek polity, society,
economy and culture are, however slowly, on the way to being overcome;
(b) the prolonged agony associated with the state of structured indeter-
minacy appears to be entering its d6nouement; and (c) the modernising
culture seems to be on its way to becoming the dominant logic of
integration in political and cultural life. Success in this direction will mean
that Greece will, with significant delay, be following the trajectory already
travelled by Spain and Italy and being travelled currently by Portugal. The
eventual shape of the Greek reform project will, of course, depend on the
speed with which this change can be accomplished and on the depth which
it can acquire. The quality of political life and, more generally, the nature
of democracy in Greece will hang in the balance.
NOTES
1. On the concept of 'political culture', see among others, Lucian W. Pye and Sidney
Verba (eds), Political Culture and Political Development (Princeton, 1965);
Lucian W. Pye, 'Political culture', in David L. Sills (ed.), International
Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New York, 1968), XII, pp. 218-25; the
classic statement by Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture:
PoUtical attitudes and democracy in jive nations (Boston, 1965), as well as idem,
The Civic Culture Revisited (Boston, 1980); Lowell Dittmer, 'Political culture
and political symbolism. Towards a theoretical synthesis', World Politics, xxix
(1977), pp. 552-83; and G. M. Patrick, 'Political culture', in Giovanni Sartori
(ed.), Social Science Concepts (Beverly Hills, 1984), pp. 265-314.
2. For the quotation, see Edgar Schein, Organizotional Culture and Leadership (San
Francisco, 1985), p. 9. More generally, on the rising significance of culture in the
study of politics, see Richard A. Schweder and Robert A. LeVine (eds), Culture
Theory. Essays on mind, self, and emotion (New York, 1984) and~ from a
different perspective, Anthony Giddens, A Contemporary Critique of Historical
Materialism, Vol. 1, Power, Property and the State (Berkeley, 1981). For a
theoretically-informed analysis dealing with Greece, see Michael Herzfeld,
Anthropology Through the Looking-Glass: Critical ethnography in the margins of
Europe (Cambridge, 1987).
3. The more notable works on Greek political culture include Maro Pantelidou-
Malouta, Politikes staseis kai antilipseis stin archi tis ejiveias. Politiki
kainonikopoiisi sto p/aisio tis Ellinikis politikis kaultouras (Athens, 1987); the
more recent and more theoretical work by Nikos Demertzis, Koultoura,
neoterikotita, politiki koultoura (Athens, 1989); George Tb. Mavrogordatos et al.,
'Syngritiki erevna politikis koultouras stis kbores tis Notias Evropis: eisagogikes
paratireseis', The Greek Review of Social Research,lxxix (1988), pp. 5-24; and
the special issue of The Greek Review of Social Research, lxxv (1990}. Finally,
22 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
for an historical approach to the study of Greek political culture, see P. Nikiforos
Diamandouros, 'Greek political culture in transition: historical origins, evolution,
current trends', in Richard Clogg (ed.), Greece in the 1980s (London, 1983),
pp.43--69.
4. On the late nature of Greek industrialisation, see Nicos P. Mouzelis, Modem
Greece: Facets of underdevelopment (London, 1978), pp. 3-29; on the
importation of liberal, Western political institutions and on the struggles
surrounding it, see P. Nikiforos Diamandouros, 'Political Modernization, Social
Conflict and Cultural Cleavage in the Formation of the Modem Greek State,
1821-1828', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1972; and
John A. Petropulos, Politics and Statecraft in the Kingdom of Greece, 1833-1843
(Princeton, 1968).
5. On the Greek Orthodox Church, its relation with state authority, in general, and
the modem Greek state, in particular, see, among others, Philip Sherrard, The
Greek East and Latin West. A study in the Christian tradition (London, 1959);
Charles A. Frazee, The Orthodox Church and Independent Greece 1821-1852
(Cambridge, 1969); and Kallistos Ware, 'The Church: a time of transition', in
Richard Clogg (ed.), Greece in the 1980s, pp. 208--30. On the statist tradition in
Greece, see, especially, Konstantinos Tsoukalas, Koinoniki anaptyxi kai kratos:
syngrotisi tou dimosiou khorou stin Ellada (Athens, 1981).
6. On the relationship between clientelism and politics in Greece, see Keith R. Legg,
Politics in Modem Greece (Stanford, 1969); Constantine Tsoucalas, 'On the
problem of political clientelism in Greece in the nineteenth century', Journal of
the Hellenic Diaspora, v (1978), pp. 5-17 and, more recently, Khristos Lyrintzis,
Koinonia kai politiki stin Akhaia tou 19ou aiona: to telos ton tzakion (Athens,
1991).
7. Greece's relations with foreign powers have been the subject of a voluminous
and uneven literature. For a balanced and valuable introduction to the subject, see
Theodore A. Couloumbis, John A. Petropulos and Harry J. Psorniades, Foreign
Interference in Greek Politics (New York, 1976). For the concept of 'conditional
sovereignty', see Nicholas Kaltchas,1ntroduction to the Constitutional History of
Modem Greece (New York, 1965).
8. For a thorough and ground-breaking study linking particular social strata to each
of the rival Greek traditions, see George Th. Mavrogordatos, Stillborn Republic:
Social coalitions and party strategies in Greece, 1922-1936 (Berkeley, 1983).
For a more theoretical treatment of the same topic, see Konstantinos Tsoukalas,
Kratos, koinonia, ergasia sti metapolemiki Ellada (Athens, 1987).
9. On the intellectual roots of the modernising tradition in the Enlightenment and in
Western liberalism, see, especially, Paschalis M. Kitrornilides, 'Tradition,
Enlightenment and Revolution: Ideological change in eighteenth and nineteenth
century Greece', unpublished PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 1978; on the
reformist tradition, see, among others, Katerina Gardikas, 'Party Politics in
Greece, 1875-1885: Towards a two-party system', unpublished PhD dissertation,
King's College, University of London, 1988.
10. On the significance of the diaspora for modern Greek development and,
indirectly, for its impact on the modernising culture, see, among others,
Constantine Tsoucalas, 'Dependance et reproduction. Le r6le des appareils
scolaires en Grece', unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Paris I, 1975;
George Dertilis, 'Social Change and Military Intervention in Politics: Greece
1881-1928', unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Sheffield, 1976; and
Kharilaos Exertzoglou, 'Greek Banking in Constantinople 1850-1881 ',
unpublished PhD dissertation, King's College, University of London, 1986.
P. Nikiforos Diamandouros 23
11. On the 1974 Greek transition to democratic politics, see Harry J. Psomiades,
'Greece: From the Colonels' rule to democracy', in John H. Herz (ed.), From
Dictatorship to Democracy. Coping with the legacies of authoritarianism and
totalitarianism (Westport, 1982), pp. 251-73; Susannah Verney and Theodore
Cou1oumbis, 'State-international systems interaction and the Greek transition to
democracy in the mid 1970s', in Geoffrey Pridham (ed.), Encouraging Democ-
racy. The international context of regime transition in Southern Europe
(Leicester, 1991); and P. Nikiforos Diamandouros, 'Regime change and the
prospects for democracy in Greece: 1974-1983', in Guillermo O'Donnell,
Philippe C. Schmitter and Laurence Whitehead (eds), Transitions from
Authoritarian Rule. Prospects for democracy, (Baltimore, 1986), pp. 138-65.
12. On the construction and dynamics of the exclusivist state in post-civil-war
Greece, see, among others, Nicos P. Mouzelis, 'Capitalism and dictatorship in
post-war Greece', in idem, Modem Greece, pp. 115-33; and Nicos C. Alivizatos,
Les institutions politiques de la Grece a travers les crises 1922-1974 (Paris,
1979), pp. 95-206 and 351-478. For an initial discussion of the circumstances
under which these marginalised strata were incorporated in the post-1974 political
system, seeP. Nikiforos Diamandouros, 'PASOK and state-society relations in
post-authoritarian Greece (1974-1988)', in Speros Vryonis, Jr (ed.), Greece on
the Road to Democracy: From the junta to PASOK 1974-1986 (New Rochelle,
1991), pp. 15-35.
13. Authoritative analyses of foreign policy in the post-authoritarian period, which
cover perspectives reflecting the views of the two rival cultures, include Dimitri
C. Konstas, 'Greek foreign policy objectives, 1974-1986', in Hellenic Foundation
for Defense and Foreign Policy, Yearbook 1988 (Athens [1989]), pp. 93-128;
Van Coufoudakis, 'Greek foreign policy, 1945-1985: seeking independence in
an interdependent world- problems and prospects', in Kevin Featherstone and
Dimitrios K. Katsoudas (eds), Political Change in Greece Before and After the
Colonels (London, 1987), pp. 23~52; Theodore A. Couloumbis, 'The structures
of Greek foreign policy', in Richard Clogg (ed.), Greece in the 1980s, pp.
95-121; and Christos Rozakis, 'La politique ttrang~re gr~que 1974-1985:
Modernisation et r6le international d'un petit pays', in Les Temps Modemes 473
(December 1985), pp. 861-87.
14. The literature concerning PASOK and its impact on politics and society is quite
extensive. Systematic treatments of the subject include Christos Lyrintzis,
'Between socialism and populism: the rise of the Panhellenic Socialist
Movement', unpublished PhD dissertation, London School of Economics and
Political Science, 1983; Michalis Spourdalalds, The Rise of the Greek Socialist
Party (London, 1988); and Joannis Papadopoulos, Dynamique du discours
politique et conquete du pouvoir. Le cas du PASOK (Mouvement socialiste
panhillenique): 1974-1981 (Berne, 1989).
15. On the ways in which the constitutional revision of 1975 addresses central con-
cerns of the modernising culture, see Aristovou1os Manessis, 'L'evo1ution des
institutions politiques de Ia Grece: ~ Ia recherche d'une legitimiti difficile', in Les
Temps Modernes 473 (December 1985), pp. 772-814; Nicos C. Alivizatos, Les
institutions politiques de la Grece, pp. 549-52; and P. Nikiforos Diamandouros,
'Politics and constitutionalism in Greece: the 1975 constitution in historical
perspective', in Houchang E. Chehabi and Alfred Stepan (eds), Totalitarianism,
Authoritarianism, and Democracy: Essays in honor of Juan J. Linz (Boulder,
forthcoming). On the debate concerning the European Community and its
potential impact on Greek politics, economy and society, see Susannah Verney,
'To be or not to be within the European Community: the party debate and
24 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
democratic consolidation in Greece', in Geoffrey Pridham (ed.), Securing
Democracy: Political parties and democratic consolidation in southern Europe
(London, 1990), pp. 203-23. Verney's chapter is especially valuable for
understanding how the issue of the Community was confronted and internalised
by forces adhering to the two rival cultures.
16. Populism has been the subject of a number of analyses in recent years. To date,
however, systematic treatments of this phenomenon have focused almost
exclusively on PASOK. While this is natural, given the success with which this
particular party used this powerful ideological instrument of social and political
mobilisation, it has obscured the fact that, with significant variations in intensity
and breadth, populism cuts across the entire spectrum of political parties in
contemporary Greece. The most cogent analyses of the phenomenon are to be
found in the unpublished dissertation by Lyrintzis, 'Between Socialism and
Populism ... ; and the same author's 'The power of populism: the Greek case',
European Journal of Political Research, xv (1987), pp. 667-86. See, finally,
Michalis Spourdalakis, 'PASOK in the 1990s: structure, ideology, political
strategy', unpublished paper presented to the Workshop on European Socialist
Parties, Institut de Ciencies Politiques i Socials, Barcelona, 8-9 October 1990,
pp. 37-9 for a specific discussion of currents within PASOK which coincide with
the distinction between the two rival cultures developed in this chapter.
17. For articulate and sophisticated positions expressing the concerns of the
modernising culture in the various parties, see, for PASOK, Kostas Simitis,
Anaptyxi klli elcsychronismos tis Ellinikis koinonias (Athens, 1989); for Nea
Dimokratia, J. C. Loulis, 'New Democracy: the new face of conservatism', in
Howard R. Penniman (ed.), Greece at the Polls. The national elections of 1974
and 1977 (Washington, 1981), pp. 49-83; and, for the eurocommunist Left
(KKE-Esoterikou), Gia ena Elleniko dromo pros ti dimokratiki anagennesi klli to
sosialismo (Athens, 1976).
18. For a discussion of the sources reflecting the different ways in which the
prospect of accession to the Community was internalised and negotiated by the
two rival cultures, see Susannah Verney, 'To be or not to be within the European
Community .. .' and, more generally, n. 15 above.
19. Within the socialist movement, the views expressing the concerns of the
underdog culture with respect to the European Community were, in their more
extreme, militant but ultimately defensive form, articulated by the newspaper
Avriani. A more sophisticated presentation of similar concerns can be found in
the writings of, among others, Sotiris Kostopoulos, Mikhalis Kharalambidis,
both prominent members of PASOK, and, occasionally, in the party organ
Exormisi.
20. During the period under discussion, the dynamics of the underdog culture's
relationship with politics were primarily made manifest through PASOK, then
the government, and, to a lesser extent, the KKE, which strongly supported the
first non-conservative party to come to power in Greece in 45 years. This
development led many observers erroneously to identify the underdog culture
with these two parties and, even more egregiously, misguidedly to link Nea
Dimokratia with the modernising culture. Such a perspective failed to appreciate
the extent to which the two cultures effectively cut across the political parties - a
reality which was to become abundantly clear once Nea Dimokratia came to
power in 1990.
21. For the way in which the major shared assumptions of the underdog culture
influenced the conduct of foreign policy during the first four years of PASOK's
rule, seen. 13 above and, more generally, the contributions in Speros Vryonis, Jr
P. Nikiforos Diamandouros 25
(ed.), Greece on the Road to Democracy, pp. 37-168 and Nikolaos A. Stavrou,
Greece under Socialism. A NATO ally adrift (New Rochelle, 1988), pp.
251-403.
22. The struggle for the defence of entitlements was to acquire greater intensity with
the passage of time. It was especially evident among the privileged white-collar
trade unions in the wider public sector, especially in the various utilities and, to a
lesser extent, the banking sector. For Simitis's views concerning the problems
arising out of the defence or entitlements, or what the ·Greeks call the
syntekhniaki nootropia [guild-type mentality], see his Anaptyxi kai
elcsychronismos, pp. 71-88.
23. Typical of the climate affecting Greece's relations with the Community was the
so-called 'Yugoslav corn' scandal in which a state company and high-ranking
government officials were directly implicated in doctoring a ship's papers in
order falsely to make it appear that a shipment of Yugoslav com was ostensibly
Greek and, thus, to avoid paying a substantial sum to the Community in the form
of import duties. In the trial which ensued, the main line of defence adopted by
the former government minister involved in the scandal was to admit complicity
in falsifying official documents but to argue that what underlay the attempt to
deceive the EC authorities was not narrow private motive but 'the national
interest'. The same argument was espoused by thirteen former ministers who
served as witnesses for the defence. In this context, the chief witnesses for the
prosecution were reviled in the opposition press and radio as traitors to the
nation, while in a memorably extreme xenophobic utterance meant to justify the
deception, the defence reminded the court that 'when we [the Greeks] were
building Parthenons, they [the West- and by implication the Community] were
eating acorns'.
24. Particularly good sources concerning the evolving relations with the Community
under conditions of mounting economic difficulties which have led to the
adoption of an austerity programme and have multiplied calls for the need to
save, restructure, and reform are Panos Kasakos, 'Die integrationspolitischen
Initiativen der 80er Jahre und die griechiscbe Europa-Politik', SUdosteuropa
Mitteilungen, xxxi (1991), pp. 94-114; and idem, /. Ellada anamesa se
prosarmogi kai perithoriopoiisi. Dokimia evropaikis kai oikonomikis politikis
(Athens, 1991).
25. The central role played by organisations associated with the state and the wider-
public sector in promoting this climate of guild-type mentality should be
stressed. The most vociferous opposition to structural change in the past few
years has emanated from trade-union organisations (mostly well-funded, and
powerful) associated with the overstaffed state sector, which bas traditionally
been used as a mechanism for satisfying particularistic demands and for
containing unemployment For a short but incisive analysis which, in significant·
ways, parallels the argument developed in this chapter, see Panagis Vourloumis,
'Giati apotynkhanei i idiotikopoiisi, Epikentra, Ixvii (September 1991), pp.
28-30.
26. The growing collaboration between the Greek Federation of Industries (SEB)
and the current reform leadership of the General Confederation of Greek
Workers (OSEE) resulted in the decision to sign a historic two-year collective
bargaining agreement in 1990. Despite its occasionally polemical dimensions,
by far the best work, to date, dealing with evolving trends in Greek interest
groups during the 1980s is George Th. Mavrogordatos, Metaxy Pityokampti kai
Prokrousti: oi epangelmatikes organoseis sti simerini Ellada (Athens, 1988).
2 PASOK in Power: From
'Change' to Disenchantment
Christos Lyrintzis
26
Christos Lyrintzis 27
PASOK'S POPULISM
SUCCESS OR FAILURE?
political system and the state apparatus. PASOK's populism led the
newcomers to believe that their political empowerment entitled them to
social and economic benefits.
Another positive aspect of PASOK's eight-year stay in power was the
weakening of traditional cleavages in politics - that is, between
communists and anti-communists, left and right. It was a process that had
already been started by Karamanlis in 1974 and was further reinforced by
PASOK's legislation regarding the official recognition of wartime
resistance organisations (particularly those of the left) and the repatriation
of the refugees who had fled the country in the aftermath of the civil war.
This process culminated in 1989 with the formation of a coalition
government between Nea Dimokratia and the Alliance of the Left and
Progress. This coalition signified a definite end to the old antagonism
between the traditional left and the traditional right. Furthermore,
PASOK's political practice in office and the appropriation by the party of
several ideological themes and policies of the traditional left and their
incorporation into PASOK's populist discourse undermined the meaning
of the traditional epithets 'left' and 'right'. To the extent that PASOK
identified itself as a new left-wing force and presented itself as the
champion of the anti-right forces, the content of these labels underwent
significant change.
It may be true that PASOK is perceived by the electorate as a new centre
in politics. :rhe point is, however, that the terms of party competition have
significantly changed and that the meaning of the old labels has also
changed. The cleavage between left and right still constitutes the most
important division in politics, but it is no longer the same as in the past.
PASOK's political practice, in combination with international develop-
ments, discredited several traditional ideas and policies of the left, such as
the socialisation of the means of production, the role of the state as planner
and investor, and the efficiency of the public sector. As a result, the left
found itself in deep political crisis, which was, and still is, an identity crisis.
The word 'left' became, and remains, a term in search of definition, a
signifier in search of significance, and one can hardly deny PASOK's
contribution to this process. On the other hand, the fact that PASOK had
openly or latently discredited the image of the left, facilitated the
reorganisation and renewal of the right. Nea Dimokratia introduced several
neo-liberal ideas into its political discourse and emerged as the only force
apparently capable of achieving the rationalisation, modernisation and
honest management of society and the economy. Ideas that were unthink-
able at the beginning of the 1980s, such as privatisation, became fashion-
38 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
able and appealing. Of course, it is by no means certain that nco-liberalism
can solve the country's problems. On the contrary, instead of modernisa-
tion, it may lead to a retrogression towards old practices and problems.
One is left, therefore, with the task of assessing PASOK's performance
in power in terms of success and failure. This is the wrong way, however,
of putting the problem, because the answer depends on the criteria one uses
to define success and failure. If, for instance, one adopts as a criterion the
extent to which PASOK fulfilled its pre-electoral promises, the conclusion
is that PASOK was a rather successful party in government According to a
recent study, PASOK realised a large percentage of its pre-electoral
pledges (73.8 per cent). 29 Of course, it must be noted that most of
PASOK's much-discussed policies, such as withdrawal from the EC and
NATO, the socialisation of the means of production and the removal of the
US military bases, were never implemented. Moreover, it has to be noted
that this approach does not consider the manner in which PASOK carried
out its promises. It must be stressed that in many cases PASOK apparently
delivered the promised policies but the manner in which the ~licy was
implemented led to the virtual annulment of its intended effects.
From a different perspective, one may choose as a main criterion the
government's performance in specific areas. One of the most important
areas is the economy where, judging on the basis of the macroeconomic
figures, the conclusion must be that PASOK's record was an outstanding
failure. Yet, at this point one is confronted with the following paradoxical
situation: whereas the public sector is almost bankrupt and the economy
stagnant, large sections of society, including sections of the middle and
lower strata, enjoyed an unprecedented prosperity, which was reflected in
the rise of private savings and the massive consumption of imported
goods. Of course, this prosperity was based on borrowed money, since it
was PASOK's strategy to allocate funds through social services and state
controlled agencies to the middle and lower social groups. The observer of
Greek society is often struck by the absence of pockets of poverty which
are so blatant even in the most advanced industrial societies. By contrast,
the allocation of state funds in combination with the proliferation of
economic activities that constitute the 'black' economy secured satis-
factory living standards for large sections of the population. In this sense,
PASOK kept its promise and delivered the 'better days' promised in 1985.
Of course, the fact that this prosperity was based on borrowed money is
something that most Greeks tend to ignore.
It can be argued therefore that any attempt to evaluate PASOK's eight-
year period in power in terms of success or failure depends on the very
Christos Lyrintzis 39
criteria of success or failure; in any event it leads to contradictory and
often misleading conclusions. Consequently, it is more useful to assess
PASOK's presence in politics on the basis of its overall performance and
of the traces it left on the political system. From this point of view, the
major consequence of PASOK's rise and fall was the restructuring of the
party system. PASOK established itself as a major force in politics, a force
which, even under the most unfavourable conditions, received 40 per cent
of the vote. This performance, in combination with the organisational
development of the party, indicates that PASOK is not a transient force in
politics, and there is a strong possibility that the party will survive the
departure of its founder. Thus, PASOK's rise confirmed and reinforced
the tripartite configuration of party politics. Even more important, how-
ever, are the implications of PASOK's period in power for society and
culture. It is to this area that we will now turn our attention.
The long-term effects of the party's economic and social policies are not
fully understood at present. It is true, of course, that the public sector is on
the brink of bankruptcy, that inflation is rising, and that industrial output is
stagnant. It must be stressed, however, that the previously-described
socioeconomic policies of the PASOK government were also those
adopted by the Nea Dimokratia governments of the seventies. The
difference is that PASOK followed populist logic to its extreme and thus
intensified and exacerbated the effects of a state-controlled economic
policy which obeyed political rather than economic criteria. The new
element during PASOK's eight-year period in power was the open and
often provocative manner in which the government followed the above
socioeconomic policies and the consequent effects of these policies on the
cultural field and particularly on attitudes vis-a-vis the state, the economy
and the political scene. It could be said that a major difference between
PASOK and its predecessors concerned the style of the government;s
political practice. The latter reinforced and exacerbated already existing
values and led to a further deterioration in the moribund state-civil society
relationship.
While the state is almost bankrupt, the public sector is still viewed as a
major employer. Given that the so-called problematic companies cannot
survive without structural changes, employees expect the state to cover
the cost of keeping them alive. Society was educated by the populist
40 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
discourse according to which all corporate interests were transformed into
legitimate rights of the people. To the extent that populism presents the
social and political space as one space divided into two camps, it fa-
cilitates the identification of every social group with the people and
legitimises the presentation of corporate demands as popular demands
which must be satisfied. Thus society is perverted by the populist logic
which allows everything, supports everything and legitimises even the
most absurd claims. The final outcome is the creation of a society
characterised by social indifference, paternalism, profiteering and cor-
ruption. Hence the predominance of such stereotypical ideas as:
the existing rights of the working people must be protected by the state;
the working people bear no responsibility for the economic crisis; and the
already-existing corporate rights of every social group must be secured. 31
The long-term implication of the above strategy adopted by PASOK is
disenchantment with the role of the state and with the possibility of a
socialist transformation of society. PASOK's populist discourse dis-
credited the role of the state and rendered the state's social and economic
policies tantamount to a waste of public money. Equality, social liberation
and social justice became terms without meaning, empty words that were
used as a front for the allocation of favours and resources to party
members. The social democratic option of efficiency, modernisation,
employment and equality was transformed by PASOK into patronage and
aimless change. Thus, Greek society, enchanted by PASOK's promises of
social change, equality, social justice and better days for all citizens,
gradually realised that what was in fact taking place was the promotion of
the interests of those groups associated in one way or another with
PASOK's rise to, and presence in, power.
The combined effects of populism and patronage gradually led to a
more general disenchantment with politics. PASOK's political practices
enhanced the existing view of politics as a 'dirty business' and that
politicians seek only the promotion of their personal or group interests.
Politics became associated with embezzlement and theft, and the public
sector lost all credibility. Disenchantment and frustration led to apathy and
above all to the legitimation of illegal or semi-legal practices, profiteering
and moonlighting. This general disenchantment with politics is linked to
the diminishing appeal of much-discussed concepts such as socialism and
the left. PASOK's use and abuse of these concepts led to disenchantment
with the socialist transformation of society and turned the few remaining
romantics and visionaries into pragmatists and cynics. At the same time
the performance of the so-called traditional left, that is the Coalition of the
Christos Lyrintzis 41
Left and Progress, did nothing to present the left as an alternative to
PASOK's populism. The left's image and discourse remained old-
fashioned and unconvincing and the formation of a coalition government
with Nea Dimokratia in June 1989, followed by the formation of an all-
party government in November of the same year, undermined the left's
credibility and increased disenchantment with socialism and left-wing
politics in general.
On the other hand, the left had traditionally linked the prospects for real
social and economic change with the introduction of proportional
representation and the formation of coalition governments. The failure of
proportional representation to provide a viable coalition government, and
thus to reinforce consensus, led to disenchantment with two old myths of
the left: first that proportional representation would lead to left-wing and
progressive governments, something that obviously did not materialise;
second, the myth of coalition government which was presented as
necessarily resulting in more efficient, responsive and honest admin-
istration. The course of politics during 1989 proved that Greece was far
from the consociational model and that the invocation of the necessity of
consensus politics was nothing but rhetoric that soon faded away.
It could be argued that PASOK's populism and patronage destroyed a
number of old myths in Greek politics and at the same time wasted a
significant opportunity for the restructuring of social and political life.
Specifically, apart from the politics of disenchantment with socialism, the
left and change, PASOK' s populist strategy led to the loss not only of the
'third road to socialism' but even more of an historic chance to introduce
consensus politics and to go beyond the traditional divisions between left
and right. It must be noted, however, that PASOK did not deliberately
practice the 'politics of disenchantment'. Disenchantment was the effect of
PASOK's strategy and performance in power. Moreover, it may be the
case that a large section of PASOK's members and voters do not feel
disenchanted with politics, socialism and political change. Even if this is
true, one cannot disregard the fact that considerable sections of society
were frustrated by PASOK's policies and began to question the party;s
ability to introduce political and social change. This attitude was
expressed by Kostas Simitis, a prominent PASOK member and Minister
of National Economy between 1985 and 1987, during PASOK's second
national congress held in September 1990. According to Simitis:
Our political practice followed the same track as that of the right-wing
governments; many times we implemented ad hoc policies; we maintain-
42 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
ed clientelistic relations between government and voters; we made
selective allocations of funds and we introduced measures benefiting
specific groups. The principle governing our political practice was that
the party and the government were always right and that their actions
had to be justified;... we do not need attractive slogans that create rising
expectations but systematic programming and well planned action?2
These remarks confirm the argument advanced earlier about PASOK's
populist strategy and express disenchantment with PASOK's attempt to
realise the much-discussed 'change'.
Furthermore, it seems that PASOK's populist strategy affected the other
parties in the political spectrum. There are clear indications that Nea
Dimokratia succumbed to PASOK's populist strategy and began to imitate
it. During the 1989 and 1990 electoral campaigns Nea Dimokratia avoided
stating clearly the policies that it would follow once in office, and refused
to specify their cost. Its pre-electoral programme was vague and failed to
describe the exact measures that were to be taken in economic and social
policy. It is very unlikely, however, that Nea Dimokratia will follow the
same populist strategy as its predecessor. The party's close links with the
bourgeoisie and the demand from bourgeois interests for industrialisation,
modernisation and rationalisation will prevent the Nea Dimokratia
government from adopting an electorally rewarding populist strategy.
Nevertheless, there is little reason to believe that a Nea Dimokratia
government will succeed in coping with the problems that PASOK failed to
solve and which PASOK's populism made even more difficult to resolve.
NOTES
47
48 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
implications of populist rule for organised interests - a curiously neglected
but revealing aspect of the populist syndrome. In this particular respect,
there are telling parallels to be drawn between PASOK and Peronism- the
archetype of populism in power.
The distinctive and constitutive principle of populism is that it pits 'the
People' as an essentially undifferentiated whole (irrespective of class or
other distinctions) against 'the oligarchy' (however defined). It pits the
many against the few, the elite(s) and, typically, the 'foreigners'. In its
international dimension, populism simply identifies 'the People' with the
Nation, struggling against the 'foreigners' and their 'agents'. All this is of
course commonplace in analyses of Peronism. 2 Similarly, in the case of
PASOK, the overriding and even the only 'real' conflict in society was
simply defined as one between all 'non-privileged' Greeks and a small
'oligarchy', the agent of domestic and foreign 'monopolies' .3
With reference to organised interests, it should be obvious that this
primitive dichotomy, with its demonological overtones, can be invoked
with devastating effectiveness and regularity (as both the Peronist and the
PASOK experiences demonstrate) not only against such predictable
scapegoats as businessmen or doctors, but also against striking workers or
protesting farmers. In principle, no one can ever be allowed to stand in
'the People's' way - not even the people itself through its own organ-
isations. In other words, 'the People' in the abstract effectively takes
precedence over its concrete constituent parts - in all matters.
It follows that 'the People's will' in its pristine conceptionis undivided
- and has to remain so. Expressed once and for all in a general election, it
is embodied henceforth in the parliamentary majority (even one manu-
factured by a less than proportional electoral system, as in Greece). It is
here that populism begins to diverge unequivocally from what could be,
after all, a Jacobin conception of parliamentary sovereignty. The parlia-
mentary majority itself is merely an instrument of the populist movement4
and its charismatic leader, in whom 'the People's will' is ultimately
incarnated- if it is to remain undivided. The general election was in effect
just a personal plebiscite. Despite all the original flowery rhetoric on self-
management, PASOK rule in fact produced the most centralised and
personalised structure of authority since 1974 (at least). The only
difference from Peronism, in this respect, lies in the unmediated plebis-
citarian mandate that Argentina's presidential system and electoral rules
readily provided to General Per6n.
George Th. Mavrogordatos 49
THE TWIN ISSUES OF LEGITIMACY AND AUTONOMY
ND PASOK KKE
Fanners (PASEGES) 50 41 9
Labour (GSEE) 18 39 38
Civil service (ADEDY) 35 41 16
Small business (GSEVEE) 30 12 58
Commerce (EESE) 77 8 15
Business chambers (KEE) 70 18 11
52 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
not by default, populist rule is compatible only with state corporatism, as
the Peronist experience amply demonstrates. Glorifications of Peronism as
a labour movement typically overlook the fact that it was originally built
from Colonel Peron's office as Secretary of Labour after the military coup
of 1943, and subsequently consolidated through legislation and manifold
state intervention. 8
In the case of PASOK, populism had broadly similar implications. In
fact, the explicit argumentation accompanying PASOK legislation often
amounted to a candid and summary justification of state corporatism, as if
it were self-evident. The report introducing what became Law 1264 on
trade unions characteristically rejected the 'concession' to those concerned
of 'absolute independence in choosing the type of organisation and mode
of operation' of trade unions. This 'would only bring general disorder with
dubious results'. To justify exhaustive state regulation, no further argu-
ment was required. Similarly, the then minister of agriculture Kostas
Simitis defended Law 1361 on agricultural professional associations by
dismissing the 'erroneous' view that their organisation 'is the exclusive
affair of the farmers'. It is, he argued, the affair of the state because these
associations (supposedly) take part in decision-making and planning, 'in
the organisation of society', and thereby 'the course of society is
affected' .9 According to this sweeping apology for state corporatism,
any association whatsoever and civil society as a whole become the affair
of the state.
All this was made possible in Greece by the most mechanical sort of party
discipline, resting on unconditional personal loyalty to the 'President'
(prime minister Andreas Papandreou). Such discipline was invoked not
only in parliament, but also throughout interest groups at all levels. PASOK
cadres everywhere were thereby dragooned into supporting and imple-
menting unconditionally government legislation and policy in general, irre-
spective of their own views and of the organised interests they were
supposed to serve. Deviations were construed as 'betrayals' of the 'Pres-
ident' (hence of 'the People') and sanctioned accordingly by expulsions-
54 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
the secular equivalent of excommunications in the emotionally-charged
context of a populist movement under a charismatic leader.
Charismatic leadership is typical of, if not essential to, populism. It is
precisely charismatic identification with a heroic leader that provides the
most effective magic by which 'the People' can be politically unified
despite its heterogeneity. In contrast, both the ideological and the organ-
isational implications of charisma appear ultimately incompatible with
socialism, since charisma requires blind faith and total devotion to one
individual on the part of his personal followers.
Augusto Vandor, undisputed leader of the Argentinian metalworkers in
the 1960s, is reported to have once said: 'if I abandoned the camiseta I
would lose the union in a week' (the camiseta symbolising loyalty to, and
approval by, Per6n). 13 Some of the most influential and prestigious Greek
union leaders were to undergo precisely that experience in 1985, when
they disobeyed the 'President' - to whom they owed their union offices, as
PASOK and eventually the courts themselves reminded them.
DROWNING BY NUMBERS
PR SPELLS PARALYSIS
Apart from the big-business associations, only two forces survived and
even grew stronger under PASOK: local and especially sectional parti-
cularism (which is now referred to as the 'guild mentality'). By definition,
both are capable only of obstructing, but not of formulating, a broader
conception of the public interest.
Although by no means new, sectional particularism has become an
intractable problem under PASOK. The term itself, syntekhnia (guild) and
its derivatives, acquired a modem meaning and entered contemporary
polemics precisely during the first years of PASOK rule, to designate what
was generally perceived to be a novel situation. To account for this devel-
opment, three main reasons may be broadly identified.
(a) From the very beginning, PASOK's populism served to legitimise
and multiply the demands of even the narrowest categories, as long as they
could claim to partake of the interests of 'the People'. In practice, this has
promoted mostly the vested interests, perquisites and restrictive practices
of special categories in the public sector endowed with a high blackmail
potential, since their strikes can paralyse vital activities: power,
communications, transport, garbage disposal, banks, hospitals, schools,
etc. It is precisely for them that common usage reserves the term 'guilds'.
(b) On the other hand, by depriving large nation-wide organisations of
any autonomy and any long-term strategic capacity, PASOK policy
inadverte:ttly created a political vacuum and left the field open to the
recurrent explosion of uncontrollable particularistic demands. No over-
arching solidarity nor countervailing organisational power can check and
contain the selfishness of the 'guilds', whether they act on their own or
62 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
through the corresponding peak confederation, which is entirely dependent
on them since no other member organisation can match their compactness,
financial independence and blackmail-potential. Given the notorious
weakness of unions in the private sector, even the supposedly 'general'
strikes called by GSEE would go unnoticed if it were not for the 'guilds'
of the public sector and the disruption they cause. No wonder that the
outcome of such strikes typically meets only the particular demands of the
latter instead of the general demands for which the strike was ostensibly
called. A recent and conclusive demonstration was provided in September
1990, when labour opposition failed to limit the consequences of the new
law on pensions for all but the 'guilds', which succeeded once again in
conserving their often exorbitant pension privileges. The case of ADEDY
offers another illustration of the perverse effects of the populist logic, as
manipulated by the elementary and high-school teachers. Once they had
managed (through ADEDY) to level pay and rank differentials for all civil
servants, as mentioned already, they proceeded to demand, and obtain,
special bonuses for themselves alone- and have been competing ever
since both among themselves and with other civil servants for further
increases.
(c) In the absence of nation-wide structures capable of enforcing a
broader conception of collective interest and solidarity, party control
might appear as a substitute brake on particularistic pressures. This is not
so, however, since party discipline itself eventually breaks down when it
clashes with the 'guild' mentality. If every interest group down to the
smallest has become a replica of parliament (thanks to PR), it is yet
another arena of party competition on a continuous, almost daily basis.
The competitors may thus be the same everywhere but the agenda is not. It
has nothing to do with problems of national policy, but is set instead by
the narrow concerns and interests peculiar to each particular association. It
is around these that party competition inevitably revolves, degenerating
into constant outbidding on the part of the party spokesmen. In con-
junction with the extremely narrow margin for victory in parliamentary
elections, this situation creates a vicious circle of mutual dependence
between the parties and their supporters in each and every interest group.
It may appear that the parties are in control, and this is indeed true of
nation-wide peak organisations with no real clout but high symbolic value,
like GSEE. Further down, however, it is the parties that become captive of
the special interests served by their own cadres and supporters, whom they
cannot afford to lose. In the end, it is the special interests that have the
upper hand.
George Th. Mavrogordatos 63
It is hard to see how this vicious circle might be broken. Only
exceptionally can a party afford to withdraw unilaterally from a particular
arena. If Nea Dimokratia did precisely that by not running a slate in the
federation of temporary public employees in the spring of 1990, it was
only because no compromise was conceivable between the future Nea
Dimokratia government and this category, which was to ·disappear
altogether. Otherwise, a moratorium honestly kept by all parties is
extremely hard to achieve and impose even under an all-party government,
as the shortlived Zolotas experience in 1989-90 demonstrated. In early
1990, it offered the ludicrous spectacle of a government supported by all
major parties and yet powerless in its confrontation with the garbage-
disposal strike engineered and led by their own union cadres. Under
normal circumstances, a moratorium is simply unthinkable. The party in
government is bound to discover, sooner or later, that its cadres and
supporters simply will not act as a brake on social unrest if this requires
that they betray their own 'guild' and its interests. For their part, and
regardless of their private views, the opposition parties cannot help
encouraging, manipulating and exploiting any and all sectional claims and
strikes, like apprentice sorcerers unleashing forces that they cannot
control.
A poisoned legacy of PASOK policy, this inextricable interpenetration
of sectional and party interests constitutes the ultimate reversal and
nemesis of populism, since it benefits the powerful and privileged few
within 'the People' itself, at the expense of the many. It represents also a
formidable obstacle to the modernisation of Greece and therefore
contributes to its increasing marginality within the European Community.
NOTES
65
66 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
THE PRESIDENCY
The debate over the powers of the president of the Greek Republic under
the 1975 constitution is well enough known not to need retracing here. 3
Rehearsing the main arguments of the two sides could, however, be useful
for the purposes of this chapter.
For President Karamanlis and his supporters, the president of the newly-
created Republic should, in addition to the traditional prerogatives
recognised in the head of the state of a parliamentary democracy, have
some powers which, under certain specific circumstances, would oblige
the government and the ruling majority to seek the people's verdict. By
nature dissuasive, these additional powers included the dissolution of
parliament, the holding of referenda 'on crucial national issues' and even
the dismissal of the cabinet. They would all be exercised without the
prime minister's consent and envisage the possibility of major political
changes should parliament and the electorate approve the president's
initiative.4 To recall the key word used in the constitution, the president
was to be the 'regulator' of the regime. 5 He was not supposed to be a
substitute for the cabinet. In Karamanlis's terms, he would have more
powers than his Bonn counterpart but less than the president of the French
Fifth Republic. He would have sufficient prerogatives 'to perform his
regulatory role, that is to harmonize relations between the people and the
Chamber and between the Chamber and the cabinet, in order to ensure the
•6
normal course of [parliamentary government] .
To this, Konstantinos Tsatsos, who was at the same time in charge of
the drafting of the relevant provisions, added:'[ ... ] the president of the
Republic has merely reserve powers [... ]. And he can exercise these
powers only for a while, in order to ask the people to decide, with the
shortest possible delay, on one or the other direction.' 7
For its part, the opposition, which included the Enosis Kentrou, PASOK
and the two communist parties, pointed to past precedent; that is, to the
traditional tendency of the monarchy to intervene in the political sphere. In
their view, although elected, the head of the state should have only
nominal and formal powers, while real power should lie in the hands of
the cabinet and of the Chamber, to which the former should be exclusively
accountable. 8 Overdramatised during the first period of the transition to
democracy, that debate led to a major clash, to the detriment of the
consensual spirit that had initially prevailed in the drafting of the new
constitution. At the final vote, in June 1975, the constitution was thus
approved only by Nea Dimokratia deputies. 9
Nicos C. Alivizatos 67
PARUAMENT
THE COURTS
The Greek judge is above all a civil-law traditionjudge. His role, place,
social status and education are therefore strikingly different compared to
Nicos C. Alivizatos 71
his counterpart in common law countries. While the latter is perceived as a
protagonist of the game, who creates, develops and abolishes legal rules,
the former, to use John Merryman's expression, is supposed to act as a
mere 'operator of a machine designed by scientists and built by
legislators' ,34 whose main function is to enforce the law, without seeking
openly to acquire real political influence. Therefore, contesting the law
enacted by a representative body, i.e. by parliament, which, in Rousseau's
famous expression, is the expression of the people's general will, is a task
that, despite the constitutional provisions which say the opposite, has until
very recently been exercised with extreme caution and restraint all over
the continent, even in cases where fundamental rights are involved. 35
In Greece, since the end of the nineteenth century, the judges (all
judges, of all jurisdiction, rank and degree) are supposed to review the
constitutionality of legislation. 36 To be more precise, this competence is
not a right of the judiciary but an obligation imposed upon it by the
constitution itself since 1927. However, whenever important political
issues are involved, this obligation is perceived in a very restrictive and
scholastic fashion. One has the feeling that the Greek judge, acting more
as an agent of the state than as an independent arbitrator, is above all
trying to 'save' the contested provision and to serve the public interest as
defined by the legislator in each case. In 'hard cases', therefore, it is not
surprising that the number of occasions on which the Greek courts have
actually declared laws to be unconstitutional over the last century is very
small. 37
However, in terms of legal history and sociology, this lack of judicial
activism is not only due to the implications of the civil law tradition and to
the positivistic perception of the legal profession which the latter involves.
For more than four decades prior to the fall of the colonels' dictatorship in
1974 if not later, a series of controls, comprising, but not limited to, the
candidates' philosophical and political views, have kept out of the
judiciary persons who, though possessing the qualifications required by
law, were seen as potential threats to prevailing social and political values.
As a consequence, by the beginning of the 1980s, the judiciary consisted
of judges who, in their great majority and especially in the upper ranks,
were unready unreservedly to admit major legislative initiatives, which
could openly contest these values. How then would these judges react
toward PASOK's legislative activism? Would their traditional self-
restraint prevail, or would they demonstrate, for the first time in the
country's legal history, a sort of judicial activism, in the name of respect
for the existing social and political order? Occasions for such activism
72 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
appeared very soon after PASOK's advent to power. The first cases
involved the removal of high-ranking civil servants, in a fashion that
exceeded the usual limits of the traditional spoils system. 38
Then came the new legislation on the universities, which was contested
mainly in view of the constitutional guarantees of the status of the former
full professors and of the so-called 'self-administration' of higher
education institutions.39 The national health system, which was linked to a
legislative prohibition on the establishment of new, and the extension of
existing, private clinics, came next. 40 The removal of the boards of
directors of the so-called 'problematic' enterprises and their substitution
by boards unilaterally selected and appointed by the competent minister41
was the last but not the least in the list of major cases during the first, and
more innovative, period of PASOK's term in office, from 1981 to 1985.
How would the courts react?
Save for the invalidation of some minor legislative provisions, the
essence of almost all of PASOK's statutory innovations were upheld. 42
The traditional self-restraint of the civil law judges ultimately prevailed
over their political inclinations. In addition, state interventionism and
regulation, which were the primordial characteristics of most of the above
legislative measures, were justified in the eyes of the judges in view of
their traditional propensity to perceive public interest in the widest
possible fashion. 43
Interestingly enough, the judges demonstrated the same self-restraint
vis-a-vis the unprecedented measures taken by the PASOK government
between 1985 and 1987 in order to block salary increases within the
rigorous austerity programme. Strikes for wage increases were in fact
forbidden and very severe penalties were threatened against employers
granting salaries over and above the limits fixed by the government. 44 1t
would, therefore, be no exaggeration to say that the courts did not act as an
efficient countervailing force to the PASOK government during its term in
office.
CONCLUSION
Until very recently, the constitutional history of Greece has been char-
acterised by a deeply-rooted pattern. Despite the impressive achievements
of early constitutionalists who brought about, as long ago as the last third
of the nineteenth century, universal suffrage, parliamentary government
and freedom of speech, government of the people by the people and for
Nicos C. Alivizatos 73
the people has remained, for at least four long decades, a goal which
appeared unattainable. In the public mind as well as in fact, the crown, the
armed forces and foreign intervention have altered - or at least have been
perceived as having altered - the people's verdict. More than once,
irrespective of the accuracy of this statement, the fact remains that
democratisation and respect for the people's will has been elevated to a
major political demand, perhaps to the demand from the 1930s to the
1970s. Once that demand was achieved, all the rest became trivial. And
for a large portion of the electorate, PASOK's advent to power was
perceived as such.
Deeply-rooted in a national culture which has traditionally privileged
democracy over liberalism and equality over freedom, this attitude has
until now neglected the other fundamental facet of constitutional
government: the need for checks and balances that would prevent the
government majority from becoming abusive. One of the main legacies of
the PASOK era is that, for the first time in modern Greek history, an
important majority of the people seem to be conscious of the necessity
that a government should not only be democratic but should in addition be
accountable.
NOTES
INTRODUCTION
It is not easy to talk about the Greek left in the particular context of
political developments in the 1980s. This is for two basic reasons.
Firstly, because that part of the political spectrum traditionally occupied
by the communist left - in the absence of any serious socialist political
tradition - was strongly challenged for the first time in the post-civil
war period by the newly-formed (1974) Panhellenic Socialist Movement
(PASOK). It is certainly true that one can trace many elements of left-
wing radicalism back to the mid-1960s when Andreas Papandreou, a
newcomer to the political stage, became a focus of ideological and
political loyalty on the part of a substantial faction of his father, Georgios
Papandreou' s Enosis Kentrou and by younger elements in the electorate.
However, this radicalism was cut short by the military coup of 1967 and
the establishment of the military regime (1967-74). Left-wing radicalism
not only resurfaced after the fall of the military junta in 1974, strengthen-
ed by various resistance groups, but also acquired a new impetus in the
general mood for fundamental change. Having absorbed, both electorally
and ideologically, the bulk of the centre and centre-left political forces
during the 1970s, PASOK was in a position not only to challenge
effectively the communist left but also the ruling conservative
Nea Dimokratia party by winning by a landslide in the 1981 general
election. 1
It is important also to note that from the point of view of party organisa-
tion, inner-party democracy, methods of political mobilisation and ideology,
its extreme rhetoric (anti-EC, anti-NATO, anti-US, etc.) as well as in re-
spect of its electoral basis, a substantial part of which consisted of ex-
communists and other left-wing voters drawn mainly from the resistance
(1941-44) and civil war (1947-49) periods, PASOK looked like a party of
the left more often than not. However this may be, PASOK sought with
great success to become a vehicle of radical left-wing change and was
strongly identified with the 'anti-rightist' political tradition. Barely one year
into the 1980s PASOK won office in 1981 with an absolute majority in
78
Vasilis Kapetanyannis 79
parliament. breaking an almost uninterrupted right-wing grip on power of
nearly 40 years. 2
At the beginning of the 1980s the 'left'- both the ruling PASOK and
the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) - commanded a comfortable
parliamentary majority, a social and political majority, and occupied a
dominant ideological position vis-a-vis a defeated and demoralised con-
servative camp that had been reduced in electoral terms to well below 40
per cent of the total vote. In short, one could hardly imagine more
favourable domestic conditions in which to apply and realise the left's
project of social and political reforms that it had propagated for decades.
In a wider European context. PASOK together with other socialist parties
of Southern Europe, dominated the governments of their respective
countries at a time when Northern Europe had shifted to the political right.
During the 1980s the neo-conservatives and neo-liberals who dominated
the ideological and political agenda, as well the terms of reference for the
relevant debates in Northern Europe, were out of office in Southern
Europe. For the sake of understanding the crucial dimension of the 'left' in
Greek politics, and particularly its role in the 1980s, PASOK should rather
be thought of as a 'left-wing' party in the broadest sense of the term,
taking into account its quite distinct features as a political party and
movement in relation to its European socialist counterparts.
PASOK IN POWER
A LEAP FORWARD
The general elections of 18 June 1989 produced few surprises for those
who had carefully studied the new electoral law and who had examined
Vasilis Kapetanyannis 89
opinion polls with even greater care. PASOK's share of the vote fell to
39.2 per cent (125 seats), Nea Dimokratia's share rose to 44.3 per cent
(145 seats), while the Synaspismos managed to win 13.1 per cent of the
vote (28 seats), thus holding the balance of power. It was obvious that the
bone of contention was the Synaspismos, which during consultations
between political leaders to form a government, kept its cards very close
to its chest. Florakis, the president of the Synaspismos and Leonidas
Kyrkos, its general secretary, conducted the negotiations skilfully and
played a key role in decision-making. After two weeks of horse-trading, a
conservative-leftist coalition government was formed, designed to carry
out a programme of catharsis, or purging of the financial and
administrative irregularities allegedly perpetrated by PASOK while in
power. To understand why the Synaspismos opted for cooperation with
Nea Dimokratia and rejected a highly generous offer by PASOK of nine
ministries and a long-term relationship in government, one has to take into
account not only an accumulated resentment against PASOK, on account
of the latter's complacency, arrogance, authoritarian practices, and
monopoly of power and the fact that PASOK was steadily eating into the
left's electoral clientele and stealing its ideological clothes, but also other
factors. The issue of catharsis was made central to the political and moral
debate, and the cleaning-up in public life of corruption acquired a quite
dramatic political dimension.
Nevertheless, moral questions apart, the Synaspismos saw it as a golden
opportunity to cripple PASOK before the next elections, which had been
promised for the autumn. A 25-member cabinet was sworn in under
Tzannis Tzannetakis, a Nea Dimokratia backbencher, widely known and
respected for his resistance credentials against the military regime
(1967-74) when he was a naval officer. Four significant ministries were
assigned to the Synaspismos: those of interior, justice, labour and culture.
None of those nominated as ministers by the Synaspismos were members
oftheKKE.
It was agreed from the outset by the two parties to the coalition that, as
soon as parliamentary procedures were completed with regard to the
investigation into, and determination of, the culpability of PASOK
political figures and the setting-up of a special tribunal, new elections
should be held. For there was little else that the two parties had in
common. They were miles apart on all other issues, including, of course,
the economy. Thus crucial decisions were postponed. In the event,
parliament referred three basic cases of alleged offences by former
PASOK ministers to a special tribunal: the 'Koskotas affair'; a case
involving a PASOK minister and a state-owned company, and allegations
90 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
of phone-tapping. Papandreou himself was one of those referred to the
tribunal. He was subsequently acquitted. The coalition government can
also be credited with bringing about reconciliation between left and right
for the first time since the civil war, and with initiating certain institutional
changes. However, its specific mission and short term of office do not
invite any comprehensive judgement on its overall performance.
Meanwhile PASOK fought back with considerable stamina, aiming
exclusively at the vulnerable electoral basis of the KKE, particularly that
section with the most sensitive anti-rightist reflexes. The leaders of the
Synaspismos, under fire, sought to justify their decision to join the
coalition, to their puzzled supporters and voters. They were clearly on the
defensive and had grossly miscalculated PASOK's solid electoral support
and resilience. It was obvious that the votes won by PASOK in the
European elections held simultaneously on 18 June (35.9 per cent as in the
national election) represented the bottom line of its electoral appeal. 16 At
the same time the Synaspismos share of the vote was only slightly higher
at 14.3 per cent than that in the national elections. The Synaspismos
possessed neither the ideological nor the political means to make serious
inroads against PASOK. It was soon realised that its expectations were
unfounded and unrealistic.
In the November 1989 elections, the left's share of the vote dropped to
11.2 per cent whereas PASOK increased its share to 40.8 per cent, basically
at the expense of the left, and claimed 'a moral and political victory'. Nea
Dimokratia) despite winning 46.2 per cent of the vote and 148 seats, was
still unable to form a government. This time the left's choice was rather
easier since it was clear that the first party (that is, Nea Dimokratia) could
not be excluded from government. Eventually, an 'ecumenical' govern-
ment, under Xenophon Zolotas, a retired banker, was formed with all-party
support. This lasted for some months, until the next elections, those of
April 1990. This time Nea Dimokratia achieved 46.9 per cent of the vote
and 150 seats, still one short of an absolute majority in parliament. The
deputy of a Nea Dimokratia splinter-group, Dimokratiki Ananeosi, was
quick to declare his support for Nea Dimokratia, enabling a government to
be formed. It is significant to note that the Synaspismos, having failed to
shake PASOK, and unable to find common ground with Nea Dimokratia,
was gradually drifting towards cooperation with PASOK. In the April1990
elections, the two parties joined forces in the five single-member electoral
constituencies in an effort to defeat Nea Dimokratia candidates and deprive
it of an overall majority. They almost succeeded. At the end of the day, the
left was back within PASOK's fold and strategic parameters, unable to
articulate its own political discourse or to devise new autonomous
Vasilis Kapetanyannis 91
strategies, tactics and policies. Particularly for the KKE, the devastating
blow of the communist collapse in Eastern Europe had not only taken its
electoral toll, but had also shaken the party to its foundations.
CONCLUSION
Certain conclusions can be drawn about the state of the left as the country
entered the last decade of this century, with a conservative government in
power after eight years of socialist experimentation and two years of
political instability.
1. PASOK has suffered three successive electoral defeats. Yet it
commands the loyalties of a substantial part of the electorate, and
remains the major opposition party. It is still not in good shape to
conduct an effective opposition and present itself convincingly as an
alternative party of government. Many reforms are needed to steer the
party towards modernisation of its structures and policies. A
substantial part of its electoral base has left-totalitarian, quasi-fascist
leanings. These are reflected in the outlets of the media group, A vriani,
which has vocal supporters both in the party apparatus, in the
parliamentary group, and in the top policy- and decision-making body
(the executive bureau).
2. The Synaspismos is unlikely to survive as it is, barring the emergence
of a deus ex machina which might save it. This is due to the fact that
the major component of the Synaspismos, the KKE, is still controlled
by diehard Stalinists and unreformed communists. The communist left
suffers from real electoral stagnation and political decline. Its only
political option now is to seek cooperation with PASOK, hoping to
share power at some point in the future. Naturally, everything depends
critically on electoral performance.
3. As a whole, the left lost considerable ideological and electoral ground
over the past decade. But it still constitutes a significant force to be
reckoned with, commanding almost 50 per cent of the electorate, a
figure unique in the present European context.
4. On the policy level one may note a more realistic approach on the part
of both parties to some domestic issues. A certain evolution of policy
and a rather slow adaptation is under way. There are still considerable
policy differences between the two parties but a policy of convergence
is gaining ground. However, the more such a convergence becomes
possible the more likely it is to fan antagonism, because each party
92 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
naturally wishes to preserve its own electoral constituency and
demarcation-lines intact. Still the Synaspismos electoral basis remains
the more vulnerable.
5. Today it is more than clear that both parties lack any conception of the
strategic moves necessary to win back voters. They both expect to
profit from mistakes of the government, its natural attrition, and the
expected reaction to the strict and painful austerity economic measures
applied by Nea Dimokratia. There is no alternative vision of society to
propagate against the existing model. Back in 1981, when PASOK
assumed power, the rays of its logo, the 'Green Sun', spilled all over
the left of the political spectrum with high aspirations and
expectations. Eight years later, the overall picture should be
considered as negative despite some positive achievements. The
socialist project failed and the experiment in social engineering has
left the country in ruins: economically, socially, morally and politi-
cally. Both PASOK and the communist left are reluctant to recognise
their own responsibilities for such a spectacular reverse.
The verdict of the electorate in April 1990 elections entrusted Nea
Dimokratia with picking up the pieces and administering bitter medicine.
It still remains to be seen whether it will rise to the challenge and at what
cost. If the price is right then the immediate prospects of the left's
comeback are rather bleak. If not, the way will be wide open for a variety
of political scenarios.
NOTES
1. See Richard Clogg, Parties and Elections in Greece: The search for legitimacy
(London, 1987).
2. On PASOK, see among others, Vasilis Kapetanyannis, 'I politiki kai theoritiki
simasia tis syzitisis gia to PASOK', in P. Papasarantopoulos (ed.), PASOK kai
Exousia (Thessa1oniki 1980), pp. 295-323. See also Vasilis Kapetanyannis,
'Laikismos: synoptikes simeioseis yia mia kritiki epanexetasi', Politis, 71,
January-March 1986; 'PASOK: giati 39.15%?' in Epikentra, 58, Special Issue
on the June 1989 elections, and 'PASOK: sti dini ton antifaseon' Epilrentra, 62,
Special Issue on the April 1990 elections.
3. See Christos Lyrintzis, 'Between socialism and populism: the rise of the
Panhellenic Socialist Movement', PhD. dissertation, University of London, LSE,
1984; also George Mavrogordatos, The Rise of the Green Sun, Centre for
Contemporary Greek Studies, King's College, 1983.
4. See C. Lyrintzis, 'PASOK in power: the loss of the third road to socialism' in
Tom Gallagher and Allan M. Williams (eds), Southern European Socialism
(Manchester, 1989), pp. 34-54.
5. On the failure of PASOK to reach its (radical) potential and to fulfill its
Vasilis Kapetanyannis 93
promises, from a leftist point of view, see Micbalis Spourdalakis, The Rise of the
Greek Socialist Party (London, 1988).
6. Greece: Country Report 1990, The Economist Intelligence Unit.
7. See J. Petras, 'PASOK in Power', New Left Review, 163, May-June 1987,
pp. 3-25.
8. T. Couloumbis and P. Yannas, 'The stability quotient of Greece's post-1974
democratic institutions', Jou171lJl of Modem Greek Studies (1983), pp. 359-72.
9. Ten years later, Papandreou stated: 'today nobody questions the right choice for
our country in becoming a full member of the EC', Kathimerini, I January 1991.
10. See B. Kapetanyannis, 'The making of Greek Euro-communism', The Political
Quarterly (1979), pp. 445-60.
11. N. Mouzelis, 'On the Greek elections', New Left Review, 108, April 1978, pp.
59-74.
12. R. Clogg, Parties and Elections in Greece, op. cit, p. 97.
13. V. Kapetanyannis, 'The communists' inK. Featherstone and D. Katsoudas (eds),
Political Change in Greece: Before and after the Colonels (London, 1987), pp.
145-73.
14. About 80 foreign delegates representing various parties and movements attended
the Congress. The organisers classified party delegates by sex (men 88 per cent,
women 11 per cent); by age (up to 30 years 8 per cent, 31-40 59 per cent, 41-SO
14 per cent, Sl-60 S per cent and 61 and over IS per cent); by party age (before
1940 4 per cent, 1941-SO 12 per cent, 1951-67 7 per cent, 1968-74 20 per cent
and 1974-82 57 per cent); by occupation (wage-earners 53 per cent, agriculture 6
per cent, self-employed 10 per cent, intellectuals 26 per cent, and not working 6
per cent), and by educational qualifications (primary II per cent, secondary 42
per cent, students 4 per cent, university graduates 38 per cent, technical school
graduates 4 per cent). Delegates bad served 1136 years in prison as political
detainees. Sixteen per cent bad participated in the resistance against the Nazis
(1941-44) and 7 per cent in the civil war (1946-49) as members of the
communist 'Democratic Army'.
IS. In his address to PASOK's parliamentary group, 11 June 1987.
16. See V. Kapetanyannis, 'PASOK giati 39.15%'1', Epikentra, 58, 1989.
6 The 1980s in the Looking-
Glass: PASOK and the
Media*
Stephanos Pesmazoglou
*The final text benefited from the critical comments of Grigori Ananiades and
Chrysafis Iordanoglou.
94
Stephanos Pesmazoglou 95
public opinion, that formed a major raison d'etre of the subsequent
extraordinary right-left coalition government of 1989.
This chapter centres on three themes. The first might be labelled:
'Governing through the nine o'clock evening news'. The second: 'From
radio aphasia to radio days'. The third theme focuses on the press, extends
into a presentation of the interrelationship between two media con-
glomerates and PASOK, highlighting crucial aspects of the Movement's
practices, discourse and ideology.
It is in the 9-to-1 0 evening news that we can best discern official attitudes
towards television. With the exception of major athletic events, the 9-to-1 0
slot has maintained one of the highest TV audience ratings. It should be
noted that, to all intents and purposes, Greece had reached saturation point
in TV sets by 1983 with 94 per cent of households owning one - bringing
Greece to the top of the Mediterranean league in this respect What is even
more important is that the information sector in general, and the 9-to-10
news-slot in particular, was singled out for intense direct government con-
trol, leaving the rest of the programming to the discretion of the two national
channels. State control in broadcasting, whether through a ministerial
council, the prime minister or the president, was, of course, a general trend
all over Europe during the postwar decades. But half-a-century of govern-
mental tutelage in Greek radio broadcasting and 22 years in TV meant that
administration of the media was exercised strictly in loco parentis.
At this point, a short diversion is necessary so as to place PASOK's
attitudes towards broadcasting in their specifically Greek historical
context. The fact that both radio and TV broadcasting were born during
dictatorial and markedly centralist regimes (1936 and 1968 respectively),
taken in conjunction with the concomitant bureaucratisation that still
bedevils the public sector, has left a permanent imprint on the state-
controlled mass media. What has varied is simply the mode of
intervention. The postwar decades of the 1950s and 1960s reflected the
authoritarian conservative parliarnentarism of the period, with all its
characteristically crude anti-communist flavour.
This period was followed by the seven-year military dictatorship, whose
first priority, as in all coups-d'etat, was control of the media. The postwar
legacy included a military-controlled radio station and TV channel,
attracting more than two-thirds of viewers with its popular fare of
American serials and Greek movie melodramas and thrillers. Part of this
96 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
legacy was a mentality of submission and servitude among media
journalists, accustomed to tailoring their accounts to suit the desiderata of
those in power.
When the Nea Dimokratia party was elected to office in 1974, state
prerogative still went unquestioned. Under a new organisational and
institutional set-up, governmental tutelage of the media continued.
Although, strictly speaking, party politics were excluded, the most trivial
government activities of all ministers were reported, whereas any reference
to the opposition was virtually excluded. No wonder that the common
demand of the opposition parties was the 'opening-up' of television. Direct
state control has always meant short-run operational control: economic,
administrative, technical and, in the end, day-to-day political control.
It is within this overall context that PASOK's attitude towards the
media must be seen. Acknowledging the continuity, we have to try to
isolate those traits which specifically characterise the PASOK era. Four
seem to stand out:
1. Broadcasting as a branch of direct governmental activity remained
annexed to a special agency within the Ministry to the Prime Minister
(the ministry overseeing the civil service), the Undersecretariat for
Press and Information. In practice this did not greatly differ from a
PASOK press office. It was the coordinating centre for party
propaganda, with the government spokesman assuming overall
guidance and, in fact, serving as the actual editor of news bulletins.
The government's tone was clearly expressed in mid-term by
Andreas Papandreou himself when three leading officials were obliged
to resign: 'governing bodies in TV have to apply official policy and
not their own. They derive their power from the Ministerial Council
which selected them in confidence. By themselves they represent
nothing and no one' . 1
2. Throughout the grossly over-manned hierarchy and the professional
specialisations within television, a string of favoured party cadres or
supporters were appointed, and where necessary, promoted and used.
Newsreaders 'reporting', discussion coordinators, 'commentators',
journalists conducting staged interviews and even technical operators
and stage managers for very special circumstances - all were serving
only one 'cause' - the promotion of the 'Movement' and of its
'Leader'. At the very top of the hierarchy, the Director-General and
President of ERT (both political appointees) were the most frequently
dismissed functionaries of the state. They were the scapegoats for even
the most trivial 'negative' messages that were transmitted.
Stephanos Pesmazoglou 97
3. A third feature of PASOK's singular dealings with broadcasting were
the means used to control information emanating from the 'box'.
These included censorship, distortion, concealment of opposition party
statements, and carefully-planned blackouts, among other practices.
Individuals (businessmen, politicians, journalists, academics) and
collective entities (unions) were charged, tried and convicted on
television, with no prior warning and with no opportunity to reply in
kind. A lengthy government or party communique followed closely
upon any opposition statement or criticism. It is not possible to detail
the massive evidence of this operation, which belied any claim that
Greece under PASOK was a truly pluralistic society. What can be
asserted here is that all the above practices were routine.
4. There is a Chinese proverb to the effect that 'one good image is worth
1000 words'. PASOK officials in broadcasting applied it ad nauseam.
Anyone switching on TV would have thought that there was but one
'Movement' and but one 'Leader'. In critical periods such practices
were exacerbated and, indeed, in the very last year of the PASOK
government, the whole television apparatus was involved in promoting
the prime minister. Thus, in the name of state control and popular
sovereignty, long-suffering concepts such as objectivity and impar-
tiality were effectively wiped out. Myth and repetitive mystification
were television's central function. The opposition parties and most
serious press analysts characterised government television in PASOK's
last years as 'fascist'. This view was shared by all tendencies of the
right (both populist and moderate) all the main groupings of the left
and by the whole ideological spectrum of intellectuals worthy of that
name. A handful of analysts had already voiced their criticism in the
early years, if not months, of PASOK' s first term in office. But during
its second period in office (after 1985), the intensity and frequency of
these practices increased to a crescendo.
RADIO DAYS
But how, in view of all the above, did the liberalised state of Greek radio
come about just two years later, at the beginning of 1987? ERT had by this
Stephanos Pesmazoglou 99
time accumulated a half-century-long tradition of state monopoly which
had been challenged only by external broadcasts, such as those of the BBC
and Deutsche Welle, mainly during 1940-44 and 1967-74, the periods of
the German occupation and the military junta.
The final legalisation of non-state radio stations can be attributed to
several factors:
1. Changes took place in the overall climate within the opposition ranks.
On the one hand, there is the volte face on the part of Nea Dimokratia.
From being traditionally etatist, the conservatives turned into
thoroughgoing liberals - not only in their economic and political philo-
sophy but also in their attitude towards the media. On the other hand,
the left, especially the KKE, although uneasy with the notion of
'private', went along with the idea of 'municipal'. Both right and left
were driven, above all, by the necessity to resist PASOK's aggressive
use of the media.
2. A major political development that prompted the establishment of
independent radio stations was the sweeping victory of the Nea
Dimokratia candidates in the 1986 municipal elections in the three
major cities of Athens, Piraeus and Thessaloniki. They had all pledged
their support for free municipal radio stations and their first political
act was to move while riding the wave of discontent.
3. After some fierce factional in-fighting, the PASOK government
decided to retreat and legalise municipal radio stations but only under
severe and concerted pressure from the opposition, left and right, and
in the face of imminent transmissions by stations in the three major
cities. Thus, a new era in radio began in the first months of 1987 with
the municipal radio station, Athina 9. 84, at the forefront, to be
followed by a cluster of municipal and, later, private radio stations.
They were to reach their peak by the end of 1988 and the pre-electoral
months of 1989. Initially a success-story both in terms of audience and
profits, they were to reach by 1990 a national grand total of 660 radio
stations, of which 66 were in the greater Athens area alone. There is no
doubt that, politically, they played an initially central role in PASOK's
subsequent defeat, by informing and taking a critical stand.
As expected, the government's reaction, though spasmodic, was
immediate. Serious and repeated attempts were made by the police, in
conjunction with the director of Telecommunications Services, to disrupt
the most 'offensive' stations. By this time, both the government and the
prime minister himself were fully on the defensive, accused of involve-
ment in a series of grave scandals. It was at this juncture that PASOK
100 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
backed the transmission of Radio Athina, the radio station of the leading
newspaper group supporting PASOK (Avriani), as a means of defending
itself by counter-attacking with a continuous 24-hour-a-day mud-slinging
campaign against all opposition leaders.
'Ef-Em' was on the lips of most Greeks by the end of the 1980s: a sug-
gestion of its potential as a means of resisting highly authoritarian prac-
tices. FM radio created a new political situation. Greek radio rapidly
reached the point of saturation in terms of the number of stations.
Moreover, commercial radio means fierce competition for the greatest
share of publicity revenues, hence audience maximisation and relative
programme ratings. All this (and always in the name of pluralism) leads to
uniformity, imitation and downgrading of the language. In the name of the
'new', the 'different' and the 'unique', a single model is followed: top ten
hits to capture a good section of the young audience, pseudo-satire
coupled with irony, news flashes, stereotyped entertainment menus, and,
of course, sports news. This is the picture emerging from the commercial
stations. As for the municipal and party-controlled radio stations,
pluralism has meant multi-dependency on city-councillors and party
officials. All these elements of triviality, silliness, vulgarity and aggres-
siveness were there from the moment competition became fierce. They
reached their climax in the period when radio lost its political raison
d'etre.
DISSENSION
It was from within the pro-government press that the scandal was
revealed. This is an important turning-point in the history of PASOK's
relations with its friendly press. By 1987, all of the large circulation papers
whose fanatical support of Allagi (change) had contributed to the
Movement's electoral victory in 1981, and which had continued to
eulogise it after the elections, had turned against it. For their interests had
been threatened by a bullish newcomer fully supported by PASOK's
leadership and backed by a dynamically expanding bank. Ethnos,
Eleftherotypia and to an extent, Ta Nea, were drained of some of their
best journalists by salaries well above the normal. They had to compete
with one of the most modern printing installations in Europe, supported by
uninterrupted cash flows. Competition had become tantamount to a
struggle for life or death. Publishers spanning the entire political spectrum
united and replied dynamically, demanding transparency in press and bank
dealings. The main reasons for this volte-face were not political or
ideological, but economic. It coincided, nevertheless, with the months
following PASOK's defeat in the 1986 municipal elections; a general
climate of malaise which was perceived by, and thus reflected in, those
papers seeking to improve their circulation. 6 One of the indirect effects
was the reinforcement of the tendency for newspapers to move away from
close direct links with specific parties or leading cadres towards support
for a broader political space, in accordance with the traditional cleavage
between broadly 'conservative' and 'progressive' forces.
PASOK's policy towards the press can be summarised as follows:
monopolistic control of the most massive medium, television, and of the
national radio stations, was not regarded as sufficient. The insecurity of its
Stephanos Pesmazoglou 105
leader vis-a-vis traditional publishers led PASOK from the very early
years of its ascent to power to attempt direct control of the press using all
means at its disposal.
CONCLUSIONS
NOTES
ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK
113
114 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
essay to delve into this most challenging and interesting dichotomy.
There is plenty of ammunition to support the case of each group of
analysts and, ultimately, the choice of whose case is stronger will be
made after a decade or two, depending on the longevity of PASOK as a
discrete political party and its capacity to survive the departure of
Andreas Papandreou from the party's leadership and to provide relatively
smooth transitions in subsequent leadership changes. Needless to say, the
above question becomes even more important when one accepts the
proposition that the foreign-policy stance of governments and opposition
parties is influenced by the internal socioeconomic and political
characteristics of states.
Of more relevance to the objectives of this essay, is an evaluation of the
scholarly and journalistic literature that has concentrated on the foreign
policies of the PASOK governments in the 1981-89 period. This
literature, also, can be conveniently divided into two major categories or
schools of thought: (a) those who view Papandreous's PASOK as respons-
ible (or potentially responsible) for a radical departure from traditional
pro-NATO and pro-Western orientations that characterised all earlier post-
Second World War Greek governments;5 (b) those who view the post-
1981 policies of the PASOK government, as continuing, in effect, the
policies of the predecessor Nea Dimokratia government. 6
The 'radical departure' school of thought emphasises the variable of
personality/idiosyncrasy of the party leader and places heavy emphasis on
ideological pronouncements which are viewed as accurate predictors of
future behaviour, given their limit-setting and goal-revealing properties.
These analysts follow, in other words, a similar methodological path to
that of 'kremlinologist' scholars, who placed heavy emphasis on the
careful scrutiny of the declaratory policy of the Soviet leadership,
assuming that ideology leads to specific policy choices rather than just
being used to rationalise, and ex-post facto legitimise, decisions that are
dictated by self-serving and pragmatic criteria.
Within the 'radical departure' school of thought, there is an interesting
dichotomy between two subsets of scholars that we could call 'hagio-
graphers' and 'demonologists' respectively. Both subsets of scholars
shared the assumption that the set of beliefs7 held by a strong charismatic
leader could serve as an accurate predictor of his or her future foreign-
policy behaviour. 8 The 'hagiographers' ,9 however, painted an image of a
heroic leader, whose task was clearly set and who, despite the many
obstacles, was leading the Greek ship of state safely to port (to a type of
socialism uniquely suited for Greece). They accepted, as a fact, the choice
Theodore A. Couloumbis 115
made by PASOK for a 'third road' to socialism which was deemed dif-
ferent from free-market capitalism and centrally-planned socialism. The
demonologists, 10 for their part, concentrated their attention on the negative
aspects of Andreas Papandreou and presented him as a 'villain' of Greek
history, a hybrid between a Castro and a Kerensky, with a passion for
power, and total lack of restraint in a path leading Greece out of its
rightful place in the Western community of democracies. Implicit or
explicit in some instances in this analysis was the recommendation that the
United States should pre-emptively act to isolate and destabilise this
'dangerous upstart' before he had a chance to consolidate himself in
power and transform Greece into a single-party 'democracy' behind an
ever-weakening parliamentary facade. 11
The proponents of the second school of thought, sharing the 'continuity
thesis', placed their major analytical emphasis on actions rather than
rhetoric (or stated intentions). Employing most often the premises of the
realist school of thought, they stressed the constraints facing whichever
government came to power in Greece, given the country's small size,
strategic location, regional problems, and socioeconomic conditions. Their
assessment of Papandreou and his government could be summarised in the
aphorism, 'signal left and tum right'. This judgement was based on the
observation that despite Papandreou's assertive and defiant Third World-
type rhetoric, when it came to important choices involving the country's
national security interests, he adopted lock, stock and barrel the policies of
his predecessors. Hence, contrary to pre-election rhetoric, he renewed the
US bases agreement in 1983; he chose to remain in the European
Community, not withdraw from NATO, and to pursue a policy of
deterrence based on military balance vis-a-vis Turkey, which could lead
eventually to a grand settlement of the Greek-Turkish dispute.
The proponents of the 'continuity thesis' proceeded with a sometimes
explicit and sometimes implicit assumption that leadership characteristics
cannot play a decisive role (as they did, for instance, in the case of Mikhail
Gorbachev, the leader of a great power) when one is dealing with leaders
of small, strategically located and externally dependent states whose
foreign policies are in most instances dictated by external variables. The
leaders of small states, their argument continued, operating rationally 12
were ultimately led to 'choose' what might otherwise be imposed on them.
Put another way and employing George Kennan's insightful analogy, the
leaders of small states could at best act as 'gardeners' (working marginally
and not contrary to the forces of nature) rather than as 'engineers' who
drastically alter the landscape, sometimes brutally disrupting the eco-
logical balance. 13
116 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
It should be noted that the 'continuity thesis' has been generally
adopted by the opposition parties during the years of PASOK's govern-
ance. For example, Konstantinos Mitsotakis, addressing parliament in
January 1987, summarised the foreign-policy profile of PASOK as
follows: 'The government took to the road; Mr. Papandreou began his
course as a Third-Worlder, cursing the European Community and NATO,
to end up applying, badly, our own policy 14 in the name of reality and
necessity.' Kharilaos Florakis, during the same debate, practically
equated the foreign-policy preferences of Nea Dimokratia and PASOK
on fundamental questions. 'The KKE', he said, 'cannot accept... (the
famous 7:10 ratio) which Nea Dimokratia and PASOK consider a
fundamental element of Greek national defence .... (The 7:10 ratio) is not
balance, but a trap that institutionalises the arms race on both sides of the
Aegean and places the Aegean under American tutelage and arbitral
. ,ts
authonty.
NOTES
INTRODUCTION
GOVERNING STYLE
It became clear almost immediately after the 1981 election that PASOK
had no intention of reversing the status quo of accession. At the first EC
Council of Ministers meeting, only one week after the elections, the new
government made a statement concerning long-term Greek interests within
the Community framework. 3 The call for the consistent application of
Community preference, the demand that reform of the Common Agri-
cultural Policy (CAP) should not mean a reduction of income for
Mediterranean producers and, particularly, the stress on the need for a
more effective regional policy, were not the concerns of a government
intending withdrawal from the EC.
The referendum, while mentioned in the official government pro-
gramme read out in parliament a few weeks after the elections, was quietly
dropped in a matter of weeks, thus effectively sealing the route to
withdrawal from the Community. After his EC premiere at the London
Council of heads of state and government in November, Papandreou
noticeably stopped talking about the 'special relationship', instead refer-
ring to 'special regulations', which suggested something much less
structural and significant. The new formulation was developed into a
policy by the team around Grigoris Varfis, who became deputy foreign
minister responsible for EC affairs in November 1981.
The selection of Varfis in itself gave a fairly clear signal concerning
government intentions. It meant that Papandreou had entrusted relations
Susannah Verney 137
with the EC not to a high-level political cadre, much less to a party ideo-
logue, but to a technocrat with a knowledge of the subject. In the 1970s
V arfis, a former director of the Ministry of Coordination, had been a
leading member of the central negotiating committee which was handling
the accession talks. In January 1977 he had resigned, along with
committee President Nikos Kyriazidis, in protest against the ND gov-
ernment's political priority of achieving EC entry as soon as possible,
even if this meant less favourable terms in some economic sectors.
Subsequently, Varfis's replacement in January 1984 by the far more
flamboyant Pangalos, a PASOK Central Committee member, in practice
meant a political upgrading of EC affairs which gained higher visibility.
The vehemence of PASOK's earlier opposition to EC membership
meant that a U-turn on accession so soon after the election was a potential
political embarrassment. The solution to the problem was found with the
Greek government memorandum, submitted to the European Commission
in March 1982. While the memorandum has been described as 'a
Wilsonian renegotiation in all but name' ,4 it was never officially referred to
as such, partly because of the risks of entanglement in the Iberian accession
negotiations then under way. The memorandum made no demands. It
included no hints of a possible Greek withdrawal nor of less dramatic
sanctions, such as systematic treaty violations, if Greek aims were not
satisfied. While it referred to the development gap within the Community
and to the fact that its functioning tended to benefit the more developed
members, it was not infused by a 'Third Worldist' perspective. This was a
technocratic government document; not an ideological statement by an
opposition party. Instead, the memorandum politely cited the 'peculiarities'
and 'structural malformation' of the economy as grounds for increased
Community financial support and permission for temporary derogations
from EC rules. It did include some specific proposals, such as the founda-
tion of a new Community fund for the development of the Mediterranean
regions and the inclusion of Athens and Thessaloniki in Regional Fund
financing. But in general it raised the Greek problem at an official level,
leaving open the question of what kind of answer was expected.
The memorandum thus allowed the PASOK government to prevaricate.
Having passed the responsibility for the future of Greek-EC relations over
to the Community, it was then able to adopt a more or less permanent
'wait and see' stance. Of course, the memorandum in itself signalled that
PASOK had abandoned its objections to EC membership as a matter of
principle and was now seeking some technical readjustments which would
provide the political formula to justify its volte-face. Meanwhile, the
passage of time made withdrawal from the EC even more impractical, and
138 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
among the electorate, Greek membership of the Community became
increasingly widely accepted as a fact of life, especially once the
economic benefits started to become apparent.
The Commission's reply to the memorandum in March 1983 officially
rejected the Greek request for special treatment. In practice, it has been
pointed out that a de facto extension of the transition period was allowed,
through the imposition of a five-year 'regulatory tax' on certain categories
of imports. 5 Greece was also promised special additional funding, mainly
in the context of the Integrated Mediterranean Programmes (IMPs). This
was followed in June by the Stuttgart Council communique, in which the
European Council explicitly acknowledged that the Community should
play a role in helping Greece to overcome its problems, thus giving
Papandreou the opportunity to claim that Greece had achieved 'complete
success' in its aims.
From this point on, the PASOK government shifted its focus from the
'Greek peculiarities' to a more general call for greater redistribution of
resources within the Community. In practice, this came to more or less
the same thing - the lion's share of the IMP funding went to Greece, for
example. But it meant that Greece, which was now calling for
'convergence' of member states' economic development levels in order to
achieve greater 'cohesion' within the EC as a whole, had begun to express
its positions in a less insular and more Community-orientated terminology.
Instead of presenting Greece as a special case, there was now an attempt to
formulate Greek demands within the context of the wider discussion about
Community reform then underway in Western Europe.
From the time of the Stuttgart Council, Greek government circles began
to promote a new line on EC membership: that while accession had been a
mistake, especially on the terms negotiated by the previous ND govern-
ment, the cost of withdrawal was now higher than the cost of staying in.
But officially, right up until the Brussels Council of March 1985, PASOK
used the continuing negotiations on the IMPs, the EC's main response to
the memorandum, as an excuse to delay its verdict.
Thus the period from October 1981 until at least the spring of 1985 was
marked by a distinct disarticulation between words and deeds as far as
PASOK's EC policy was concerned. While it was clear that in practice,
there was no question of a Greek withdrawal, the PASOK government
scrupulously avoided making any formal admission that this was the case.
This was described by The Financial Times as a 'one foot in, one foot out'
posture.6
This awkward stance became even harder to maintain following
Greece's panegyric assumption of the presidency of the Community's
Susannah Verney 139
Council of Ministers in the summer of 1983. While Papandreou proudly
declared that Greece had set itself the task of 'revising the Community
system as a whole' in order to 'lay the foundations for a new Europe' ,7 the
Greek government simultaneously declined to commit itself concerning
continued Community membership. Even during the campaign for the
1984 European Parliament elections, it managed to avoid making a
definitive declaration on the future of Greek-EC relations. Characteris-
tically, it was at a press conference after the Brussels Council in March
1985, apparently without any prior announcement, still less discussion, in
official party organs, that Papandreou finally declared that Greece was
now in the Community to stay.
ECONOMIC INTEGRATION
During its first term in office, PASOK's tacit acceptance of the fait
accompli of accession often went no further than that. The government's
ambiguity towards continued membership, combined with the fact that
many PASOK cadres were slow to lose their ideological distaste for the
EC, often had unfortunate repercussions on the Greek stance within the
Community. It has been remarked, for example, that in the initial period
after the 1981 elections, the Greeks were often weak negotiators, who
either remained silent or took up ideological positions completely opposed
to national interests.8
The government often appeared unwilling to pay the cost of economic
integration. The memorandum, with its request for permission to deviate
from Community rules, marked one attempt to delay the consequences of
accession. Another example was value added tax, which Greece was
supposed to introduce on 1 January 1984. The government failed to make
adequate preparations and an extension was granted until January 1986.
Even this proved insufficient and a second extension had to be sought.
Finally, Greece introduced VAT on I January 1987, five years after its EC
entry and a full year after Spain, which implemented VAT from its first
day of membership in January 1986.
The constant requests for exceptions and postponements in the
application of Community law appeared to be made without any prioritisa-
tion of different sectors or evaluation of their relative importance for the
national interests. While all member states violate EC directives, or more
simply delay their incorporation into national law, the PASOK govern-
ment did so in sectors where the political and economic costs of
conforming were small or non-existent. Some observers have suggested
140 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
that such tactics were the result of government choice, reflecting
ideological bias, rather than of civil service inadequacies. However, those
with experience of Greece's bureaucratic structures might feel it likely that
the latter also played a significant role in Greek prevarication. Perhaps
more important, while the PASOK government successfully negotiated
important derogations from Community rules, such as the right to
maintain export subsidies until the end of 1986, it made very little use of
the time gained to help prepare the economy for the adjustments which
sooner or later would have to be made anyway. The postponements
seemed almost to become an end in themselves, rather than being part of
an overall economic strategy to help Greece face the realities of European
competition.
Indeed, PASOK's failure to assimilate the EC into its strategic thinking
is repeatedly evident. A startling early example was the first government
programme, which included a whole section on agricultural policy without
once mentioning the CAP. The five-year plan for 1983-88 also contained
minimal references to the Community, despite the all-pervading effects of
membership on the economy. PASOK's apparent lack of Community
spirit often seems to have been due to ignorance of Greece's obligations as
a member, rather than to a deliberate anti-EC stance. One example of a
major piece of legislation drawn up without apparently taking account of
Community law was the draft bill on the national pharmaceuticals
organisation, which had to be withdrawn because it violated the free-trade
provisions of the Treaty of Rome. The government also seems to have
been taken by surprise at the chill provoked in Greek-EC relations by its
action in January 1983 in devaluing the drachma and imposing a series of
import restrictions without even informing, let alone consulting, the
Commission first.
POLITICAL INTEGRATION
It has often been suggested that PASOK's persistent failure to take the EC
adequately into account was partly attributable to the fact that so many of
its prominent cadres had received their professional training in the United
States. Whether or not this was due to their American education, it is
certainly true that leading figures, like Arsenis and Papandreou himself,
seriously underestimated the EC's existing role and future potential. This
was particularly apparent in the political sphere.
Greece, a small state occupying a strategic geopolitical position, has
frequently attracted the attention of the 'foreign factor'. In the 1970s,
Susannah Verney 141
Karamanlis had declared that a major goal in taking Greece into the
European Community was to break the historical pattern of reliance on
'foreign protectors'. In contrast, PASOK vehemently rejected the
possibility that the EC might develop into a significant international actor
and that participation in the Community as a decision-making member
might increase Greece's own political weight. While in opposition,
PASOK had frequently dismissed the EC as no more than a customs union
with a common agricultural policy. Once in power, it seems that the
PASOK government continued to see the political aspects of integration as
at best secondary. Thus, it continually stressed that moves towards
political union had to be preceded by economic convergence, reducing the
development gap between richer and poorer member states.
Moreover, PASOK viewed political integration with suspicion as a
threat to national sovereignty, a possible means for the 'directorate' of
North European 'core' countries to further subjugate the 'peripheral'
South. Because of this, it was particularly opposed to the introduction of
majority voting in the Council of Ministers. It was on these grounds that in
1983 the PASOK Members of the European Parliament (EP) abstained
from the vote on the Spinelli Report which, together with the Draft Treaty
on European Union which followed it, was one of the EP's most important
contributions to the promotion of European Union. Party rapporteur
Spyros Plaskovitis explained that PASOK's reservations stemmed from
the conviction that abolishing every member state's right to exercise the
veto whenever it chose would set the seal on a 'two-speed Europe' in
which the rich and powerful would make the decisions.9 The party also
opposed the strengthening of European Political Cooperation (EPC) as an
attempt to limit a small state's right to determine its own foreign policy,
while the concept of a European defence policy was anathema.
Consequently, in the early 1980s the PASOK government contributed to
the dilution of initiatives for the acceleration of political integration. 1°For
example, although it signed the Genscher-Colombo proposals in June
1983, the Greek government requested that its reservations concerning the
key paragraphs on foreign policy and the veto be included in the official
minutes. Papandreou was especially insistent that this document should
not be seen as raising any barriers to each member state's right to shape its
own foreign policy as it saw fit. This indicated a misperception of EPC,
which appeared to be viewed as a potential repetition of the kind of
foreign intervention Greece had known in the past, instead of the then-
informal attempt to find a joint foreign policy position basically expressing
the lowest common denominator. It also suggested a lack of appreciation
of the possible benefits for Greece if the European Community of which it
142 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
is a part were to develop a more cohesive political identity, allowing it to
play a more influential role on the world stage.
This failure to grasp the European Community's potential in relation to
fundamental Greek national interests was particularly manifest following
the Argentine invasion of the Falkland Islands in 1982. The ensuing crisis
provided an obvious opportunity for a display of Community solidarity in
response to the violation of a member state's territory. This could have
created a precedent of particular significance for Greece, given that it was
the only EC member facing a direct and perennial external threat.
However, while the PASOK government initially signed an EPC
statement condemning Argentina, it subsequently abstained during a vote
in the United Nations. Given Greece's concern with the Turkish
occupation of Northern Cyprus, not to mention its well-known preference
for solving this problem through the UN, this apparent tolerance within
the UN towards military aggression against a fellow EC member could
only appear surprising. This action not only squandered the goodwill of
one of Greece's major EC partners in a particularly provocative fashion.
It also meant that while the PASOK government on the one hand was
pressing NATO to guarantee participating states' territory against attack
by other alliance members, on the other hand it had thrown away a
unique chance to advance the cause of a similar safeguard within the EC.
Other actions also suggested that the nature and possibilities of EPC
had not been properly evaluated. An example is the July 1983 proposal for
a six-month delay in the installation of Pershing and cruise missiles in
Western Europe. Not only was EPC clearly the wrong forum for this
proposal; but in addition, the suggestion that the Community was
competent to discuss this question apparently contradicted PASOK's own
position that security issues were outside the EC' s responsibilities.
During its early years, the PASOK government also made unusually
frequent use of the veto in EPC. It was probably inevitable that Greek
accession would reduce Community cohesion on foreign policy matters,
where Greek interests often diverged from those of other member states.
As a Balkan country, Greece was concerned to maintain good relations
with Eastern Europe. Meanwhile, as an Eastern Mediterranean state, it had
traditionally followed a pro-Arab policy. Greece's non-recognition of
Israel was the subject of questions in the European Parliament from its
earliest days of membership, and during the first months the ND
government had also differentiated its stance from that of its partners on
some Middle East questions. Thus PASOK's refusal, during its first term
in office, to accept EPC statements which implied a legitimation of Israel
Susannah Vemey 143
or acceptance of the Camp David agreements, was not necessarily
inconsistent with previous Greek government policy. But in contrast to
ND, PASOK deliberately raised the profile and tone of Greek dis-
agreements within EPC. Differences of opinion were not smoothed over or
played down, but often spectacularly emphasised, particularly in the case
of East-West relations.
PASOK's record in EPC can best be understood in the light of the role
which its 'proud and independent foreign policy' played in government
strategy. It has been suggested that Greece's lack of economic and
political resources meant that PASOK sometimes used its foreign policy to
compensate for improvements lacking in other sectors. 11 One analyst of
PASOK's first year in office has commented that despite the party's
election pledges, in policy terms 'there does not seem to have been all that
much change' . 11 Certainly in foreign policy, Greece had retained its
fundamental Western orientation as a member of both NATO and the EC.
Thus it has been suggested that the 'essential component' of PASOK's
foreign policy could be regarded as 'symbolism rather than substantive
change' .13 EPC was by no means the PASOK government's only platform
for symbolic acts designed to emphasise a change in Greece's former
status as a dependable ally of the West. Another example was the peace
initiative of the Six, which associated Greece with some major non-
aligned countries (Argentina, India, Mexico, Sweden and Tanzania). But
while it was possible to ignore the Six, through EPC Greece could directly
influence the EC's stance on important issues and hence its coherence and
weight within the international system.
The best-known example was the Korean jumbo-jet incident in
September 1983. Mter the Soviet Union shot down a civilian jet which
had violated its airspace, the Greek government insisted that an EPC
communique could not 'condemn' the incident, but should simply 'regret'
it. On this occasion, the veto proved particularly effective because Greece,
as president of the Council of Ministers, was responsible for expressing
EPC positions to the outside world. From PASOK's viewpoint, the airliner
incident provided a useful distraction from the recently-signed US bases
agreement, thus counterbalancing a substantial move towards the US with
a symbolic tilt towards the Soviet Union. On the other hand, the airliner
incident was a serious setback to the European Community's attempt to
find a common foreign-policy voice, and created a rift between Greece
and the EC. It was this affair, perhaps more than any other single incident,
which contributed to the creation of Greece's image as an unreliable
partner within the EC.
144 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
'US AND THEM'
THE CHANGE
The new phase in PASOK's EC policy was a key element of the more
general change of course with which the party inaugurated its second term
in office from June 1985 to June 1989. It is usually assumed that the
policy change was motivated by the economic crisis, which in the autumn
of 1985 led the government to implement an economic austerity policy
and apply to the EC for a loan. According to this interpretation, a more
accommodating EC policy was the consequence - and the price - of the
need for external economic support. Thus the 1.76 billion ECU loan
agreement negotiated in November 1985 has been described as 'a second
act of accession', which set Greek-EC relations on a new course. Former
economy minister Arsenis, on the other hand, has claimed that Papandreou
first decided to revise his stance towards the EC and the US, and this
necessitated a different economic policy. 17 Whatever the precise chain of
cause and effect, perhaps more significant is that in practice, the changes
in both sectors came together, once again suggesting the organic
relationship of EC affairs to other policy areas.
By the summer of 1985, conditions had matured for a new attitude
towards the EC. The inflow of Community funds had far exceeded
expectations. During the period 1981-85, net receipts from the EC were
already equivalent to 1.5 per cent of GDP, a figure which was to reach 4.9
per cent by 1989, PASOK's last year in office. 18 It has been estimated that
by 1987, Greek receipts from the Community's structural funds
represented 52 per cent of the external trade deficit, or 11 per cent of the
state budget deficit, or 19 times the country's public investment budget. 19
This level of direct financing was something the government could not
easily ignore, especially given its impact in rural regions - an important
area of PASOK support- where net agricultural income as a proportion of
non-agricultural income had risen from an average of 46 per cent in
1976--80 to 53 per cent in 1981-85.20
146 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
Besides these financial considerations, the advance of the European
integration process itself may well have supplied an important pressure
for policy change. In 1984 the solution of the British budget contribution
problem ended the previous intra-Community deadlock, thus allowing a
new step forward in the economic integration process with the 1985
agreement to proceed to a single internal market by the end of 1992. This
in turn gave a new momentum to political integration. In the report
produced by the Dooge Committee on institutional reform in March
1985, Greece along with Britain and Denmark opposed both the
extension of majority voting in Council and the calling of an inter-
governmental conference (IGC) to revise the EC treaties. At the Milan
Council in June 1985, all three states voted against the IGC. However, a
few days later, a Council of Ministers meeting decided by a simple
majority that those member states in favour would hold the IGC anyway.
This raised a prospect which Greece in particular had always feared: the
spectre of a 'two-speed Europe', in which an inner core of EC members
would proceed to a deeper level of integration among themselves,
marginalising those who were unable or unwilling to keep up. Within a
few weeks this possibility had led all three dissenting states to announce
that they would after all participate in the IGC.
In the Greek case, signs of a new approach towards the EC were already
apparent. As mentioned above, following the Brussels summit in March
1985 Papandreou finally declared officially that Greece was not going to
withdraw from the Community. Three months later, the Milan Council
revealed a change in the Greek attitude towards EPC. Although Papandreou
rejected the establishment of a permanent EPC Secretariat, at Milan he
accepted the need for the Community to develop a distinct identity in
external relations. Notably, he even agreed that EPC could cover security
issues, so long as this was related to the search for a European identity and
took Greece's special problems into account. This suggested that there had
been a re-evaluation of the nature of the Community and its potential
international role. Days after the Milan Council, PASOK won a convincing
victory in the June 1985 parliamentary elections. The fresh four-year
mandate made this an opportune moment for major policy changes. In the
same month, the Community's final approval of the IMP regulation could
be seen as a vindication of the memorandum, justifying a new attitude
towards the EC. The result was that, instead of being excluded from the
next stage of the integration process, Greece participated fully in the IGC
and signed the Single European Act (SEA) at the Luxembourg Council in
December 1985.
Susannah Verney 147
Its endorsement of the SEA meant that the PASOK government
accepted the aims of establishing the single market by the end of 1992, of
promoting European monetary cooperation and of expanding Community
activity into new sectors of social policy, research and technology, and
the environment. Of potentially even greater long-term significance, it
entailed consenting to the ultimate aim of transforming the existing
Community into a European Union. The acceptance of simplified
decision-making procedures meant that in relation to a whole series of
policy areas concerning the establishment of the single market, PASOK
had abandoned its former stand in defence of the veto. It also accepted
the institutionalisation of EPC, which was now included in the
Community treaties for the first time, while an EPC secretariat was
established in Brussels. Among other points, the SEA committed the
member states to an attempt to formulate and implement a common
European foreign policy, and to avoid any action which might damage
their effectiveness as a cohesive force in international relations and
international organisations. Of particular importance was the fact that the
SEA opened the way for a possible future expansion of EPC into security
issues.
In relation to PASOK's previous EC policy, its signature of the SEA
constituted a U-turn. As in the past, this does not seem to have been the
result of democratic procedures within the governing party, but rather the
personal choice of Papandreou, who instigated this major policy-switch
with no prior public debate. However, the government's insistence that
the only alternative to the EC loan would have been recourse to the IMF
on far harsher terms, seems to have helped to reconcile domestic public
opinion to the change of heart on the EC. In the following year, the
proportion of respondents to the European Community's Eurobarometer
surveys who felt that Greece had benefited from EC membership rose
quite dramatically, from 42 per cent in November 1985 to 50 per cent in
the spring of 1986 and 60 per cent by the autumn. 21 This appears to be the
point when the tide turned in Greek-EC relations. The change which had
taken place by the end of PASOK's second term was symbolised by the
way in which the party chose to depict its EC role on a 1989 European
election poster. This maintained the arm motif of the 1984 poster
mentioned above - but this time the arm was being held out for a hand-
shake and being used as a bridge for a representative sample of the Greek
population to march towards united Europe and 1992 with their heads held
high. The contrast between the image of conflict in the first poster and of
cooperation in the second hardly needs to be stressed.
148 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
THE EVOLUTION OF PASOK AND THE INTER-PARTY
ENVIRONMENT
NOTES
THESETIING
IN RETROSPECT
NOTES
167
168 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
Greek-Turkish issues and the Cyprus problem on the intransigence of
Greek policy, and to rationalise and justify Turkey's policies on these
issues. The chapter concludes with observations on the implications of the
PASOK era for the future of Greek-Turkish relations and Cyprus.
Despite the strong declaratory positions adopted by PASOK both prior to,
and after, its assumption of power in 1981, its operational policy on
Greek-Turkish matters displayed continuity with that of its predecessors,
i.e. moderation, pragmatism and firmness. It also reflected the post-1974
consensus that had emerged in Greece on this subject. However, it intro-
duced some symbolic and stylistic changes in an attempt to signal to both
domestic and external audiences that Greek foreign policy had changed.
The emphasis given to the declaratory rather than the operational
components of policy towards Turkey, both by domestic and external
audiences, gave the opportunity to Papandreou' s critics to attribute the
lack of resolution of Greek-Turkish problems and Cyprus to Greece's
intransigence. Thus, inadvertently, Papandreou's declaratory policy may
have served Turkey's objectives. However, Papandreou's critics appear to
have forgotten that Karamanlis's moderation during six years of
Greek-Turkish negotiations between 1974 and 1980 had not resulted in a
resolution of any of these problems either.
This blend of declaratory and pragmatic operational policy made Turkish
officials suspicious, however. 10 Greece had not behaved in such an
independent manner toward her allies in the past. Turkey therefore feared
that the Western community would show greater sensitivity towards
Greek interests in order to pacify the 'bad boy' of the alliance and thus
subvert Turkish interests. Western and Turkish misperceptions about
Papandreou were never overcome during PASOK's eight years in office.
Turkish prime minister Turgut Ozal understood Papandreou's populism, but
also considered him a rogue.
172 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
Papandreou's pragmatism became evident soon after the 1981 election,
and remained in effect throughout his two terms as prime minister, despite
continued Turkish provocations in the Aegean and Cyprus. This tempering
of ideology with pragmatism was manifested in various ways. Following
the 1981 elections, Papandreou extended an 'olive branch' to Turkey,
opening the door to negotiations where legitimate differences existed.
Following quiet diplomatic contacts, the two sides met in Bonn during the
June 1982 NATO meeting, and agreed on formal discussions that led to
the 22 July 1982 announcement of a moratorium on provocative actions
and statements in order to create a climate conducive to substantive
negotiations. This goodwill gesture ended in failure, following massive
violations of Greek airspace by Turkey, and the cancellation of a
November 1982 NATO exercise over the issue of Limnos. During this
shortlived moratorium Papandreou continued to advocate his declaratory
policies on Greek-Turkish issues and Cyprus, both at home and in
international fora, and to seek Western guarantees against the threat from
Turkey.
Other manifestations of pragmatism in his operational policy could be
found in the sensitive issue of the possible extension of Greek territorial
waters from six to twelve miles, 11 and Turkey's unilateral actions in
Cyprus. Papandreou did not break diplomatic relations with Turkey
following the November 1983 unilateral declaration of independence
by the Turkish Cypriots, and the recognition extended by Turkey to
Denktash's pseudo-state. This event, however, froze Greek-Turkish
relations until the March 1987 crisis in the Northern Aegean, and ended all
forms of dialogue between the two countries.
The lack of responsiveness by Turkey to Papandreou's pragmatic policy
did not contribute to any movement on any of the outstanding issues prior
to the 1988 Davos meeting. Nor did Greek pragmatism induce any change
in allied or superpower policy toward Greece and Turkey .12 Had Turkey
been responsive to Papandreou's overtures, and presented reasonable
claims in areas of legitimate differences, he could have sold a negotiated
solution to the public, given his popularity, especially during his first term,
and his strong nationalist image. 13 Papandreou's ability to deal with these
issues weakened considerably after 1988, following the domestic
problems that confronted his party and the difficulties in his personal life.
For a brief period of time, during the March 1987 crisis in the Northern
Aegean, 14 Papandreou's firm crisis-management appears to have been
based on the party's declaratory positions. Even though his rhetoric
evoked images of his 1976 calls to 'sink the Chora',1.5 the government's
policy remained pragmatic throughout the crisis. The determined Greek
Van Coufoudakis 173
military response, the temporary closing of the Nea Makri American
military base, 16 the strong warnings to Greece's allies regarding the threat
of armed conflict, and the foreign minister's urgent trip to Bulgaria for
'consultations', marked a turning-point in Greek-Turkish relations under
Papandreou. Once the crisis was defused, Greece and Turkey initiated
high-level contacts intended to lead to a serious discussion of their
differences. This, then, was the first serious attempt at a full dialogue
between Greece and Turkey following the abortive moratorium of 1982.
However, some critics of Papandreou were quick to point out that the
lesson of this crisis for Turkey was that brinkmanship pays, by forcing
Papandreou into negotiations on all issues. Others, like the Greek
ambassador to the United Nations, Michalis Dountas, in an astute assess-
ment of the crisis and its aftermath, felt that Greece's allies, along with
Turkey, used this crisis as a catalyst to bring about Greek-Turkish
. .
negotiations .
on all Issues. 17
THEPAPANDREOULEGACY
NOTES
181
182 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
(DPQ) and asked that they be placed under NATO command but failed to
override Turkey's veto. 1
The Papandreou government completed the negotiations initiated by
Karamanlis in 1975 on the future of the US installations in Greece. In
September 1983 a Defence and Economic Cooperation Agreement
(DECA) was signed which updated and replaced the 1953 US-Greece
Defence Agreement and other bilateral security arrangements. 2 The new
agreement limited some of the privileges which US forces had enjoyed in
Greece over the past thirty years. Greek and American officials disagreed
over the interpretation of its final article which stated that the agreement
would expire on 30 December 1988. Papandreou for some time argued
that the DECA provided for the removalof the US bases, while American
officials maintained that it was not clear from the treaty text whether after
five years it would be 'terminated' or was merely 'terminable'. US
Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger visited Athens in April 1984,
hoping to gain some clarification from the prime minister on the expiration
date of the base agreement, but left without assurances. In the spring of
1986 American Secretary of State George Shultz came to Athens in an
attempt to build a climate of improved relations between the two states.
Schultz did not put pressure on the government for an immediate answer
on the future -of the bases and Papandreou' s statements implied that the
issue was still pending. On 10 November 1986 a new DICA (Defence and
Industrial Cooperation Agreement) was signed between Greece and the
US that was to last for five years but would be subject to renewal. The
DICA was indirectly linked to the DECA and its conclusion was widely
interpreted as an indication that a new DECA would also be signed.
Negotiations of this kind between the United States and Greece were
necessarily complex because of the important political and symbolic role
played by US aid. Military assistance has been a central element of
Greek-American relations, particularly since the maintenance of a 7:10
ratio in military aid between Greece and Turkey is considered by Athens
as proof of US resolve to maintain a regional balance of power between
the two countries. Article 8 of the 1983 DECA provides that aid and
regional balance be clearly linked with the overall goals of the agreement. 3
Washington remains flexible on the question, pointing out that the above
ratio has never been formally enshrined in legislation but is merely a
Congressional tradition dating from 1980. For the Greeks, this arrange-
ment safeguards the balance of forces between two allies and therefore
serves as a stabilising factor in NATO's southern flank. 4 Aid, however,
was viewed differently by the two countries. Whereas Turkey strove for
the largest possible amount of FMS credits, Greece aspired to keep the
Thanos Veremis 183
7:10 ratio at low levels of credit. Unlike Greece, Turkey also received
non-repayable grants in the form of Military Assistance Programmes
(MAP), a practice that undermined the 7:10 ratio. s
The notion that the primary threat to Greek security did not come from
NATO's main adversary, the Soviet Union, led to a gradual
reconsideration of Greek defence policy, especially in the first years after
the 1974 crisis. This change has been formalised by the New Defence
Doctrine promulgated by the government in January 1985. Greece sought
to institutionalise changes that had already taken place in her defensive
stance. These changes reflected a national-regional perspective on defence
rather than considerations directly related to the framework. Greek forces
were therefore organised and deployed in the following manner:
(a) Air force: besides the major airfields on the mainland (Thessaloniki,
Larissa, AnchialosNolos, Tanagra, Araxos, Andravida) and on Crete
(Soda, Heraklion), new ones were constructed and became operational in
the 1970s and 1980s located on a north-south line crossing the central
Aegean (Khryssoupolis/Kavala, Skyros, Thera and Karpathos).
(b) Navy: the arrangement of forces remained unchanged. The moderni-
sation of the fleet through acquisition of modem submarines as well as small
ships and patrol boats improved the operational capabilities and flexibility of
the Greek fleet vis-a-vis the larger units of the Soviet Black Sea fleet.
(d) Army: since 1974, the army has been concentrated mainly in
Thrace-Macedonia and the Aegean islands.
The flexibility of air and naval forces minimises the necessity of a
special peacetime deployment. Greece's limited land border with Turkey
to the east and much more extensive one with its neighbours to the north
continue to be the main determinants of the deployment and defensive
doctrines of the army.
In the annual Greek reports to NATO on its allocation of forces in
response to the DPQ, there was no evidence of a significant movement of
troops away from Greece's northern borders. This assertion was confirmed
by Admiral Lee Baggett, Jr (CINCSOUTH and then SACLANT) in an
interview with the Turkish daily Cumhuriyet (17 June 1985). Greece's
1000-km boundaries with Albania, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria are covered
by the First Army Corps (Albania), the Second and half of the Third
(Yugoslavia) and the other half of the Third, with the entire Fourth
(Bulgaria). The Third and Fourth Corps have the highest level of manning
in peacetime and flexible mobilisation plans in case of emergency. The
most likely routes of attack against Greece would naturally follow the
Vardar-Axios river through Yugoslavia and the Nestos and Evros rivers
184 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
from Bulgaria and therefore Greek armed forces are concentrated in these
regions.
The lack of strategic depth in northern Greece was considered a central
problem for NATO strategy against a Warsaw Pact threat. The distance
between the Bulgarian borders and the Aegean coastline is very short - in
Thrace it ranges from 26 to 65 km. The fortification of the western and
eastern Aegean islands provides some strategic depth to a geographically
weak northern defence - a doctrine adapted by PASOK's defence
minister, Antonis Drosoyannis in the mid-1980s.
(a) The Limnos airfield can provide full air-support to land operations
in Thrace, and that island, along with Samothrace and Lesvos, forms the
first of a succession of choke-points to hinder the passage of the Soviet
fleet in the area. If the Escadra, circulating in the Aegean or Eastern
Mediterranean, attempted to aid Warsaw Pact forces in Thracian land
operations, these islands could form the last choke-point which would
deny the Soviets access to their destination.
(b) The islands of Chios, Samos and Ikaria, together with the Cyclades
and Euboea, form a compact complex in the middle of the Aegean and the
most dense of the successive choke-points.
(c) Further to the south, the Dodecanese islands are situated along the
passage to the southeast, while Karpathos and Crete control the southern
route to North Mrica.
An argument then shared by PASOK and Nea Dimokratia was that the
militarisation of the islands would make it easier to resist a Soviet attempt
to occupy and transform them into naval bases. Karpathos, in particular,
was seen as a likely objective of Soviet strategy and the militarisation of
other islands could help deter Soviet attempts to control them. 6 While the
Greek navy continued to operate largely as it did before 1974, the air
force's role, given the fortification of the Aegean islands was considerably
widened. The new airfields on the various islands (including Limnos) are in
a circular arrangement offering Greek pilots full control over the Aegean
Sea. The Skyros airfield is in an especially dominant position, controlling
the Central and Northern Aegean. Furthermore, in the case of an East-West
confrontation, the success of Soviet naval operations in the Mediterranean
would largely depend on the support received by Backfire bombers taking
off from Crimean airfields. A partial defence against their effectiveness
might be the network of Greek radars located on various strategically-
located Aegean islands. 7 The three thousand islands of the Aegean
archipelago channel maritime traffic into lanes passing through at least
three main island complexes. Greek forces operating from these islands can
Thanos Veremis 185
impede the passage of any ship through the Aegean archipelago. Thus, the
successive choke-points form a narrow corridor that extends from the
Bosporus and ends at the Rhodes-Karpathos-Cre~Kithira-Peloponnese
line, which can block not only the exit of Soviet vessels from the Black Sea
but also their effort to retuin from the Mediterranean back to their bases or
to blockade Turkish ports and disrupt the lines of communication between
Turkey and the West. 8 General Rogers was well aware of the strategic
value of such a corridor when he stated to the Turkish journalist Ali Birand,
that 'it is important not only to keep the Aegean vis-a-vis the Soviet forces
which pass through the Straits, but also to impede the Soviet forces of the
Mediterranean from entering the Aegean in order to regain the Black Sea
by going through the Straits. I am interested in all measures taken to deter
these two possibilities.' 9
The most significant change in PASOK's policy towards Turkey was
heralded by the Davos meeting between the Greek and Turkish prime
ministers in February 1988. Almost a year before, a crisis caused by
Turkey's decision to send a research vessel escorted by warships to
explore for oil in the disputed continental shelf around Lesvos, Limnos
and Samothrace, brought the two states close to an armed clash. The crisis
was defused but it became clear that perhaps a future confrontation could
not be averted given the delicate state of relations in the Aegean. At the
same time Papandreou began to realise that repeated emergency appeals to
the Greek population would eventually blunt sensitivities over Greek-
Turkish disputes. Furthermore, the burden of enormous defence spending
on the ailing Greek balance of payments and the long period of obligatory
military service which detracted from the government's populist image,
convinced Andreas Papandreou that he should take the initiative in raising
the threshold of war between Greece and Turkey .10 In a speech to officers
in Jannina, he explained that the rapprochement would eliminate the
triangular relationship between Greece, the United States and Turkey and
would free his country's defence and foreign policy from dependence on
US aid and mediation.
In an interview on 20 May 1988 11 Papandreou claimed that his major
objective was to improve Greece's image abroad as a moderate
interlocutor and a champion of peace: 'I believe that we have attained a
credibility in Europe which is much greater than we had before.' 12 In a
speech in parliament he promoted the view that it was the danger of war
that determined his about-face vis-a-vis Turkey. Although the argument
was weak because his tough position in the past had not excluded the
possibility of armed confrontation, his peace initiative elicited general
relief in Greece.
186 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
The meeting in Davos was preceded by an exchange of letters between
Papandreou and Ozal in the winter of 1987 which paved the way for what
was considered to be the most daring peace-effort in two decades of
troubled relations. Although Papandreou set off for the meeting with the
express intention of merely discussing ways of referring legal questions
concerning the continental shelf to the International Court, he eventually
agreed to the formation of two committees to deal with bilateral issues
arising between the two sides. 13 One would promote ways of economic
and business cooperation and the other would enumerate and describe all
issues that existed between the two neighbours. Whereas the first com-
mittee predictably made quick progress, the second foundered on the
sensitive issues which it was set up to define.
In the spring of 1988, the Turkish minister of foreign affairs, Mesut
Yilmaz, raised the question of the Turkish minority in Greek Thrace and
dismissed any possibility of a Turkish military withdrawal from Cyprus
before the two communities on the island had come to an agreement and
solution. 14 The Greek side soon realised that Cyprus was not considered by
the Turks as part of the Davos package while the Muslims of Thrace were
being forcefully brought into the picture. Although some progress was
made in accident-prevention in international waters in the Aegean, the
Davos spirit quietly expired during 1989. The Greeks belatedly came to
the realisation that a description of bilateral issues between the two would
add new items to the long list of Turkish claims. By the end of 1988
allegations of scandal concerning members of the Greek government
erupted with force, and diminished official interest in Greek-Turkish
affairs.
On 7 January 1989 the Turkish Government Gazette published a
decision of the cabinet whereby roughly half the Aegean Sea became
Turkey's responsibility for conducting 'search and rescue' operations.
Although the implications of this move for Greek security have not been
clarified, this development was associated with the Turkey's extension in
July 1974 of her continental shelf to the median line in the Aegean and
with her unilateral revision in August of the same year of ICAO decisions
and of FIR limits in the Eastern Aegean. At about the same time, Turkey
asked for the exclusion of a sizeable part of her southeastern territory
(bordering on Iraq and Syria) from the Vienna CFE provisions. The
prospect of a military build-up in such territory, which in case of war
could be moved to the western coast of Turkey, made the Greek
government very uncomfortable. 15 However, the paralysis in public affairs
that the scandals had caused, excluded any serious Greek consideration of
such post-Davos developments and indeed of the entirely new regional
Thanos Veremis 187
prospects caused by the rapid emergence of detente in East-West
relations. PASOK's final months in office were lost to security
considerations. Discussions with the Americans on the future of a new
DECA made some progress but were conveniently passed on to the next
government. Thus PASOK avoided disappointing its followers who had
taken its promise of removing the American bases seriously. In the light of
Papandreou's own acceptance of Greece's position in NATO, the US
decision to remove some of its facilities in Greece and the blossoming of
East-West detente, the entire issue of the bases became an anachronism.
Greek defence policy from Karamanlis to Papandreou displays a
continuity and coherence far more evident than that between their
respective foreign policies. Although Karamanlis initiated an important
opening towards the communist Balkan states and the Soviet Union, his
preference was unmistakably for the West. His dogged efforts to bring
Greece into the European Community were based on the premise that
entry would be useful for Greek economic modernisation but would also
serve national security ends. Papandreou took an entirely new tack in
foreign policy by adopting the arguments of the non-aligned, professing
solidarity with Third World demands and castigating the superpowers for
threatening the world with extinction. His statements against US policy
often provoked the wrath of the American administration and quickly
established his reputation as the maverick of the Western world. Although
Papandreou' s declaratory policy was radical, in fact he shirked decisions
that would have compromised the country's security. On major security
issues, the socialist prime minister appears to have agreed with his
conservative predecessors on the following lines of argument: by
remaining in NATO, Greece could better mobilise Western support on the
key Aegean issues. Given the unanimity principle, she could prevent the
adoption of collective NATO decisions that would prejudice command
and control arrangements in the Aegean and undermine the Greek position
there. Relations with Turkey would be kept below the level of armed
confrontation.
In the tug-of-war between East and West in the seventies and eighties
PASOK reflected an overall European caution in attitudes to the USSR
and its allies. In 1982, after the Polish government declared martial law
and banned the Solidarity trade union, the USA imposed economic
sanctions on both the Soviet Union and Poland. Cooperation in the
implementation of these sanctions was denied to the USA by West
European states who were hoping to do business with the East and there-
fore maintained correct relations with the USSR. Although Greece was
the only NATO ally which refused to condemn the imposition of martial
188 Greece, 1981-89: The Populist Decade
law in Poland, she reflected a common European fear of isolating the
Soviets. In a disadvantageous position militarily and within reach of
superior Soviet power, West Europeans opposed policies that would
provoke their communist neighbours, while the USA, secure behind its
nuclear deterrent, considered the conflict between East and West as a
battle of wits between two different worlds that cannot co-exist. Post-
Gorbachev developments, strangely enough, proved that the hawkish
tactics of President Reagan had been more effective in bringing the
adversary to the table of negotiations rather than the doveish approach of
most Europeans, including Greece. 16 This particular vindication of security
policies that PASOK had always opposed created confusion within the
party and its followers. In the electoral campaign of June 1989,
Papandreou attributed the unfolding detente between East and West to his
own efforts and to the peace initiative of the Six (the heads of government
of India, Argentina, Mexico, Sweden, Greece and Tanzania). In fact the
initiative was little more than a public relations exercise and had no impact
on world politics. Papandreou's claims to have contributed to the success
of the INF agreement between Reagan and Gorbachev therefore sounded
hollow.
There was a strong element of anachronism in PASOK's overall
concept of world politics. Since much of the movement's appeal was
based on redressing the grievances of the vanquished in the Greek civil
war, Papandreou sought to reconstitute- at least verbally- the fear of the
Cold War climate. His constant references to the conservatives as an
authoritarian right-wing stratum that could easily revert to the oppressive
tactics of the fifties, his unyielding opposition to American influence and
his initial Third World orientation, prevented his followers from coming to
terms with a changing world. His belated decision to fall into line with the
other members of NATO and the EC did not come in time to eliminate his
reputation as the maverick of the Western world.
NOTES
190
Index 191
Cruise missiles x, 142 13-19,21,29,38,63,65, 78,80,
Cuba 121 82,84-5,109-10,115-18,120,
Cwnhuriyet 183 126-7, 131-52, 154-5, 1~1.
Cyclades 184 168, 171, 175, 187-8
Cyprus ix, 8-9, 117, 124, 127, 134, European Council, (of Heads of States)
142, 144, 155, 164, 167-70, 172, 136-9, 146
174-7, 181, 186 European Investment Bank 80
Cyprus file 123, 171 European Parliament 135, 141-2
European Political Cooperation
Damanaki, Maria 106 141-4, 146-7, 151
Davos agreement 124, 170, 172-7, European Union 147
185, 186 Treaty on 141
Defence Agreement (U~reece. Evros 183
1953) 182
Defence and Economic Cooperation Falkland Islands (Malvinas) 142, 151
Agreement, (DECA) 82, 162-3, Federation of Greek Industries (SEV)
182, 187 20,49
Defence and Industrial Cooperation Financial Times, The 138
Agreement, (DICA) 182 FIR Limits (in the Aegean) 186
Defence and Planning Questionnaire Fitzgerald, Garrett 150
(DPQ) 181, 183 Florakis, Kharilaos 88-9, 106, 116
Deliyanis, Theodoros xi FMS 182
Denktash, Rauf 172 Fotilas, Asimakis 132
Denmark 146 France (also: French) ix, 2, 49, 58,
Deutsche Welle 99 66, 104, 121
Diaspora (Greek) 6-7
Dimokratiki Ananeosi xii, 90 Gaza, Strip 121
Dodecanese 184 General Confederation of Greek
Dooge, Committee 146 Workers (GSEE) 20, 49, 51, 55,
Dountas, Mikhalis 173 57-8.~2.85
Drosoyiannis, Andonis 184 General Security of Military
Duverger, Maurice 65 Information Agreement 163
Genscher, Hans-Dietrich 141
EAM 108 Germany, Federal Republic of 168
EESE 51 Gorbachev, Mikhail 109, 115, 188
El Salvador 12~1 Great Britain (also: British) 2, 104,
Eleftheros Typos 101 168
Eleftheri Gnomi 102 Great Powers ix
Eleftherotypia 102, 104 Great Schism (of 1054) ix
Elliniki Aristera 87 Greek Lobby (in the US) 157
Enosis Kentrou 66, 78, 122-4 'Greenguards' 81
ERT (also: Public Broadcasting GSEVEE 51, 57,59-61
Corporation) 96, 98, 105 Gulf, Persian 168
Escadra 184
Ethnos 102, 104 Helsinki 176
Euboia 184 Heraklion 183
Eurobarometer Surveys 147 Hersant, Robert 104
European Commision 137-8
European Community viii-xii, 7-8, Iberian (accession to the EC) 150
192 Index
ICAO 186 Koskotas, George (also: Koskotas
Ikaria 184 affair) 26, 28, 86, 89, 101-4,
India 122, 143, 188 107, 127
Industrial Revolution ix Kouris Group 102, 105, 107
INF, Treaty 188 Koutsogiorgas, Agamemnon 86
Integrated Mediterranean Programmes Kryssoupolis 183
(IMP) 82, 138, 146-7, 150 Kurds 4
International Court 186 Kyprianou, Spyros 173
Iraq 186 Kyriazidis, Nikos 137
Irish 150 Kyrkos, Leonidas 85, 89, 106
Israel 59, 121, 142
Italy 21,49,50,58, 104,121 Lambrakis Group 102
Larissa 155, 183
Jannina 185 Lausanne, Treaty of 176
Jaruzelski, General Wojciech x, 16, Lesvos 184-5
120, 162 Lewis, Flora 157
Jerusalem xi Libya (also: Libyan) 160, 162
Jews 98-107 Limnos x, 155-6, 160, 169, 172, 181,
Junta (also: military regime, colonels' 184-5
regime dictatorship, coup d'cStat London Council 144
1967) viii, X, 7, 9, 32, 68, 71, 78, Luxembourg, Council 146
83-4,89,95,99, 117,122,134,
155-6, 159, 161, 164, 168, 176 Macedonia 151, 183
Malta, Agreement 109
Kapsis, Yiannis 159-60, 173, 177 Massachussetts 86
Karamanlis, Konstantinos xi, 37, Maxwell, Robert 104
66-7,81-2,106,123-4,126, Mediterranean 108, 137, 150, 170,
132, 136, 141, 149, 155-6, 160, 178, 184-5
164,168,170-1,174,182,187 Mediterranean Economic Community
Karpathos 183-5 (plan for) 135
Kathimerini 101 Merryman, John 71
Kavala 183 Metaxas, Ioannis viii
KEE 51 Mexico 122, 143, 188
Keeley, Robert 156, 158-9, 165 Middle East 120-1,142,170
Kennan, George 115 Mikromesaioi (small businessmen)
KGB 164 56
Kharalambopoulos, Yiannis 159 Milan, Council 146
Kileler 108 Military Assistance Programmes
Kithira 185 (MAP) 183
KKE (Communist Party of Greece) 8, Mishellenes 4
12,51,54-5,58,59-60,68, 79, Mitsotakis, Konstantinos xii, 84,
83-91,99, 106, 116, 117, 120, 106-7, 116, 174
148-9 Molyviatis, Petros 160
KKE (Communist Party of Greece), of Mompheratos, Nikos 101
the Interior (Esoterikou) 84, 87, Murdoch, Rupert 104
148
Korean Airlines jumbo-jet (Shooting- National Health System (Greek) xii
down of) x, 16, 120, 143, 151, Nazis 83, 106
157, 161 Nea, Ta 104
Index 193
Nea Dimokratia (New Democracy) Papadopoulos, Georgios x
xli, 12,19-20,27,35-7,39, Papandreou, Andreas viii-xiii,14,
41-2,47,51,55,57-60,63, 26,30-1,53,58,67, 78-9,81-2,
66-7,70,78,84-5,89-90,92, 84,86,88-9,96, 107,113-19,
96,98-9,101-3,106,113-14, 121-8, 132-4, 136, 138-41,
116, 119, 121, 127-8, 131-2, 144-6, 148-9, 154, 156-62,
134-5,137,140,142-3,149, 164-5, 167, 170-7, 181-2, 185-7
152, 155-6, 159, 162, 170, 174, Papandreou, Georgios 78, 122-3
184 Papandreou, Margaret x
Nea Makri 173 Papoulias, Karolos 159
Nestos 183 Paris 106
New Defence Docbine 183 PASEGES 51, 55, 59, 61
Nicaragua 120-1 Patras xi
Nidal, Abu 159 Patronage (also: clientelistic relations,
Non-Aligned, Movement 154 clientele) xii, 4, 6, 27, 31-2,
'17th November' 101 40-2,53-4,81,89,151,156,167
North Atlantic Treaty Association PeacelnitiativeoftheSix 109,122,
(NATO) ix-xi, 9, 16, 29, 38, 143,188
78, 82, 109-10, 114-17, 119-20, Peloponnese 185
122, 124, 135, 142-3, 154-7, Peron (also: Peronism) 48, 52-4, 58,
159-60, 163-4, 168-72, 181-2, 113
184, 187-8 Pershing missiles x, 142
Phileleftheron Komma (Liberal Party)
Oilconomilcos Takhydromos 144 52
Olympic Airways 164 Philbellenes 4
24 Ores 102 Piraeus 85, 89
Orthodoxy viii-ix, 3 Plaskovitis, Spyros 141
Ottomans (also: Ottoman) viii, ix 3, Po~ X, 120,132,161-2,187,188
4,6 Polytechnic uprising 108
OVES 55 Popotas 102
()zat,1\ugut 124,127,171,173,186 Populism (also: Populist) viii, xiii 12,
18,29,30-4,36-7,40-3,47-52,
Pakistan 122 54-8,60-1,63,67, 78,97, 101,
Palestinian Liberation Organisation 105,107,111, 113,128,171, 185
(PlJJ) 121, 155, 164 Portugal viii, 21,49-50, 58, 80, 151
Palestinians 4, 121
Panellinio Ape1eftherotiko Kinima Qaddafi, Muammar 162
(Panhellenic Liberation
Movement, PAK) 134, 167 Radio Albina 100
Panellinio Sosialistiko Kinema Rallis, Georgios 81
(Panhellenic Socialist Movement, Reagan, Ronald 109, 121, 124,
PASOK) viii-ix, xi-xiii, 8-12, 156-9, 162, 164, 188
14-16,18,26-43,47-51,53-61, Rezan, Maria 9
66-8,70-3,78-82,84-7,89-91, Rhodes 185
94-7, 100, 102-9, 111, 113, Ritsos, Yiannis 98
115-24,126-8,133-45,147-51, Rogers Agreement 169, 181, 185
154-65, 167, 169-71, 176, 181, Rome, Treaty of 140
184-5, 187-8 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 71
Pangalos, Theodoros 132, 137 Russia 6
194 Index
SACLANT 183 UDI 175
Salazar viii UGT 49
Samos 184 Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Samothrace 184-5 (USSR) X, 9, 83, 120-1, 157,
Sandinistas 16 159,161,164,169,183,187-8
Sartzetakis, Khristos 68, 126 United Nations (UN) 121, 142, 170,
Shultz, George 158, 162, 182 173
Simitis, Kostas 41, 52, 86, 135 United States of America (USA)
Sinai 144 ix-xi, 9, 16, 78, 106, 109, 115,
Single European Act 146-7, 150 117-19,121,124, 126,140,143,
Skyros 184 145, 148, 154-63, 165, 168-70,
Socialist International 148 181-2,185,187-8
Solidarity x, 16, 120, 162, 187
Soviet bloc 155 Vandor, Augusto 54
Spain viii, 21,49-50, 58, 121, 139 Vardar (Axios), River 183
Spinelli report 141 Varfis, Grigorios 132, 136-7
Stearns, Monteagle 158-9, 165 Vassiliou, Spyros 175
Straits 185 Venezuela 59
Stuttgart, Council 138 Venizelos, Eleftherios (also:
Suda 183 Venizelism) xi, 10, 108
Sweden 122, 143, 188 Vienna 186
Switzerland 124, 173 Vima, To 102
Syntekbnia (Guild) 61-3 Voice of America 163
Syria 151-80 Volkische Beobachter 107
Volos 183
Tanagra 183 Vradyni 101
Tanzania 122, 143, 188
Thatcher, Margaret 150 Warsaw Pact 184
Theodorakis, Mikis 98 Washington 121, 134, 156, 158-65,
Theotokas, Georgios xi 178, 182
Thessaloniki 85, 99, 137, 183 Watergate 127
Third Greek Republic 7 Weber,Max 3
'Third of September', Declaration Weimar Republic 107
148 Weinberger, Caspar 162, 182
'Theses on 1992' 148-9 West Bank 121
Thira 183 White House 158
Thrace 175-6, 18~. 186 World War, Second 156
Trikoupis, Kharilaos xi
Tsatsos, Konstantinos 66-7 Yilmaz, Mesut 186
Tsovolas, Dimitrios 86 Yugoslavia 183
Turkey (also: Turks) 9, 115, 119,
120-2,124,127,155-7,159, Zolotas, Xenophon 63, 90
161, 163-5, 168-78, 182-3, Zurich Agreement (1959) 177
185-7
Tzannetakis, Tzannis 89