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Alyssa Winn

Professor Perparim Gutaj

POLS 2200, Section 401

5 March 2018

Comparing Immigration in Former Nation-States: Germany and Japan

Germany and Japan share similarities in in how their nation-states were formed and each

culture’s history of exclusionary treatment of non-nationals. Both histories have idealized their

nations to be homogeneous, naturally making their populations feel threatened by immigrants.

However, Germany has recently begun reforming their immigration policies while Japan is

resistant to make proactive changes. Despite past similarities, the years following World War II

had a different effect on how immigration is handled in each country today. In this paper I will

explore how geography, foreign relations and economic growth have affected immigration

policy-making and the integration of foreigners in Germany and Japan.

The belated nation forming of Germany and Japan resulted in both states relying heavily

on the strong ethnic notions that each was a ‘master race’. Both countries adopted militaristic

attitudes prior to World War II and were fueled by the desire to expand their empires (“Chapter 4

& 5”). Germany and Japan naturally became cultures of emigration, not immigration, as their

populations spread over new territories. This later influenced why both Germany and Japan

implemented immigration policies that gave preferential treatment to emigrants. The concept of

citizenship in both countries has been shrouded with a history of ‘ius sanguinis’, meaning the

right to claim citizenship is based on nationality or race (Ferauge, Victoria).

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Germany and Japan have a similar historical development of the nation-states and were

faced with similar critical junctures. The nation-states both had democracy forced on them in the

postwar years. Although both were heavily influenced by the United States, Germany was

surrounded by other democracies and had more flexibility designing their institutions. The

collectivist culture and the prolonged feudalist society in Japan fragmented the political process

making it difficult to initiate reform and deepened the anti-nativist opinion in the country.

Germany had more foreign pressure to allow immigration, and once reforms to residency were

established it has affected political parties, specifically the Left and Green parties, in the country

to increase reform (Bierbach, Mara).

Prior to World War II, Germany had the most advanced steel industry and abundance of

natural resources in the Ruhr Valley. Proximity to other states and control of natural resources

forced Germany to reconcile and collaborate with other states immediately. The states

surrounding Germany were fearful that once again Germans would become a dominant power

and their control on steel would prevent other states from rebuilding. The formation of the

European Coal and Steel Community was an effort to limit German control and neutralize

natural resources in the Ruhr Valley (“European Coal Steel Community”). Although it was

somewhat unsuccessful in creating a common market the Community was a precursor to the

European Union and the first attempt to mobilize the nations of Europe in a collective effort.

The landlocked Germany was fortunately surrounded by capitalist democracies so it was

of mutual benefit to integrate economies and establish open borders amongst each other.

Elsewhere in Asia ethnic, religious, economic and ideological divisions stunted the growth of

democracy and helped bring authoritarian regimes to power. Japan was not only a geographic
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island but also isolated as the only post-war democracy in Asia. Japan’s only industrial neighbor

was China but the country was unwilling to reconcile and never forced negotiations (Jost,

Kenneth). Unlike Germany, Japan lacked the ability to integrate economies or the urgency to

repair social relationships with its neighbors.

The post-war standoff between capitalist democracies and communist states gave

Germany and Japan different positions of leverage when negotiating returns to ‘normalcy’. A

community was already forming in Europe and with the impending threat of the Soviet Union

expansion, Germany was able to exploit differences between France, the United Kingdom and

the United States to gain influence to grow its economic and military powers. On the contrary,

Japan was forced into a one-on-one relationship with the United States and had little power to

negotiate terms. Japan also faced a more immediate security threat since the series of proxy wars

were fought in Asia. Without the ability to arm itself, Japan was at the mercy of the United States

to defend it (Loë, Stefano). Consequently, Japan was further isolated from Asian countries, while

Germany developed closer relationships and gained the trust of bordering states. Relations with

neighbors greatly impacted each country’s position on immigration and their official policies, if

only because it amplified the foreign pressure to reform.

Both countries saw immigration as a threat to the development of its national identity but

due to a shortage of labor, Germany began a “guest worker” program in 1955. Foreign laborers

in Italy and Spain were invited to temporarily work in Germany for three years and then return

home. Eventually Eastern European populations also sought economic prosperity and joined the

“guest worker” program (Palmer, Edith). Germany never considered the immigration permanent

so never created a pathway for citizenship, even though the guest workers seldom returned home.
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In Japan the settlement of foreign workers was entirely rejected. Although low skilled workers

were able to enter Japan under the premise of being a trainee, student or entertainer. There was

also a substantial population of Korean and Taiwanese already living in the country but their

Japanese citizenship had been revoked after World War II. There were increased issues of

exploitation, human trafficking and illegal immigration because of the lack of government

regulation of immigrant labor (Kashiwazaki, Chikako).

Despite the demand for low-skilled workers in Japan there was no equivalent to a “guest

worker’ program until 1990 when the Immigration Control Order was reformed. The order

mirrored the German program but was more selective by only allowing ​Nikkeijin​, Japanese

diaspora mostly from Latin America, to legally enter Japan and work for a period of three years.

To be clear, this was essentially a work visa, not a right to citizenship (Goto, Junichi). The order

also reinforced discrimination of non-nationals by making it illegal to hire undocumented foreign

workers. Both Japan and Germany were trying to preserve their nation-states but their economic

growth exceeded their labor force causing both states to modify immigration policy.

Neither country expected their foreign worker population to stay permanently but

Germany’s location and membership in the European Union drastically increased its immigration

population in comparison to Japan. Regardless of the increase in population, Germany still

maintained they were not a country of immigration. But the German Act of Foreigners of 1990

showed tolerant shift in policy by creating new rules on the naturalization of second-generation

immigrants and children on foreigners that were born in Germany. In 2005 Germany began to

restructure immigration policies once it came to the realization that immigrants were staying in

the country permanently - not temporarily as it had once believed. The Migration Act declared
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Germany as a “country of immigration” and created a program focused on long-term permanent

residence of migrants (Gesley, Jenny).

Japan has come to no such realization and still maintains that it is not a country of

immigration. The central government has made little changes to integrate immigrants. Recently,

the most significant change has been to eliminate the requirements to fingerprint foreign

residents. Even this is only abolishing a restriction, not improving the quality of life for foreign

residents. Former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi stated in 2005,

"If [the foreign labor] exceeds a certain level, it is bound to cause a clash. It is necessary

to consider measures to prevent it and then admit foreign workers as necessary. Just

because there is a labor shortage does not mean we should readily allow [foreign

workers] to come in” (Kashiwazaki, Chikako).

If Japan fails to address immigration concerns as their native population ages they face an

uncertain future.

Relative to Japan, Germany has been more proactive on recognizing its immigration

population and reforming its policy. Japan has had a more reactive approach to immigration,

only reforming when foreign pressure advocated for a change. Until Japan can reconcile with its

current immigrant reality, we can expect no institutional changes to be made regarding

immigration. Germany has made progress but has selective immigration policies. There is still

improvement needed to make it less of an exclusionary state.

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Works Cited

Bierbach, Mara. “Where Do German Parties Stand on Refugees, Asylum and Immigration? .”

DW.COM, Deutsche Welle, 24 Sept. 2017,

www.dw.com/en/afd-cdu-spd-where-do-german-parties-stand-on-refugees-asylum-and-i

mmigration/a-40610988​.

‘Chapters 4 and 5.” Countries and Concepts: Politics, Geography, Culture, by Michael G.

Roskin, 13th ed., Pearson, 2016, pp. 127–219.

“European Coal Steel Community.” Encyclopedia Britannica , Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc., 25

May 2014,​ www.britannica.com/topic/European-Coal-and-Steel-Community​.

Ferauge, Victoria. “Dual Citizenship: Germany and Japan.” The Franco-American Flophouse, 27

Nov. 2011, 10:59, ​thefranco-americanflophouse.blogspot.com/2011/11/dual-citizenship

-germany -and-japan.html.

Gesley, Jenny. “Germany: The Development of Migration and Citizenship Law in Postwar

Germany.” Germany: The Development of Migration and Citizenship Law in Postwar

Germany, Library of Congress, 1 Mar. 2017,

www.loc.gov/law/help/migration-citizenship/germany.php​.

Goto, Junichi. “Latin Americans of Japanese Origin (Nikkeijin) Working in Japan : A Survey.”

OpenKnowledge Repository, World Bank, Washington, DC, 1 Apr. 2007,

openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/7119.

Jost, Kenneth. “Democracy in Asia.” CQ Researcher, Congressional Quarterly Press, 24 July

1998, ​library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/document.php?id=cqresrre1998072400​.

Kashiwazaki, Chikako, and Tsuneo Akaha. “Japanese Immigration Policy: Responding to

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Conflicting Pressures.”Migrationpolicy.org, Migration Policy Institute , 2 Mar. 2017,

www.migrationpolicy.org/article/japanese-immigration-policy-responding-conflicting-pr

ssures​.

Loë, Stefano von. “What Japan Cannot Learn from Germany.” The Diplomat, The Diplomat, 9

May 2014,​ thediplomat.com/2014/05/what-japan-cannot-learn-from-germany/​.

Palmer, Edith. Guest Worker Programs: Germany. Library of Congress, 1 Feb. 2013,

www.loc.gov/law/help/guestworker/germany.php​.