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YDSUF KHASS HAJIB AND THE ICUTADGU BILIG

I
The Uighurs constitute one of the earliest identifiable of the many
Turkic tribes that have emerged from the broad expanse of Central
Asia during the course of history. Faithful adherents to Islam for
nearly a thousand years, they are today submerged in that backwater
of civilization known as Sinkiang (or Chinese or Eastern Turkestan),
little known to, and knowing little of, the outside world.
I t was not always thus. That area was once a relatively thriving
one, and during the tenth and twelfth centuries, under rulers of the
Qargkhinid dynasty, the Uighurs were the dominant people in that
part of Central Asia. The comparatively advanced state of their
culture and civilization is suggested by the fact that of all the Turkic
peoples they alone developed a lasting alphabet. Historical research
has still to uncover detailed information about the QarikhHnid era,
but we already know enough to judge that by the XIth century the
Central Asian city of KPshghar had become a major cultural center
as well as an important commercial city serving the trade caravans
that then regularly traversed the vast reaches of Central Asia.
I n that century the Uighurs produced two remarkable men. One
was Mahmiid al-KHshghari, the author of Diwdn lughdt al-Turk (Dic-
tionary of Turkish Languages), which is still today the ultimate source
for any study in the field of Turkish philology. The second was Yiisuf
K h k s Hsjib, who, in 462 (A.D. 106911070) completed a work entitled
Kutadgu Bilig, 1 which stands as the most significant book ever written
in the Uighur language and which can appropriately be termed the
national epic of the Uighurs.
There is no evidence available either within their works or elsewhere
that the two men, even though contemporaries, were acquainted or
knew of each other or even of the other’s work. The explanation is
not hard to find. Mahmiid, although born in KHshghar, was living in
BaghdPd when he wrote the Diwdn; moreover, he wrote it in Arabic.
Yiisuf, on the other hand, was born in BallsHghiin 2 and was a grown
man when he moved to KPshghar, where he completed Kutadgu Bilig,
using the language of his people. 3
-~
1 This form, used throughout this article, is the one approved by modern
Turkish scholarship. Strict adherence to the rules of transliteration would re-
quire Qiiddtghzi Bilik. The Encyclopedia of Islam uses Kutadhghzi Bilig, while
European orientalists, e.g., Radlof f and VambCry, have preferred Kudatku Bifik.
2 Although only a name out of history today, BaliGghGn was listed as an
important city by al-Gshghari in the Diwan. It is believed to have been located
somewhere northeast of Tariiz (now Evliya-Ata) and south of the Chu River.
See Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. I, pp. 614-15; New Edition, Vol. I, p. 987.
3 There is some dispute as to whether the language of Kutadgu Bilig is
Uighur proper or only a dialect of it then in use in Kiishghar. For a defense

299
THE MUSLIM W O R L D

Yfisuf’s work apparently marked an important milestone in Uighur


literature, for in a verse preface added to the work by an unknown
author subsequent to its completion by Yiisuf, it is stated:
There are many books in Arabic and Persian.
I n our tongue this one is the first.
Whether this observation is to be accepted literally is a question
which can be settled definitively only after further research has devel-
oped additional information about Uighur life in that period. By
YFisuf’s time the Uighur alphabet had already been in use for several
centuries, so it would seem likely that others before Yiisuf had used
it as a medium for literary works. Yet the fact remains that no Uighur
work antedating Kutadgu Bilig is known to exist or ever to have
existed, which tends to substantiate the statement that it was the first
real book ever composed in the Uighur language. In any case the
passage serves to indicate the esteem in which the book was held.
Although the work remained unknown to the Western world for
many centuries, the prefaces indicate that it circulated widely in Asia
in the years following its completion. The unknown author of the
prose preface tells us that:
The sages of North China have praised it in their verse. The
scholars of South China have embellished it in their discourse. . .
they. . . know that there is no book more precious and that there
does not exist either in the language of the Bukhara Khanate or
in the Turkish idiom a work which is its superior. The sages
are agreed that it should be studied by kings, as much for their
instruction as for their enjoyment.
The North Chinese call it ’Adabu-’l-muhk (The Morals of
Kings). The scholars of South China know it as ’Anisu-’l-mam-
Iakat (The Friend of the Kingdom), The Eastern peoples call it
Zinatu-’Z-urnard (The Adornment of Rulers). The Iranians have
termed it Shdhndma-i turki (The Turkish Shcihn&uz). Others
term it Pendndma-i mulnk (The Book of Advice for Kings). The
natives 4 of the country call it Kutudgu Bilig.
Our knowledge of Yiisuf as a person is limited to the information
that can be gleaned from the prefaces and from the few references to

of the latter view see, for example, H. F. Gonensay and N.S. Banarli, Bag-
langtftan tanzimata kadar Tiirk edebiyatz tar& (History of Turkish Literature
from the Beginning to the Tanzimat), Istanbul, 1942, pp. 55-58.
4 The word tzlranliqlar is used here. One Turkish scholar cites this as proof
that “Uighur” is not a term used by the Uighurs themselves but merely a name
coined by the Chinese and later adopted by European orientalists. See Sadri
Kaksudi Arsal, Tiirk tariki ve hzlkuk (Turkish History and Law), Istanbul,
1947, p. 97. Opposing Arsal’s argument is the fact that al-Ksshghari uses the
word “Uighur” frequently in his Diwan, which was written only 5 years after
Kutadgu Silig and therefore long before the prefaces were added.
YUSUF KHASS HAJIB 301

himself which Yiisuf makes in his work. H e was born in BallsFighun


to a noble family and, after receiving a good education, achieved a
position of respect in his community. Beginning his writing in his
native town, he later moved to Kishghar where he completed it in
462, whereupon he presented it to Q a r l Biighrl Khln, the Khan of
Klshghar, to whom he had dedicated the work. In appreciation the
K h l n bestowed upon Yiisuf the title of Khl?? Hljib, roughly equi-
valent to Lord Chamberlain. Yiisuf states that he wrote Kutadgu
Bilig in eighteen months; so if we accept that he was about fifty
years old when he began his writing - he refers several times to
his advanced years - we can conclude that he must have been born
about 410 (A.D. 1019).Nothing is known of his death.
Even the identity of the Biighrl Khl n to whom Yiisuf dedicated
his work remains in doubt, for the genealogies of the Qarlkhlnid
rulers are confused and incomplete. The best available evidence, how-
ever, suggests that he was most probably Tawghach Q a r l KhZn Abii
CAli Hasan b. Sulaimln Arslln, who, in the tenth year of his reign,
brought under his rule the Muslim areas of Eastern Turkestan, in-
cluding the regions of Ballslghiin and Tariz, restored order, and
sprea.d his fame as a benevolent ruler to the neighboring states. 5

I1
After long centuries of obscurity, Kutadgu Bilig was brought to
light and made known to the Western world for the first time by the
Austrian orientalist von Hammer-Purgstall, who, coming into posses-
sion of a manuscript copy during a visit to Istanbul in 1823,sent it to
Europe and later presented it to the Vienna State Library. Some
seventy years later a second copy was discovered in the Khedivial
Library in Cairo. The third extant copy was found in Russian Turke-
stan on the eve of World War I.
The Vienna copy, which is written in the Uighur script, originated
in the city of Herat during the reign of ShHhrukh, the son of Timiir:
a note indicating that the copying was completed on 4 Muharram 843
appears within the book. There is no indication of the identity of
the copier or any reference to the source used. It can be presumed,
however, that the copier was not working from Yiisuf’s original copy
since the prose preface is included. The contents of this preface make
it clear that Yiisuf himself did not write it; and, had the copier done
so, it seems reasonable to assume that he would have given some
indication of that fact.
The copy contains a total of 190 pages, with the text of Kutadgu
Bilig proper comprising 5,971couplets; the number of couplets per

6 See Encyclopedia o f Islam, Vol. I, p. 772, and V. Barthold, “Kutadgu Bilig’


in zikrettgi Bugra Han kimdir? (Who is the BiighrH KhHn Mentioned in
Kutadgu Bilig?),” Tiirkiyat Mecmuasz I ( I ~ s )pp., 221-26.
302 THE MUSLIM WORLD

page varies from 24 to 43. On page I is a 4-line note in Uighur giving


a recipe for making syrup from honey. The 46-line prose preface
occupies pages 2 to 4, the verse preface of 76 couplets pages 4 to 8.
The index, which lists 73 chapters, is on pages 8 through 10. The
actual text bcgiiis with line 18 on page 10 and continues through
page 185, with the last two lines on that page giving the date and
place of the copying. The next three pages contain a 76-line eulogistic
poem, followed by a quatrain. At the bottom of page 189 are four
lines to the effect that the copy was taken from Tokat to Istanbul in
879 by one CAbd al-Rizak Bahshi. The final page bears a 10-line
ghazal in Uighur script, a couplet in Arabic script, and a a-line note:
“Bought from Nllblnt Hamza. Hajj Dallll, at the Hayreddin Mosque.”
At numerous points throughout the text some reader has written the
Arabic or Persian equivalents under various words and, by means
of notations in the margins, has indicated his approval or disapproval
of the sentiments expressed in the text.
The Cairo copy, discovered in 1896 by the German scholar Moritz,
then director of the Khedivial Library, dates from sometime before
the middle of the fourteenth century. On the title page appears the
name of %z al-Din Aydamir al-Dawldlr at-Nisiri, a Mamlfik leader
who died in either 1361 or 1374 and who presumably owned the
copy during his lifetime. Otherwise, the history of the copy until the
time of its discovery by Moritz is unknown.
The copy, which is written in Arabic script, contains 392 pages.
The text comprises 5,800 couplets, usually 17 per page although some
pages have less. The prefaces occupy pages 2 through 7, while the
index, which lists 72 chapters, takes up pages 8 through 12. The
actual text begins with line 7 on page 12. The copy is in good condition,
although some pages at the beginning and in the middle of the book
have been damaged by moisture. The script is very clear and gives
every evidence of having been copied with the utmost care.
The Ferghana copy was first discovered in 1913 in a private library
in the city of Namanghln, Ferghlna Province, Russian Turkestan,
by Ahmed Zeki Velidi (Zeki Validov, or, as he is known today, Ahmed
Zeki Velidi Togan). During the turmoil attendant upon the war and
the revolution which followed, the manuscript disappeared, to be re-
discovered in I924 by one Fitrat, a teacher in Bukhlrl. The first
and last parts of the work are missing and, therefore, also any notes
that may have existed as to when, where and by whom the copy was
made. Fitrat, noting the style of the Arabic script used, concluded
that it was written before th; Vienna copy. Moritz was also influenced
by the style of the script and came to the conclusion that it was
probably written in the twelfth or thirteenth century and, in any case,
before the Cairo copy. Another reason for believing that it antedates
the Vienna and Cairo copies is the absence of the prose preface which
appears in the latter two, although this is certainly not conclusive since
YOSUF KHASS HAJIB 303
the copier could, of course, have omitted it for reasons of his own.
The copy contains 4 5 pages and 6,095 couplets, with thirteen t o
fifteen of the latter to the page. The. first page, and hence part of
the verse preface, is missing. The index, which lists 67 chapters, oc-
cupies pages 3 through 12.The text proper begins on page thirteen.
Whether any of the copies described above is a faithful reproduction
of Yiisuf’s original can only be conjectured. Obviously all three cannot
be, since each contains a different number of couplets divided into
a different number of chapters. Very probably none of the three is.
I t is an unfortunate fact, as anyone who has ever worked with manu-
scripts can attest, that even the most careful copiers seldom, if ever,
produced exact copies of the manuscripts they were copying.

I11
With the exception of one of its two prefaces and its index, Kutadgu
BiZig is entirely in verse. The couplets are always rhymed, with an
equal number of syllables in each line. Because of the ambiguous
language used at times, it is often difficult to understand Yiisuf’s
intent and at times even impossible to guess it. Recent studies have
shed much new light on this aspect of Kutadgu Bilig but more re-
mains to be done before it can be said that all the nuances of Yiisuf’s
language are understood.
Yfisuf’s aim in writing Kutdgu Bilig was apparently not only t o
set down the existing moral, political, legal, social and philosophic
concepts of his day but also to combat the spread of asceticism and
mysticism which threatened to weaken the spirit and sap the energy
of the Turkic peoples. The Buddhistic concept of Nirvana had long
been in conflict in Central Asia with the force of social activity and
statecraft represented by the Turks. As a Muslim he seems also t o
have feared the spread among the Turks of Siifism, which may well
have appeared to him as an essentially artificial and superficial Isla-
mized version of the mystic philosophies of India, especially Buddhism.
I n the twelfth century, it should be noted, Buddhism was still a force
in Central Asia, for Islam had made its appearance there in strength
scarcely a hundred years before. Legend tells us that Satiiq BiighrB
KhHn, the first of the QarLkhHnid dynasty to accept Islam, was con-
verted at the age of twelve by one Nasr, a SHssPnid prince who had
been forced to seek refuge with the QarlkhLnids. The precise dates
of Satiiq’s reign are indeterminate, but it is known that he ascended
his throne at the age of twenty-five and died at an unknown age in
A.D. 955.
This conflict of ideas can be observed in the attributes represented
by the chief protagonists of the work, that is, by Kiintoghii, Aytoldii
and Oktiilmish on the one hand and by Odghiirmish on the other. T h e
discussions between Oktiilmish and Odghiirmish, especially, depict the
304 THE MUSLIM WORLD

struggle between the two ways of life: Bktulmish champions the cause
of an active life and creative social activity, while Odghiirmish, the
pessimist, defends the idea of withdrawal from society and the value
of seeking good in this life through religion and communion with God.
W e do not know what YBsuf’s life had been or to what influences
he had been exposed before he wrote Kutadgu Bilig or even if he
had a position at court before the Khan gave him the title of Kh&
H5jib. However, the contents of the book are such that it could have
been written only by a well-educated and cultured man who was fully
conversant with all aspects of Uighur life and society. On that point
there seems to be no disagreement. The question of Yiisuf’<sphilosophic
orientation is another matter. One writer has detected in Kutudgu
BiZig evidence of the influence of Ibn Sing; 6 a modern Turkish
scholar, however, rejects this thesis entirely, finding in the work evi-
dence only of the ideas of Confucius and al-FiirHbi. 7
Whatever the true facts of his background Yiisuf unquestionably
wrote as a Central Asiatic Turk, presenting the contemporary views
of his people on the subjects which he treated. The ideas he presents
are Turkish ideas and the proverbs he uses are Turkish proverbs.
Ytisuf is an epigrammatist par excellence, and virtually every phrase
h e puts into the mouths of his characters is a philosophical epigram
illustrating a moral precept.
Kutadgu Bilig, in the form in which we know it today, begins with
two prefaces, the first in prose and the second in verse, similar in
content, which cite the names by which the work was known in other
countries and touch briefly on the principal characters. Next comes
the index, which lists the names of the individual chapters. The first
eleven of these, which cover a variety of subjects, constitute a form
of introduction and have no bearing whatever on the main theme of
the book:
Chapter I - In Praise of Allah
Chapter 2 - In
Praise of Muhammad
Chapter 3 - In
Praise of the Four Companions of the Prophet
Chapter 4 - Dedication to BiighrZ KhPn
Chapter 5 - The Seven Planets and the Twelve Constellations
Chapter 6 - A Definition of Learning and Wisdom
Chapter 7 - On the Advantages of Moderation and Silence
Chapter 8 - Apology for the Imperfections of the Work
Chapter g - In Praise of Education
Chapter 10- On the Value of Discernment and Knowledge

6 0. Alberts, ,,Der Dichter des Kudutku Bilik ein Schiiler des Avicenna,”
Archiv fair Geschichte der Philosophie VII ( I ~ o I ) , p. 330ff. Fuat Kopriilii is
of the same opinion. See his Tiirk edebiyatz turihi (History of Turkish Litera-
ture), Istanbul,( 1928, pp. 194-204.
7 Arsal, op. cit., pp. 118-20.
YOSUF KHXSS HAJIB 305
I n Chapter 1 1 Yiisuf discusses the title of his book and his motives
in writing it, though he is so enigmatic and uses such ambiguous
language that his meaning in respect to both matters remains obscure.
Here too he presents his drumatis personae and tells the reader that
the work is divided into four parts, of which the first concerns the
Administration of Justice, the second the Executive Power, the third
Intelligence, and the fourth Moderation. These concepts, he indicates,
are represented by the story’s four principal characters: Kiintoghii,
the KhBn; Ayfoldii, the vizier; .dktiilmish, his son and successor;
and Odghfirmish, a friend 8 of dktiilmish.
The first part comprises Chapters 12 through 26 and is essentially
the story of Kiintoghii and Ayfoldii. It describes the rule of Kiintoghfi
and then relates the arrival of Aytoldfi at the Khiin’s court and his
eventual elevation to the vizierate, his illness and, finally, his death.
Part two-Chapters 27 through ~p-tells the story of the Kh5n and
his new vizier (dktulmish), wherein the two men discuss the state,
its chief officers, and the qualifications required by each of these
officials. Part three-Chapters 41 through 58-relates how Kiintoghfi
and dktiilmish attempt to persuade Odghiirmish to accept a post at
court. In their conversations dktiilmish and Odghiirmish discuss society,
the characteristics and rights of each social class, and various problems
of family and manners. Part four, which includes Chapters 59 through
6g, tells of the relationship of Oktiilmish and Odghfirmish and ends
with the illness and death of the latter. 9
The last four chapters constitute an epilogue wherein Yfisuf
addresses himself directly to the KhBn. He complains of the purpose-
lessness of life and, referring to his own advanced age, voices regrets
at how he had spent his youth. H e concludes with renewed apologies
for the imperfections of his work.
Kzttadgu Bilig’s plot-story-line would perhaps be a more appropriate
term-is a simple and uncomplicated one:
Ayfoldii, an intelligent, high-spirited youth, lives in a town far
from the capital. Feeling that his abilities are in excess of the
opportunities offered by his native environment, he resolves to
go to the capital and there enter the service of the Khin. After
a difficult trip he reaches his destination with high hopes, only
to succumb to despair when weeks pass and he is still unable to
present himself to any government officials. Then one day he
chances to meet Kosemish, a kind and generous man, to whom

8 In the text the exact relationship of the two men is not clear. Sometimes they
are described as friends, sometimes as brothers. But since AytoldLi at one point
refers to Gktiilmish as his only son, the word “brother” is apparently intended to
be taken in a figurative sense.
9 This paragraph describes the chapter arrangement which is found in the
Vienna copy.
306 THE MUSLIM W O R L D

he pours out his troubles. Impressed by the earnest youth, Kose-


mish presents him to the grand vizier, who is a close friend. The
vizier, like Kosemish, is impressed by Aytoldii’s intelligence, self -
confidence and noble bearing; and he, in turn, presents Aytoldii
to the Khln. This is the turning-point in Ayfoldfi’s life. The
Khan at first appoints him to minor posts and then, observing
his ability, to increasingly important off ices. Eventually, when
the grand vizier dies, the K h l n selects Aytoldfi to succeed him.
For many years he administers the state with great success.
Upon Aytoldc’s death the KhPn designates as his new vizier
Ayfoldii’s son, Oktulmish, who, while possessing ail the positive
virtues of his father, surpasses him in knowledge, for he has
been trained and educated from his youth for such service. After
serving in this post for some time Oktulmish offers a court
position to Odghfirmish, a childhood friend who has withdrawn
from society to live the life of an ascetic in the mountains.
Odghiirmish rejects the offer.
Oktulmish goes to visit Odghfirmish in his retreat and tries
to convince him that effort on behalf of the people is preferable
to asceticism. But in vain. Then the Kh5n himself writes several
letters to Odghiirmish and, when they prove fruitless, summons
him to court, The Khln’s arguments in favor of an active life
are as unsuccessful with Odghfirmish as were those of ijktiilmish.
For his part, Odghfirmish attempts, not too convincingly, to
justify a pessimistic view of worldly life. The Khan then permits
him to return to his life of solitude. Finally he falls sick and
dies after a last talk with Oktulmish, whom he has summoned to
his side. The story ends with his death.
IV
Scholars have been unable to agree on the proper meaning of the
book‘s title. VambCry and Radloff rendered it as “The Art of Giving
Happiness” or “The Book of Joy-Giving Knowledge.” 10 Jaubert 11
and Cahun12 preferred “The Science of Government” or “The Art
of Ruling.” This view is strongly defended by Professor Arsal, 1 3
while Koprulu also inclines towards that translation, terming Yiisuf’s
work “a sort of siyasbtndma,” that is “a book of politics.” 14 O n the
other hand, Professor Reait Rahmeti Arat, who has perhaps studied
the work more intensively than anyone else, is convinced of the cor-
rectness of the Radloff-Vambkry version. 15
10 See, for example, H.VambCry, Das Turkenvolk, Leipzig, 1885, p. 322.
l1 P. A. Jaubert, “Notice d’un manuscrit en caracteres ouigours,” Journal Asia-
fique, VI (1825), pp. 39-52.
1 2 Leon Cahun, L‘lntroduction Ci l’histoire de l’Asie, Paris, 1896, 1). 45.
13 Arsal, op. cit., pp. 120-27.
14 Kopriilii, op. cit., p. 197.
15 Kutadgu Bilig. Metin (Kutadgu Bilig. Text), Istanbul, 1947, pp. xxv-xxvi.
YOSUF KHASS HAJIB 307
The problem arises from the dual meaning inherent in the first
element of the title. The word kutdgu is a verbal form derived
ultimately from the root word qut, which means, variously, happiness,
good fortune, spiritual strength, majesty and political sovereignty.
There is no dispute over the word bilig, whose various forms in all
Turkic languages and dialects convey the idea of knowledge, science
or art. The correct answer to the problem lies, of course, in what
Yfisuf had principally in mind when he wrote the book. Was he trying
to expound a philosophy of life which would ensure contentment?
Or was he consciously writing an essay on government? Yfisuf is
anything but helpful on this point. Although he does discuss his pur-
pose in Chapter 11, in doing so he employs several different forms
of the word gut, sometimes in its “happiness” sense, sometimes to
mean the sovereignty of the state. Consequently, from the linguistic
point of view, an equally good case can be made for either translation.
Similarly, the contents of the book are such as to suggest the
validity of either translation. As has been noted above, Kutadgu Bilig
is to a large extent an exposition of philosophical concepts and an
argument for an active social life as the road to happiness. It is prin-
cipally on this fact that the Radloff-VambCry school rests its case.
At the same time, however, the Jaubert-Cahun-Arsal school can justly
assert that the work includes such a wealth of information relating
to the Qarikhinid government that it is in no way misleading to
describe it as a treatise on government.
Whatever the correct interpretation may be, the principal value
of Kutudgu Bilig certainly lies in its description of Uighur government,
court life and organization, and social classes as they existed in
Kishghar in the XIth century. These data are to be found in Parts
Two and Three in a series of conversations between Kuntoghii and
Oktiilmish and between the latter and Odghfirmish, in which the men
discuss the duties and necessary qualifications of each state official
and the role in society of each social class as well as the treatment
which each class has a right to expect from the Khin.
The state (22) is headed by a khan (zlzk), who is not only the em-
bodiment of the state’s sovereignty but also of law and justice. The
highest ranking officer of the state is the grand vizier (zilzigh hajib),
who heads the state’s administrative apparatus and acts as “the eyes
of the khan and the instrument of his rule.” Assisting him in his
task are a number of lesser viziers; the khin’s chief secretary (bitik-
chi), who also functions as a sort of minister of justice and of foreign
affairs; the treasurer (aghiji); and the khin’s ambassadors (yuldwuch).
On a lower level is a hierarchy of minor officials known collectively
as tupughchu. There are two categories of these: the first comprising
those trained for such service from youth, the other those accepting
a position after reaching manhood. Yiisuf comments that the first
category is to be preferred.
308 THE MUSLIM W O R L D

There is also a hierarchy of palace officials who serve the khan


in a personal capacity. Among those whom Ykwf mentions specifically
are the chamberlain (qabaghbashi), the cupbearer (idishchi), the
master of the khan’s bed (toshekji), the chief cook (dshbashji), the
standard bearer (taghju), the falconer (qushchu), and the master
of the horse ( d q t d j i ) .
A third hierarchy exists for the military, with the commander of
troops (sfibashi) having a status in the state as second only to the
khHn himself. Serving under the sabashi are numerous other military
officers; Yfisuf lists their titles but does not dwell on their individual
functions.
Turning next to Uighur society, Yfisuf distinguishes eleven different
social classes in addition to the Ithiin and his family and the govern-
mental-military structure. These are, in order of their status, the
descendants of the Prophet ( Calevi),scholars (bilks cuZim),physicians
( a t d j i ) , sorcerers (dfstinji), soothsayers or dream interpreters (tash
ydrghtiju), astronomers-astrologers (yulduzchi), poets (shdcir), agri-
culturalists (tarighchi), merchants (sutighchi), nomads or animal
raisers (igh’dishchi), artisans ( a z ) , the common people (qarabudan),
and paupers (chighdy).

V
The first publication about Kutadgu Bilig to appear in a Western
language was in 1825 by the French orientalist Pierre Am6dCe Jaubert,
who published a paper he had read at a meeting of the Sociktk Asiatique
on 3 January of that year. 16 Several years later a young Englishman
published a Turkish language grammar in which he included a long
Preliminary Discourse on Turkish history and literature. In this Dis-
course he gave a description of Kutudgu Bilig, which was simply a
condensation of the Jaubert article, as he himself acknowledged. 1 7
The first major work on Kutadgw Bilig appeared in 1870 when
VambCry published a facsimile, transcription and translation of 915
couplets taken from the Vienna copy, together with a qa-page intro-
duction on the Uighurs and their language. 18 The next scholar to
turn his attention to the work was Wilhelm Radloff, who, at the
urging of the Russian Academy of Sciences, undertook a study that
lasted for ten years and resulted in the publication of three volumes. 19

16 See Note 11.


17 A. L. Davids, Grainmar of the Turkish Language, London, 1832. A French
version afso appeared : Grammaire turque, Traduite de I’Anglais par Madame
Sarah Davids, London, 1836.
18 H. Vambiry, Uigurische Sprachmonumente ztnd das Kzldatku Bilik, Leipzig,
1870.
19 W. Radloff, Das Kudatku Bilik. Facsimile der uigurischen Handschrift der
K.K. Hofbibliothek in Wien, St. Petersburg, 189,and Das Kudatku Bilik des
Jwuf Chass-Hadschib aus Balasagun. Teil I : Der Text in Transcription. Teil I1 :
YUSUF KHASS HAJIB 309

These four volumes are still the only major studies which have been
published in the West; other writings on Kutadgu Bilig have been
limited to periodical articles or sections of books devoted to Turkish
and Central Asiatic history and literature.
While Western scholars continue to show a relative lack of interest
in Kutadgu Bilig, the work has drawn increasing attention from Turks
during the past several decades. Under the influence of nationalism
Turkish scholars have been turning their attention to studies of the
historic origins of the Turkish peoples and to their accomplishments,
including their literature. The Turkish Language Society (Turk Dil
Kurumu) has been especially active in this regard and has published
facsimile copies of the Vienna, Cairo and FerghLna copies. 20 Even
more significant was the publication in 1947, under the Society’s
auspices, of a complete transcription into the modern Turkish alphabet
by Professor Arat. 21 In addition to transcribing the entire work, Arat
collated the three copies, showing all the differences among them with
respect to wording and the order of the couplets. In his introductory
remarks, Arat indicated that he planned eventually to publish a Turkish
translation of the complete work.
Washington, D.C. ROBERTDEVEREUX

In addition to the works mentioned in the text of this article or in


footnotes, the interested student may consult the following writings
which deal in whole or in part with Kutadgu Bilig:
Alberts, 0. “Zur Textkritik des Kudatku Bilik,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen
Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft L I (1897), pp. 715-17.
Arat, Resit R. “Kutadgu Bilig’ de tabibler ve efsuncularla miinasebet hakkinda
(On the Relationship of Doctors and Sorcerers in Kutadgu Bilig),” Ulkii
(Ankara), No. 46 (19361, pp. 292-93.
Arsal, Sadri Maksudi. Hukuk felsefesi tarihi (History of the Philosophy of Law),
Istanbul, 1946. (On pp. 130ff. the author advances his theory on the in-
fluence of al-FSr5bi on YBsuf.)
Bombaci, Alessio. “Kutadgzl Bilig hakkinda ban miil5hazalar (Some Obser-
vations Concerning Kutadgu Bilig),” in Fuad Kopriilii Arma&ma (Fuad
Kopriilu Presentation Volume). Ed. Osman Turan et. al. Istanbul, 1953.
Brockelmann, C. “YBsuf Khfi$$ Ijfijib,” in Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. IV,
p. 1179. (The article is limited to a discussion of style to the exclusion of
any mention of the contents.)
Devereux, Robert. “The Ideal Ambassador : An XIth Century View,” Foreign
Service Journal, XXXIV (April, I957), p. 28.
-. “The Art of Military Command: An XIth Century View,” Military
Review XXXVII (January, 1958), pp. 47-49.

Text und Ubersetzzlng nach den Handschriften von Wien und Kairo, St. Peters-
burg, 1891 and 1900.
20 Turk Dil Kurumu, Kutadgu Bilig : tzpkzbmam (Facsimile of Kutudgu Bilig),
Vol. I : Viyana niishasa (Vienna Copy), Vol. 11: Fergana niishasa (Ferghha
Copy), Vol. 111: Mzsar niishmz (Cairo Copy), Istanbul, r g q and 1943.
21 See Note 15.
310 THE MUSLIM WORLD

Fitrat. “Kutadgu Bilig,” Maarif ve Okutguchu (Tashkent), No. 2 (I925), pp.


68-74 (in Uzbek). (An announcement of the rediscovery by the author o l
the FerghZna copy A Turkish translation of this article appeared in
Tiirkiyat I (I925), pp. 334-47.
-. Ozbek edabiyati numzineleri (Examples of Uzbek Literature), Tashkent,
1928. (Pages 79-87 of this book are given over to a discussion of Yiisuf’s
work.)
Hartmann, Martin. “Zur metrischen Form des Kutadku Bilik,” Keleti Szemle
(Budapest), I11 (1902),pp. 141-53.
Ibrahim Necmi. “Kutadgu Bilig’ in vezni meselesi (The Problem of Meter in
Kutadgu Bilig),” Yarin Mecmuasi, No. 5 (1921), p. 3 f f . (This appears to
have been the first Turkish writing about Yiisuf‘s book to be published)
Malov, S. “K tretyey rukopisi Kutadgu Bilig,” Dokladi Akademii Nauk, 1929,
PP. 754-87.
Melioranski, P. M. “0 Kudatku Bilike C1:ingiz Kana,” Zapiski Vostochniye
Otdeleniya XI11 (~gcn), pp 15-23,
Radloff, W. “Uber eine in Kairo aufgefundene zweite Handschrift des Kudatkn
Bilik,” Izvestiya Akadenzii Nauk I X (IS%), pp. 309-19.
-, and Melioranski, P. M. “Zum Kudatku Bilik,” Zeifschrift der Deutschen
Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, I11 (ISM), p. 715 f f .
Samoylovich, A. “Addenda et corrections Q I’Cdition du texte et Q la traduction
du Kutadgu Bilig,” Dokladi Akademii Nauk, 1942, pp. 148-51,
-. “Compl6ment aux traductions d’un vers du Kutadgu Bilig, prosees par
Radloff et Thomsen,” Eokladi Akademii Nazlk, 1928, pp. 23-25,
-. “Sredneaziastsko nadpisi na glinyanom kuvshine iz Saraychika,” Zapiski
Vostochniye Otdeleniye, XXI (1912), pp. 38-47.
Thomsen, Whelm. “Sur le systeme des consonnes dans la langue ouigour,”
Keleti Szemle, I1 ( I ~ I ) pp.
, 241-59.
Velidi, Ahmed Zeki. “Vostochniye rukopisi v Ferganskoy oblasti,” Zapiski Vos-
tochniye Otdeleniye, XXII ( r g q ) , pp. 312-13, (Announcement by the author
of the original discovery of the FerghHna copy.)

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