Ol'versigl at' [-'inskn Vrtenskaps-Sooietetens Forlit

Hfl. I.VII. 1«)14—1915. Aid. U. N:o (i.

Indian dances in the Gran Chaco

(South America)

R. KARSTEN.

It is a wellknown fad Ihai dances play a prominent

part in the social life of the South American Indians. It has
also often been recognised that certain dances have a reli-
gious or magical significance. Yet on the whole very little
attention has hitherto been paid to this side of the Indian
practical religion. With exception of the mask-dances in
North-West Brazil, recently described by the German ethno-
logist Dr. Koch-Grunberg, the ceremonial dances of
the South American natives have never, as far as I know,
been made the object of a detailed study. The following
contribution to Indian choreography may not, therefore,
be without interest, especially as it will al the same lime
throw light upon some of the most important native reli-
gious ceremonies. In my account I shall only deal with the
customs prevailing VP the Gran Chaco, and more particularly I /
among the tribes in the Pilcomayo region where I have
myself studied them at first hand. Bui (here is no doubt
that much the same principles underlie I lie Indian dances
everywhere in South America.
The dances in the (Iran Chaco are, as it were, internatio-
nal; there are certain main types of dances which occur
2 R. Knrsten. (l.VIl

among all. or at any rate, among most tribes under different

names, one particular dance being the favourite of one tribe,
another of another. In pointing out some general peculiari-
ties of the Indian dances, it may be observed that in all
South America dancing is above all the men's affair, women
comparatively seldom taking part in these entertainments. In
many parts of the continent, for instance in Brazil, the women
are not at all allowed to be present at certain death-
feasts and mask-dances. In Chaco they may attend
at dances and feasts, but as a rule they do not take an active
part in them. Sometimes dances are performed in honour
of the women, their object being then to protect these weaker
members of the community against supernatural evils. This
passive role of the women at most dances no doubt is due
to the fact that originally the Indian dances have had a
purely practical object, being magical ceremonies to conjure
and expel evil spirits. Since women as a rule do not take
part in religious ceremonies and conjurations, they do not
either take part in the dances. There are exceptions to this
rule, and just as elderly women, who have been properly
initiated, may perform certain religious ceremonies of their
own, so may they also occasionally take an active part in
certain religious dances. This especially holds true of the
dance which among most Chaco tribes is performed in honour
of girls at the attainment of puberty, which is particularly
a dance of women.
Further we have to note that Indian dances are not
generally accompanied by music, at any rate not by any
music in the civilised sense of the word. The dancers them-
selves chant the measure of their movements, this chanting
at the same time being a conjuration. In some dances,
especially those which are performed to cure diseases, the
chanting is also accompanied by the beating of drums <>r
shaking of rattles, but these instruments, which produce
a hollow monotonous sound, are purely magical and are not
used for the sake of affording musical pleasure.
Ring-dances are perhaps the most common type of dances
in Chaco. The dancers are arranged in a circle holding each
IIN:n(i) Indian dances in the Gran C.liaco (South America}. U

other by the hand or with arms interlaced round each other's

waisis, and move round either walking slowly, running, or
jumping, according to the particular kind of dance perform-
ed. The chant accompanying the dance is someiinies low
and monotonous, sometimes extremely loud and noisy.
In the second principal Chaco dance the dancers are arranged
in a line or so as to form a crescent, with Minis interlaced
as in the first dance. They move with running steps alter-
nately to the right and to the left, and at the same time
forwards until they arrive at the opposite side of the dancing
place, where they break the chain uttering shrill cries. They
return in the same way. In a third type of dance no definite
order is observed; everybody dances by himself, jumping
up and down and accompanying his movements with loud
shouts and generally with the shaking of rattles. Dances of
this type always have a religious and magical character.
It is also a peculiarity of the Indian dances in Chaco
that they nearly always take place at night time or after the
approach of darkness. It is a rare thing to witness an Indian
dance in the day-time. The reason of this is to be sought
in the religious character of the dances. According to the
belief of the Indians, the evil spirits do not exist during the
day; they come with the approaching darkness, attacking
the villages and visiting people with sickness and misfortune.
This is therefore considered the proper time for performing
magical conjurations and other religious ceremonies.
In the following pages I shall describe in greater detail
the different dances performed on different occasions by tin1
(lhaco Indians.

I. Danciny in cure or prevent diseases.

According to the Indian theory of disease, all diseases

are caused by evil spirits which have penetrated into the
liody of the patient and particularly into that part of it
where the evil is felt. The medical art of the Indians is
therefore essentially of a magical nature; the sorcerer or
I R. Karsten. (LVIF

medicine-man tries to conjure the evil intruder and force

him to leave the patient by different means, by'chanting,
shaking rattles, sucking, blowing, spitting, and last but not
least by dancing around him. Dancing is generally resorted
to in serious cases where other means have proved futile,
and is considered to be an extremely efficacious remedy. Of
the tribes of the Pilcomayo especially the Tobas and the
Matacos practise dancing in order to cure diseases; the
Chorotis also know this custom, but comparatively seldom
practise it. I shall first describe the customs prevailing
among the Tobas.

The dance by which the Bolivian T O B A S try to conjure

demons of disease is called nahdt ddnnaran. Ddnnaran in the
Toba, language means 'to chant', 'to sing'; nahot (nahdt).
again, is the Mataco word for 'demon' or 'evil spirit' and has
evidently been borrowed by the Tobas from their neighbours
on the other side of the river. Nahdt ddnnaran thus simply
means 'to conjure a demon'. The name still exactly answers
the true nature of the dance. — When in a certain case of
illness the ordinary treatment of the medicine-man has failed
to effect the desired result, the Tobas sometimes proceed
to special measures. From all houses in the village men and
women assemble in the evening outside the house of the
patient, each of the men bringing his heliyday. a sort of
rattle composed of small bells attached to a circular strap
of leather. The sick person is carried out of the house and
laid upon the open place outside it. When night approaches
the people begin to dance around him, marking time with
their rattles. .lumping up and down with both feet at once
and with knees bent they move forwards and backwards,
to the right and to the left, yet always keeping round the
sick person. They accompany their dance not only with
the shaking of the rattle bells but also with chanting, or
rather loud shouting: indeed, the main principle in the dance
seems to be to make as much noise as possible. While the
others dance, the medicine-man performs his particular
office. Leaning over the patient he mutters a chant of his
HN:ofl) Imlinn (Inures in Hit1 (irnn Clmco (Soulli Ainoricn). "
•>

own. uttering certain powerful words and shaking his rattle

now and then over Hie part of his body which is the seat of
the evil. The whole ceremony is continued, with short
intervals, until midnight.
The nahdldonnaran is not only danced in actual cases of
illness, hut also with a view to preventing illnesses. The Tobas
perform this dance especially in Hie month of October, ill
the end of the dry season and the beginning of I he wet
season, their object being to keep off an epidemic disease
which is said particularly to attack the women. The dance
is held during several successive nights, and especially elderly
women, but also young girls take pail in it. A peculiarity of
this dance, as of many other Indian conjurations, is that the
performance, as it were, begins gradually: the dancing,
chanting, and rattling is at first slow and discreet, increasing
gradually in strength until it reaches a climax, after which
it again decreases. One of the sorcerers is heard gently
shaking his rattle; soon he accompanies the »musie» with a
chant, uttered in a low voice; the chanl and rattling grows
louder and louder and the time faster; finally he also begins
to dance. Two. three, and more men join him ill Hie dance,
lastly even the women lake an active part in Ihe ceremony,
at first only dancing, bill soon chanting as well. The lime
grows faster and faster and the whole dance more and more
noisy. Suddenly one of the women falls (o Ihe ground where
she remains lying motionless as il she were dead; shortly
after another woman falls down in Ihe same way, then a
third, and so forth. A medicine-man appears and begins
to treat the women in the usual way according as they fall,
leaning over them, chanting, blowing upon them, and sucking
them on the head and on the breast. The woman Ihus
treated appears gradually to recover and after a while
again takes part in Ihe dance. In Ibis way all of them are
attended in due order by Ihe medicine-man. While this
particular conjuration goes on, Ihe oilier partakers in the
ceremony continue dancing around Ihe »sick» women and
their eurer. stamping on the ground, yelling, and violently
skaking their rattles. When the excitement reaches ils
i> R. Karsten. (l.XU

highest point, time is no longer kept, everybody dancing

as he likes, keeping liis own measure. In the chant no words
are pronounced, but only sounds are emitted like: ai-ai, ai-
;ii. ai-ai, ai-ai, or: he-he, he-he, he-he, etc. There is, however,
• me dominant melody which is again and again repeated:
pp Rep. ad lib.

ai-ai ai-ai ai-ai ai-ai ai, ai ai-ai ai, ai ai-ai ai-ai ai-ai ai-ai.
dim.
The first notes in this melody are always sung in a loud
voice; then the voice gradually diminishes and the last notes
which are repeated ad libitum are only heard as a low
distant murmur. Thereafter the chant again commences
from the beginning and so forth.
While the main body of the dancers goes on repeating
tliis chant, one of the sorcerers, who seems to be the leader
of the ceremony and moves about more than the rest, occasio-
nally seconds them with a somewhat different melody, his
voice being heard louder than those of the. rest.
The dance, which generally goes on at a very quick
tempo, is of course extremely trying in the heat of the tropical
night. It is probably for this reason that the dancers appear
almost naked, the men wearing only the usual small waist-
belt, and the women a short petticoat round the loins. Still
the sweat can be seen flowing down the naked bodies in
streams. This sweating, however, seems to be desired and to
form a part of the »cure»; it aids in the purification from the
evil spirits. The dance, which is performed by moon-light
or in the light of a big fire of pampas grass, sometimes goes
on without interruption for nearly an hour. Then a pause
is made, after which the noisy ceremony is again continued.
Like most Indian conjurations, this dance goes on from the
close of (he day till about midnight.
It may be added that most of the persons who take part
in this magical ceremony have their faces painted in one
way or another, generally with the red dye obtained from
HN:o<>) Indian tinners in tlic (trail C.IKHO (Smith Anu'rieii). 7

the uri/n/-planl (Iii.ro orellana). Some girls may bo seen

with real ornamental patterns on their cheeks, representing,
for instance, heads of arrows. It-elli of animals, etc. These
facial paintings, like all Indian body-paintings, have a purely
magical significance: they serve to keep off the demons with
which the dancers come into contact during the ceremony,
and help to conjure them.
As to the significance of this dance, il is interesting
especially from the point of view that il is prophylactic in
character: The women are not really ill; they only pretend
to be ill and are treated accordingly. The Indians gave me
the following explanation: A l the end of (he dry season
their people are usually visited by an epidemic disease,
which is attended with pains in the head and in the chest,
and which especially al tacks the women. This illness,
according to the belief of the Indians, is caused by a great
number of peyak (evil spirits) who visit the village at night,
and the dance is intended to conjure them and keep them
oil. Evidently it is thought that when the women are heated
in advance for the illness, (his is an efficacious means of
preventing them from really tailing i l l .
The Tobas have another similar prophylactic dance
which is called nnhore, »the tiger-dance», (naliorc tiger).
which is danced about the same lime as the nalinl ddnnaran.
The persons taking part in this dance are young men and
women. They are arranged in a circle, hoys and girls alter-
nately. In the middle of the circle some elderly women arc
sitting. Each of the boys has a big cloth in his hand. Like
the nahot ddnnaran and oilier Indian conjurations, this dance
begins slowly, the tempo gradually growing faster. At first
the dancers only walk one behind the other in a circle, each
boy now and then lashing (lie girl in front of him on the
loins with his cloth. Soon they begin lo leap, faster and
faster, and the lashes on Ihe loins of the girls likewise follow
((nicker and quicker. Suddenly one of them falls lo the
ground, where she remains lying motionless as it she were
dead, then a second falls, thereafter a third, and so forth in
the same wav as in the former dance. A medicine-man.
8 R. Karsten. (I.vil

who represents the tiger, appears and begins to treat the

girls in turn according as they fall. He puts his mouth
to the girl's breast, sucks it on two spots and blows on it,
alter which he spits out what he pretends to extract. Then
he treats the head in the same way, sucking it and blowing
on it. The girl thus »cured» appears to recover, rests for a
while, and again takes part in the dance. This procedure is
repeated with all girls successively. The dance is continued
with short pauses for several hours. Like most Indian dances
it always takes place in the evening.
The nahure, as we find, bears a great resemblance to the
nahot ddnnaran. It differs however from the latter dance in
certain points. In the nahoie no rattles are used, nor do the
partakers in this ceremony chant. They simply go on jumping,
the boys lashing the girls, only now and then encouraging one
another with exclamations and accompanying each lash of
the cloth with an emphatic schl Similarly the medicine-man
who acts as tiger (nahore), departs from his usual method
of curing sick people in so far that he neither chants nor
uses his rattle, contenting himself with sucking the patient
on the supposed seat of the evil. When he wanders among the
women curing them he now and then gives a sound resembling
the grunting of the tiger when it roams about in the night
searching for prey: yanii, ydnu, yanu.
This pantomimic dance has much the same serious
magical significance as the niilwt donnaran: its object is to
protect the women against the tiger or to save them from
falling victims to it. This is effected by representing an
encounter between them in a euphemistic way. The woman
who lias met the animal in the woods tries to escape it by
Ilight, but soon exhausted falls to the ground and seems
helplessly lost. Hut in I he dance the tiger is a benevolent
being. II docs not harm the woman; on the contrary it
cures her. The idea, in fact, seems to be that by the tiger
itself remedying the evils which it inflicts, this will in real
life be a sale-guard against the feared beast. To understand
the ceremony fully we must know the superstitions the In-
dians have about the tiger. The Tobas, like most South
HN:n(i) lii<li;ni (lances in Hie (Iran ('.linen (South Aincricn).

American Indians who are acquainted with the jaguar,

regard it as an incarnation of an evil spirit. It is commonly
believed that certain persons are changed into jaguars after
death, and this belief is confirmed when - as sometimes
may happen the beast visits a village at night and kills
some of its inhabitants. The way in which the girls are trea-
ted by the medicine-man in the iuili<>rc dance by sucking,
etc. — shows that the evil afflicting them is supposed lo
have been caused by a demon which has taken possession
of them.
The cloth with which the boys lash the girls on (he loins
in this dance plays much the same part as the rattle in other
dances. The object of the lashing is lo purify the girls from
the evil demon and chase it away. Striking or lashing with
a whip or a cloth is in South America largely practised as a
means of purifying from evil spirits, and especially lakes place
at death-feasts. To mention one typical instance of this:
The Arawaksin Guiana at their funeral leasts perform a pecu-
liar dance called mariquarri, in which the persons who take
part in the ceremony lash each other with long whips on the
legs until the blood Hows in streams. The object of the dance
is no doubt to purify the mourners from the death-demons
which are especially supposed to mix in the blood. The
lashing with the cloth in the nahorr dance of I he Tobas has
a similar aim.
In this connection I may mention a ceremonial dance of
much the same kind, which was told me of by a Bolivian
settler who had lived for some time in the land of the Tobas.
An Indian man had been taken ill or had fallen a victim
lo some accident whilst wandering in the forest. He was
cariied home by his comrades, whereupon the following
cniative ceremony took place. The sick Indian lav on I he
ground groaning with pain. The oilier Indians stalled lo
dance round him. leaping on *all fours, imitating in (heir
movements and in the sounds which I hey produced certain
big animals of the forest: one imitated the tiger, (mother the
lion (puma), a third the fox. a fourth some fourth animal,
and so on. Now and then the dancers slopped, lea 111 over
HI R. Karsten. (IA'11

I he sick man mid began to suck at him and blow on the

seat of the pain. - The close resemblance of this dance to
the nahore just described is conspicuous. Evidently it was
believed that a beast of the wood, or rather the evil demon
incarnated in it, had caused the evil, and not knowing with
certainty which particular animal it was, the Indians con-
sidered it necessary to represent several of them in the
pantomimic dance. The principle in such ceremonies is,
that when the animal itself cures the evils it has inflicted,
recovery will follow with greater certainty.
Ihe idea of the Tobas, that certain animals, or animal
spirits, may cause disease by entering into the body is also
found among other tribes in South America, and seems
especially" to be common among the North American In-
dians.
Among the Tobas it also occurs sometimes that the patient
himself dances to cure himself, naturally only in comparatively
slight cases of illness. Once I witnessed such a dance, per-
formed by two women who seemed to suffer from rheumatic
pains in the breast and the shoulders. The women jumped
up and down with the feet in the usual way, but without
chanting and without using rattles. The dance was lead by
a sorcerer who chanted and danced at first slowly and then
faster, accompanying himself with his heligday. The small
<lanciug party was encircled by other Indian men and women
who, sitting on the ground, accompanied the dancers with
chanling and shaking of rattles. The concert gradually grew
louder and louder, and ultimately developed into a dreadful
noise. Having danced a while, the patients laid themselves
down on the ground and a medicine-man began to cure
them, performing his usual conjurations, while the other
men and women continued their chanting.
Whilst Ihe dance went on another peculiar ceremony
took place: a fire-brand was swung round in all directions
on the place of the dance. A man took the brand and carried
it far into the forest chanting loudly, made a big circle and
lastly appeared again on the scene of the dance, chanting
incessantly.
If N:uli) Indian dancos in the (Iran C.liaco (Smith America). II

The principal idea connected with the dancing of sick

persons, as the Indians explained In me, is d i a l Lhe. evil
spirit is forced to leave the body with the perspiration. It
is therefore essential that the patient should go on dancing
till he perspires abundantly. For lhe rest the principles of
the dance are the same as in other similar conjurations.
Again, the ceremony with the fire-brand was a purification
ceremony, quite common among lhe C.liaco tribes. Among the
Tobas it is called koyaddnnltf. The evil spiiil which was
being conjured had thereafter to be driven off into the forest.
Fire is on the whole considered by the Indians to be an
extremely efficacious means to expel evil spirits, and
the above mentioned practice is especially resorted to when
a death has taken place in the village.

The MATACOS are another Chaco tribe who practise dancing

with the object of conjuring demons of disease. This ceremony
of conjuration they call nahutsak (nalu'it demon, evil spirit),
a name by which they denote a ring-dance performed on
particular occasions, as will be seen later on, as well as
certain dances of the same type as the iiuhol ddnnaran of
the Tobas. The Matacos, in fact, cure diseases much in
the same way as the latter Indians. To show I heir custom
in this respect I may at first borrow the following v i v i d
description of a Mataco conjuration which lhe Italian explorer
Giovanni Pelleschi once witnessed in a Mataco village in the
Argentine Chaco. »ln the midst of lhe tolderia, in a sort
of open square. I saw a circle of black figures lighted up here
and there by the flames of the great fire: these were women
and men sitting on their heals silently smoking. Within the
circle four robust men were running backwards and forwards
within ;i space of about eight yards. Ostrich leathers and
little bells were fastened to [heir ankles, wrisls, heads, and
waists . In their hands, which were always lifted up in
gesticulation, they held small gourds, half-filled with grains,
and these being shaken added to the din. They rushed about
shouting and yelling, panting and sweating; thrusting out
their legs, they stamped hard upon lhe ground, and then
12 H. Karsten. (IAII

raised their voices in desperation, lifting up their arms, with

head bowed and body curved. By turns two of them would
stop short, and squatting on the ground, would shake their
heads rapidly from left to right, backwards and forwards,
groaning, blowing, and spitting on the back, legs, head, and
lace of two sick persons who had been placed in their midst
. . . . The spectators remained to do honour to the treatment
and increase its efficacy, but not without fear that the
dhol on quitting the body of the sick man might enter into
t heirs.» ')
This ceremony for the curing of a sick person was perhaps
still more primitive than those just described from among
the Tobas, but the principles were exactly the same. The
Indians [irmly believe that they can terrify and expel the
evil demon who has taken possession of the patient by
performing such violent dances around him. With regard
to the ostrich leathers which the Mataco sorcerers had
•fastened to their ankles, wrists, head, and waist», some
words of explanation may be added. The feather ornaments,
which the Indians use in most of their dances and conjura-
tions, were not originally real ornaments but magical charms,
according to principles which cannot be explained more fully
here 2 ). Like the body-paintings, the necklaces made o!
animal's teeth, the rattle bells and gourds, etc. they help
to conjure the spirits. This magical character they still
retain in all ceremonies which are professedly of a religious
nature.
Another similar dance of the Matacos, which is related
by Dr. Erland Nordenskiold, may also be mentioned.
Its object was to cure a sick woman, and the ceremony
was performed by six sorcerers, armed with bells and rattles
as well as with sticks. Some of them had their face covered
with a cloth. One of the sorcerers began to dance, leaping
around and chanting loudly ii, ;i, ii, jii, ja, jii, la, la, lii. etc.

') I'c I I e s c Ii i. Olln mesi nrl (iron C.iarco, p. 140.

!
| The mngirnl ideas underlying the Indian ornaments I hove made
• lit in detail in :i special work which is ready in manuscript hut not yet
published.
UN:o6) Indian dances in the (iron C.hiico (South America). l.'t

Thereafter three of them started to run in a single file, de-

scribing at first a circle and then various loops, The sick
woman was now led forward and all danced around her
yelling, with knees bent, tramping up and down with their
feet. Lastly six small pins, blackened with charcoal, were
extracted from the woman's body. These pins, according to
the explanation of the Indians, had been the cause of her
illness. The dance was thereafter continued in the same way
for a long while. x )
The covering of the face with a cloth, to which some of
the sorcerers had resorted in this dance, was simply a means of
precaution since there is always a danger that the demon on
quitting the body of the patient may enter into the body
of the healer. The Indians fancy that evil spirits especially
penetrate into the body through such uncovered spots as
the eyes, the ears, the nose, and the mouth. The custom of
simply covering the face on certain critical occasions has
among some tribes been developed into the custom of wearing
more or less elaborately made masks, which not only afford
a natural protection for the face but also actively aid in the
conjuration of the spirits.
The following is a conjuration accompanied by dancing
which I myself witnessed in a Mataco village in the Bolivian
(ihaco: Two Indian sorcerers were Irving to cure a horse,
which evidently was badly attacked by a nalu'il. The cure
took place during various successive nighls in an open place
just outside the tolderia. One of the sorcerers chanted in
the usual way with his closed hand laid on the neck of the
sick horse. The other one both chanted and danced. Stam-
ping with both feet alternately on the ground keeping the
measure with his chant, he moved some leu steps away from
the horse and then back again, repeating this proceeding
several times. In his hand he held his rat lie which he shook
incessantly as an accompaninieni to his dance and chanting.
During the dance the man now and then look up a pebble
or a small stick from the ground an Ihrew il into I he forest,

') N o r (I c 11 s If i 6 I <l, Iwtianli/, |>. ilK.

11 H. Karslen. (I.VII

spitting at the same time energetically in the same direction.

On the path where he moved lie had laid some live embers. After
a while the sorcerer interrupted his dance, stood close to the
horse by the side of his colleague, and shaking the rattle vigo-
rously over the animal, shouted loudly various times: yamr!
i/ame! i/ame!, that is to say, »Go out, go out, go out!» These
were the only words uttered during the whole conjuration.
During the chanting the sorcerers only pronounced refrains,
such as: ho, ho, ho, a, ;i, ;i, and so forth. The. tune which
the dancer again and again repeated and accompanied with
his rattle, was the following:

Rep. ad lib.

;\ .1 j ; I - ; I a-a-a a-a-a a, a - aa-a-a a-a-a...

It is evident that the intention of the sorcerer was to

drive away the evil demon into the forest in the direction
in which he moved during the dance. With the same intention
he threw the pebbles and spat in that direction. Again, the
object of the embers placed on the path, as the Indians
explained to me, was to burn the demon after it had been
forced to leave the horse. —

Even the C H O R O T I S know the custom of dancing in order

to make the conjuration of disease-demons more effective,
but they do not have recourse to this practise as commonly
as the Tobas and the Matacos. The Chorotis call this dance
aviisye. The dancers arrange themselves in a circle around
the patient who is lying on the ground and is treated by the
medicine-man in I he usual way. Holding one another with
their arms round each other's waist, they jump up and down
with both feet at once moving round slowly, accompanying
each dancing-step or jump with loud shouting.
The amhye is most often danced during courtship, us
I shall explain later on.
BN:oI!) Indinn ilnnccs in Hit' (Irnn (Jhnco (South America). I">

II. Dancing to promote fertility.

In tin* (irnn Chaco, as in many parts of Soutli America,

Ihe Indians often practise dancing with I lie object of pro-
moting the fertility of certain useful plants. There is a defi-
nite religious idea underlying this custom. According to a
common Indian belief useful trees and plants are animated
by a spirit which causes their growth and brings them to
maturity. On closer examination it is found that at least
in most cases this spirit is nothing bill a departed human
soul which is supposed to have transmigrated into such
natural objects. In Brazil and other parts of tropical South
America this belief especially refers to Ihe two most impor-
tant cultivated plants, the maize and Ihe manioc. In Chaco
again the same idea is especially held with regard to certain
wild trees, the fruits of which form the staple vegetable food
of the natives: the algaroba (l)rnso[>is alba), the lusca (Acacia
aroma), and the chafiar (Gourliea decorlitans). From all
these fruits the Indians also brew fermented beers which arc
considered sacred by virtue of the indwelling good spirit.
Especially Ihe algaroba is important, and as a matter of
fact its sweet pod-like fruit feeds thousands of Indians in
Chaco (hiring two or three months of the year. The algaroba-
season which begins at the end of November and lasts until
the end of January is therefore impatiently awaited by the
natives and they try to »hurry on» its coming by various
magical means which arc thought to influence the plant-
spirit. The M A C A C O S , for instance, beat Ihe drum every
night for about one month previous to the commencement
of the algaroba-season proper in order, as they say, to expel
the evil demons, the ailtalu who prevent the fruit from
reaching maturity, but probably also with a view to directly
influencing Ihe spirit which is supposed to animate the plant.
The T O B A S again perform a special dance with the same
object, namely to »hurry on* the algaroba (niapilak map),
beginning some time before the fruit ripens and continuing
during the whole algaroba-season. This dance is called iwmi,
and is the great festival dance of the Tobas. The dancers ar-
Hi R. Knrsten. (I.VII

range themselves in a long line, or so as to f o r m a crescent; w i t h

arms interlaced round each other's waists they move, running
alternately to the right and to the left and at the same time
forwards to the other end of the dancing place, as I mention-
ed before. The dancers themselves chant the measure of
their steps in a loud voice. — No women take part in this
dance, but they are allowed to be present as on-lookers.
Those Tobas who have seen the festivals with which the
whites in Argentine and Bolivia celebrate their great carnival
in February, say that the algaroba-season is their own
carnival time and the noml their carnival dance. During
the algaroba-season . the noml goes on daily, the younger
men generally taking part in the dance, whereas the old
men occupy themselves with drinking the beer made of the
sacred fruit, the aloja, called maplyl in the Toba language.
A peculiarity of the nomi is that it is the only Indian
dance which takes place in the day-time; in fact, it is always
performed during the day, just as other dances are always
performed at night. The reason of this I am not quite sure
about, but it is probably to be sought in the particular cha-
racter of this dance. The dances which I have mentioned
hitherto are performed in individual cases of possession, in
order to conjure demons actually present. Hence they take
place in the night, the proper time for the evil spirits. Nomi
on the other hand has a more general character, its object
apparently being to influence the invisible enemies while
they are still far away in the woods, and to prevent them
from coming in the evening. This intention seems to appear
even from the movements of the dance, in which the Indians,
as it were, oppose themselves to the evil spirits. — The nomi
is performed with a similar view on several other occasions,
as I shall show Inter on.

The CHOROTIS likewise celebrate the algaroba-season with

a festival (lukinene) in which dancing plays a prominent
part. Besides the marriage dance avusye, the Chorotis have
two *carnival» dances which are performed at that time: one
is called johtoki, the other ahlenla. Johloki is the Chorotis'
H N:oli) Indian <l:inrcs in Hie (Iran C.hiico (Soulh Anu'iicn). 17

name for the Tobas, a fact that seems to indicate that the
Chorotis have borrowed the dance from these Indians. The
Tobas themselves call it nahdtti. It is a ring-dance; the dan-
cers are arranged in a circle and hold each other with the
arms round each others' waists, moving thus round to the
right or to the left in the time of a chant. The ahlentaagain
is identical with the Toba dance no/n/jusl described. Neverthe-
less the Chorotis seem to have borrowed it from their south-
ern neighbours, the Ashluslay Indians on the lower I'ilco-
mayo, a fact that may be inferred from the name; for just
as johloki means 'the Toba dance', so does ahlenta mean
'the Ashluslay dance' (Choroti Whlc' Ashluslay).
The chants, sung at these dances, are rather monotonous
and are composed of a series of words which apparently
have no meaning; for instance, in Hie johloki:

Ha-e-sn-iilia,
Hi-Ah, hi-ulia,
He-th, hia-nlia, hia-ulia,
He-£h, hia-frfia, hia-tilia,
IIi-6h.
Ha-hc-fh, ha-hc-eh,
Ila-sc-^h, ha'-se-ih, liii-sc-eh, etc.

Only the younger Choroti men perform these dances,

the older ones being constantly engaged in drinking the
algaroba-beer, called aids. Unmarried women arc allowed
to be present, but as a rule they do not take any active part
in these entertainments, although courtship is connected
with them. While the men dance, the girls walk round
looking at them, and now and then a girl may be seen dan-
cing for some moments behind a man who attracts her, witli
her hands laid on his shoulders. After the dance sexual
intercourse is indulged in by the partakers in the festival,
each girl choosing herself a lover for thai night among the
dancing men.
Dr. Nordenskiold mentions the Chorotis as an in-
stance of Indians who have purely profane dances, pointing
is It. Karsten. (LVII

out that they have special reference to the sexual life1). It

is quite natural that a traveller who has visited the Indians
only lor a short time and has not had an Opportunity of
studying their customs thoroughly, should take this view
of their dances. I also fully believe that the majority of the
young men and women who take part in these feasts are not
aware of their having any particular religious or magical
character. But equally certain it is that they once had, and
still in part have, such a character, and that those of the
men who are more initiated in the mysteries of the tribe
still know something about it. Thus my Indian informant,
an elderly man, told me that when the Indians dance they
collect all the fruits, gathered in for the occasion, in the house
of an old man (i. e. a man initiated in the magic art); and
they believe that the dancing will make the fruits abound,
both these particular fruits and those growing in the forest.
The dancing thus has partly the same object as the drum-
ming which the Ghorotis, like the Matacos, practise every
day and night during the whole algaroba-season with a
view to »hurrying on» the growth of the fruit (nissammaha
oah). It is also evident that the chanting, which accompanies
the dances, is calculated here as always to frighten away
the evil spirits who, according to the idea of the Chaco
tribes, prevent the fruits from ripening. But the Chorotis
as a matter of fact also believe that the algaroba, like the
tusca and some other fruits, are animated by a good spirit
or mohsek, which controls their growth, and there is reason
to assume that the dancing and chanting, like the drum-
ming, have at least originally been intended, not only to
keep off the evil spirits, but also directly to influence the
good ones for the purpose of promoting fertility.
This interpretation moreover gains support by comparing
the ceremonies of the Chorotis with some similar mysteries
practised among Indians in other parts of South America.
The Yurupari mysteries of the I'aupes Indians in North-West

') N o r d e n s k i f t l d . De tydamerikanska indianernas kullurhisloria, p.

14.'). Indianlif. pp. 73, 79. etc.
HN:u6) Indian dunces in the (irun C.li;i<-<> (South Amcricii). Ml

Brazil especially offer an interesting analogy in Iliis respect.

Even among these tribes certain mysterious ceremonies, con-
sisting above all of (lancing, are performed at those seasons
of the year when the most important fruits reach maturity.
The object of these ceremonies appears lo be to influence
magically the spirits which are Ihoughl to animate the plants
and thus to promote fertility. Many tacts show that these
spirits are nothing but souls of the dead which have transmi-
grated into the plants. Moreover, even at these mysteries
sexual intercourse is promiscuously indulged in by the
partakers in them, evidently with the intention of propagating
the useful plant-spirits and giving I hem an opportunity to
enter into the women and thus to be reborn in human form x).
1 believe that in the Choioli dances performed during
the algaroba-season, and in the sexual licentiousness with
which they are connected, we have in fact remains of simi-
lar mysteries in Chaco, which from one reason or another
have partly lost their original significance, having now in
general the character of joyful harvest festivals.
The TOBAS dance the nahol doiwaian not only in cases of sick-
ness but also in order to »hurry on» the chafiar Fruit (niapilak
Idkkai). The chafiar reaches maturity in the month of
October and forms the staple food of the Indians during that
month. The fruits gathered in during the day are spread out
on clothes or big hides and are generally laid on (he ground
outside the huts to be dried. The dance as usual takes place
at night. One which I witnessed was performed in the follow-
ing way. A young man began to dance alone, stamping
alternately with his feet on the ground, without using any
rattle, and chanting at first in a low voice. Gradually his
movements grew faster and faster, and the chant accompa-
nying them louder and louder. Soon he seized his rattle,
the licligday, shook it at first slowly and gradually faster
keeping time with his steps. When the dance reached its

1
See H e n r i A. ('. o u il r e a u, Lit Fiance \\qmnoxial, II, pp. 1H(>—
ISM). C p. K o c h - t i r A n b e r g , Zwei .lahre miter tivn Indianern, I, pp. 1ST
S(|.; II, pp. 202 s<|. The principles of these dunces I shall lav out more
fully in a separate work.
20 R. Karsten. (LVII

culmination, the feet of the dancer moved w i t h a n intense

rapidity, the chanting developed into an inarticulate yelling,
and the man seemed to have got into a real state of ecstasy.
The other men also by and by look part in the dance, accele-
rating their movements as well as their chanting gradually
like the principal dancer, and accompanying themselves
with their rattles. In this way the noisy performance was
continued for several hours. Its object, as already mentioned,
was, according to the statement of the Indians, to promote
the ripening of tlie chafiar fruit. Probably the dance hail
particular reference to the fruits already gathered in, since
the effect of all similar Indian dances usually follows according
to the principle of pars pro toto. Through the conjuration
the good spirit which is supposed to animate the plant and
control its growth is favourably influenced, and the evil
spirits, who are trying to blight the fruit and prevent it
from ripening, are warded off.

The MATACOS likewise not only try to promote the pro-

cesses of nature through beating drums but also through
dancing. Thus those Matacos, who are in the habit of wan-
dering to the sugar factories of the whites in northern Argen-
tine, where they are employed ns labourers to cut the cane,
are sometimes seen to practise a sort of nahiitsak with the
object of »hurrving on» the growth and ripening of the sugar
plant. The Bolivian Matacos, some of whom cultivate this
plant themselves, are known to perform the dance in their
own land too. A bundle of sugar canes, tied together, is
held by two Indians in an erect position on the ground.
Round these the other Indians form a circle. The women
join in, forming a larger circle behind the men. All start to
dance, moving round the canes tramping alternately with
their feet on the ground and chanting with a loud voice
keeping time to their steps.
Even in this conjuration to promote fertility the prin-
ciple of pars pro tola is conspicuous: these few canes represent
all canes on the fields. Evidently it is thought that alter
these specimens of the plant have been properly »prepared»
li N:n(i) Indian d n n i c s in Hie (Jrnn C.baco (South America). 21

- i. e. the indwelling s|)iril influenced in Ihe desired

direction — the rest of Ihe canes on the field are likewise
favourably influenced.

111. Dancing at drinkiiuj-feasts.

I have already mentioned thai Ihe Chaco Indians have

the custom to brew intoxicating drinks from certain wild
fruits, and thai these drinks are regarded as sacred by virtue
of Ihe spirit which is believed to animate the fruit. The fer-
mentation itself is to the Indian mind a mysterious and
sacred tiling; in the fermenting beer the good spirit of the
plant has, as it were, reached its climax of actuality and
concentration. To be intoxicated by il is lo be internally
tilled with the spirit, who will afford protection against evils
of every kind. — The most important of these beers are the
aloja, made of the algaroba-fruit, and Ihe chicha made of
maize.
The very preparation of the beer is mostly accompanied
by certain magical ceremonies, consisting of beating of drums,
shaking of rattle gourds, etc.. Ihe object of which is to »hurry
on-) the fermentation 1). Hut the drinking-bouts themselves
under such circumstances naturally have the character of
a kind of religious mysteries, and the dances, which are per-
formed in the Indian villages during Ihe algaroba-season, are
at least among some tribes closely connected with Ihe drin-
king-feasts. I h a v e mentioned thai Ihe T O H A S b e g i n l o dance
(heir great festival dance. Ihe nomf, even one mouth before
the proper algaroba-season commences, in order lo influence
the growth of the fruit. During Ihe season Ihe dance goes
on every day, partly in order lo effect a good harvest, partly
with another special object. Ihe Indians believe thai during
I his happy and joyful lime I hey receive invisible guests in
great n u m b e r s . T h e s e a r e I h e s p i r i t s o f the d e a d called

') As to the religious ideas connected with the fermented heers in (ilinoi
:iiul tlie mngiriil ceremonies with which they nre prepared, sec more fully my
treatise I.a religion de los indios Mntnco-Noctencs', in Analts del Miiseo Sa-
cional tie Hislorla Natural <le Hucnon Aires, Tmno XXIV. 1913, pp. 203, 20li.
'SI H. Karstcn. (I.VII

kadepakdl (the shades) or Huh (the dead) b y t h e Tobas

who also want to be present at the joyful festivals and take
part in the drinking-bouts. But these guests, who awake
uncanny feelings in the living and may even be dangerous
(o them, are not welcome and do not receive any sort of
cult. On the contrary, measures are taken to keep them off,
and according to the statement of the Indians this is partly
the object of the dance noml. The dancing men through their
movements and through their loud chanting prevent the dead
from approaching the villages, or the place where the drinking
and feasting goes on.

The M A T A C O S have the same festival dance which in their

language is called nakatin or kalindh. It exactly corresponds
to the Toba noml, and is performed during the algaroba-
season with the same object, namely to keep off the dead,
which the Matacos call kas,lah (souls, or shades).

Whether the Matacos have been influenced in this festival

dance, by their neighbours, the Tobas, with whom they have
considerable intercourse. I cannot say, but the idea that the
dead like to visit the living especially at the time of tin-
harvest and the great drinking-feasts, is certainly familiar
lo many South American tribes. Thus the C H I R I G U A N O S and
the ('.HANKS, who now live on the western border of the Chaco
hut came originally to these legions from the North, and
who differ in many of their customs from the Chaco tribes
proper, especially practise dancing at their drinking-feasts.
Their sacred drink is the maize-beer, the chicha or cangiti,
which has exactly the same religious significance as I he
algaroba-beer has for the Chaco Indians. The c/iic/ifl-festivals
ol the Chiriguanos as well as the dance performed at them,
have been described by the Catholic missionaries, but none
of them seems to have realised the religious significance of
these ceremonies. The majority of these Indians are now
Christians in name or at least influenced by the Christian ci-
vilisation, and have dropped many of their ancient customs.
Myself I have witnessed their dancing only at the carnival
14 N:o (!) Indinii dunces in the (Iran Clinco (Sonlh Anii'ncn). -'I

of the whites, in which the Chiriguanos sometimes lake part,

performing therein Iheir old native festival dance.
T h e great drinking-feasts (arete) of the Chiriguanos and
the Chanes look place annually after the maize harvest.
Both men and women took part in them, all being assembled
round a large and beautifully ornamented clay vessel (ii<im-
bui), filled with the sacred maize-beer. AI first they d r a n k
ceremoniously and keeping silence for about two hours.
Suddenly they stood up and started to dance and chant.
Two of the eldest chiefs or medicine-men, who led the dance,
stood in the middle holding the yandi'ui (yandu •• ostrich),
a sort of dancing-staff, about four meters in length, with big
ostrich plumes attached to the top, and arranged in such a
way that the whole thing looked like a huge umbrella. With
this staff the leaders marked the time during the dance,
by striking it hard on the ground. Hound them the other
men ranged themselves, and behind the men the women,
holding each other by the hands and forming a larger circle.
The dancing of the former consisted in bending the light
knee a little and straightening it again keeping time with
the yandiia which was continually moved by the leaders;
the dancing of the women, again, consisted in taking alter-
nately one step backwards and another step forwards, each
step being accompanied by a slight inclination of I he b o d y .
The song chanted during the dance was rather monotonous
and, like most Indian chants, difficult In describe.
There are several details in this dance which plainly bear
out its religious character. Thus the ijiiiuli'ia is a magical
dancing-staff of the same kind as is found among many South
American tribes. The staff helps to conjure I lie spirits and
its magical power essentially depends on I he ostrich feathers,
which as a matter of fact are commonly used as charms by
the Indians, especially in Chaco. The same may be said of
the rest of the equipment which was deemed necessary on
this occasion. A m o n g the Chanes in northern A r g e n t i n e ,
which for centuries have had I he same culture and m u c h the
same religious ceremonies as I he Chiriguanos, 1 found a
curious festive dress made sol civ of ostrich feathers which.
21 R. Karsten. (LVII

according to the statement of the Indians, was formerly worn

at their great cangili-feasts and dances. Broad bands of
big ostrich feathers tied together were attached to the head,
to the breast, and to the stomach, hanging down also over
the thighs, so that almost the whole body of the dancer was
covered with the feathers, which gave him a very phanlasti-
cal appearance. The older Indians still knew that the object
<>f the dance at which this dress was worn was to conjure the
spirits ol the dead, the anas, who were believed to come in
great numbers to the annual drinking-feasts with the inten-
tion of taking part in these joyful entertainments. But the
ostrich dress was not the only thing worn on these occasions.
Masks were also worn and rattles of hard shells were tied
round the legs *). The masks and the rattles, together with
the ostrich dress and the ijnndua, formed a real magical
apparatus intended to drive off and conjure the unwelcome
guests. We know that masks are especially worn by the
Indians at death-feasts, and that they are, or at least
originally have been, purely magical things comparable with
drums, rattles, etc.. with which supernatural beings are
influenced. Even in our days the Chiriguanos and Chanes
use masks at the carnival of the whites in connection with
the dance performed on that occasion. They are rudely
carved out of a soil kind of wood into the likeness of a human
face and arc afterwards, according to a common Indian
custom, thrown away or destroyed. The mask, which has
been tabooed or infected because of its contact with the
dangerous spirits, can no longer be used.
The participation of the half-civilised Indians, with their
native religious ceremonies, in the carnival of the whites, is
an interesting phenomenon. It shows us the amalgamation of
a Christian and a purely heathen festival, an amalgamation
which of course is psychologically possible only under the
assumption that there is an intrinsic connection between
both.

Cp. N 11 nl f u s k i <
>
• I (I, Indianlif, p. T2'2.
l)N:»li) Indian dances in the (irtin ('.linen (South America). 2.">

IV. Dancing on occasions of puberty, marriage, birth and

death, war, etc.

In Chaco as in other parts of South America certain

peculiar ceremonies art* performed with girls ;il the a t l a i n -
inent of puberty, and among these dancing usually plays :i
prominent part. In order to fully understand these practices
it is necessary to know the religious ideas which the Indians
connect with the phenomena of puberty. II is by no means
sufficieni to say thai the puberty ceremonies simply serve
to initiate the girl for her coming sexual life; their significance
appears on closer inquiry to be much deeper.
The physiological process which causes the menstruation
of the women, incomprehensible as it seems to the Indian,
stlikes him as something extremely mysterious and must
needs give rise to certain superstitious beliefs. Thus it seems
to be a common idea among the Chaco Indians that this
strange phenomenon is caused, or at least influenced by the
new-moon. Moreover, since the menstrual periods, and
especially the first menses, are as a rule connected with
certain nervous disorders and other alterations in the physical
condition of the woman, it is naturally thought thai she is
seriously exposed to evil spirits dining these critical days.
At the same time, of course, owing to the awakening sexual
desire, the relationship between this physiological process
and the other procrealive functions of the woman is realised.
The attainment of puberty, therefore, for the Indian girl
certainly means the beginning of her sexual life, but first of
all it means her entrance into a very critical epoch of develop-
ment during which she is often as at child-birth and
during the following menses particularly exposed to
supernatural dangers. Hence the initiation-ceremonies at
puberty partly have lor their object directly to protect her
against these dangers for I he lime being, partly to purify
her permanently, or once for all. from the evils associated
with her sexual functions during the years ID come. <>r to
express it more plainly to harden her against evil spirits.
l-'roni this point of view we must regard all puberlv -cereino-
'-'<"> H. Karsten. (IAII

nies, even such practices as painting, scarification and

tattooing of the body, often undertaken with the girls at
Hie attainment of puberty.
In the dances and conjurations performed in honour of
j>irls at puberty, it is the women who, contrarywise to what
is generally the rule in such cases, play the most prominent
part. Among I he CHOROTIS this dance is called kahilis
fkail'sima) alter the magical instrument which the women
use at it. The kahilis is a dancing-staff, two or three meters
in length, made of a light kind of wood or bamboo, which
has a bunch of deer's or tapir's hoofs tied at the top. These
rattles, which produce a hollow sound when the staff is
struck on the ground, are supposed to possess some myste-
rious magical power to influence the spirits. This dancing-
staff is the only magical instrument used by the Choroti
women, and it is never handled by the men. — The dance
begins at the first new-moon after the appearance of the
signs of puberty and is held every day until the following
new-moon, sometimes even still longer. For the ceremony
the mother of the girl and some other elderly women form
a circle or elliptic ring outside the hut where the girl is, each
holding a dancing-staff. Inside the ring the men are sitting
on the ground holding I heir rattle gourds fprhte). Two men
remain standing with drums. During the dance the women
move round ceremoniously with slow regular steps, chanting
loudly and marking time with their rattle-staffs which they
strike on the ground. The men inside the circle also chant,
shaking their rattle gourds and beating the drums. The girl,
in whose honour the dance is held, is sitting motionless inside
the hut the whole time the ceremony goes on. Sometimes,
when towards evening she gets tired and is on the point of
falling to sleep, one of the sorcerers comes up to her and
shakes his rattle close to her face as if to keep her awake.
The ceremony begins in the afternoon and is continued with
short pauses throughout the whole evening until midnight.
As long as it goes on the girl \\ev<\ not be veiled, but as soon
as Hie con jurat ion is finished for the night she must have
her lace ami her whole body well covered. During the whole
BNioli) Indian dnill'i'S In Ihr ( i n i n C h i i c o (South AIIICIICM). 27

lime slu1 must fast, avoiding fish and meat, nnd living only
on sonic light vegetable food.
Drinking of algaroba-beer also forms parl of I he magical
practices of Hie feast, but il is strictly limited to Ihe men.
The object of all these ceremonies is lo protect the girl
against the evil spirits, the nwhsek, by which she is believed
to be particularly attacked during her unclean condition.
The spirits are Irving lo enter into her through the face
especially through those parts where Ihere is u natural
opening of the body, such as Ihe eyes, the cars. Hie nose
and the mouth and also through Ihe ventral parts, the con-
sequence being, in case they succeed in doing so, that she
will fall ill and die, or become supernalurallv pregnant and
give birth to a monster. The belief in such a supernatural
birth is quite common not only in Chaco but in all South
America, and the wide-spread custom of killing sickly or
deformed children as well as twins is evidently closely
connected with this belief. To prevent such unpleasant
possibilities the girl's head and body are covered after the
conjuration is finished for the night. Through the dancing,
chanting, drumming, etc. the demons, who take an interest
in the girl and swarm about her, are conjured and rendered
harmless. Thus she is not only for Ihe lime being protected
against their attacks, but is also supposed to retain a certain
power of resistance against (hem in Ihe tulure.
The latter idea. Ihnl the young woman will become
durably hardened through this initiation against evil spirits.
appears more clearly from the mask-dance which Ihe LKNOI'AS
in Ihe Paraguayan Chaco perform on Ihe same occasion.
This ceremony is shortly described by Ihe Scotch missionary
Barbrooke Gruhb, but since he gives no explannlion of ils
significance it may not be oul of place lo mention il in this
connection. The main dance is, as among Ihe Chorotis,
performed by Ihe women who circle round Ihe girl who is lo
be initialed, chanting and marking lime willi Ihcir rattle-
staffs. A troop of lads, dressed in ostrich plumes and wearing
masks lo represent evil spirits, issue from Ihe fores I running
one behind the oilier in a serpentine formation, move in and
2X R. Karsten. (I.VII

out among the crowd, jingling bunches of hoofs and from

time to time uttering prolonged shrill cries. At their near
approach the women dance and chauf with increasing vigour
round the girl pretending to protect her and to drive off the
masked »spirils» '). The idea of this dance seems quite clear.
The girl, in order lo be hardened against the evil spirits
must be brought in close contact with them, but this is
arranged in such a way that they cannot do her harm. The
lads have at first conjured the dangerous invisible foes and
compelled them to enter the masks by imitating them in
their external appearance and by uttering cries which, no
doubt, are supposed to imitate the cry of the spirits. When
afterwards the girl comes in contact with the demons while
they are thus subdued and rendered harmless, she is believed
to get a certain immunity against them even for the future.
The principle is exactly the same as in other initiation cere-
monies, as for instance in those which would-be medicine-men
and war-chiefs have to undergo in order to become capable
of exercising their profession with success.

Among the T U B A S the puberty ceremonies are more

complicated when the girl is the daughter of a great chief,
in which case the incident is celebrated by the whole com-
munity. For the five critical days the girl is not allowed to
leave the house, she must fast rigorously, and keep the whole
body well covered. Every evening all the younger men from
the neighbouring villages assemble outside the girl's hut,
shaking rattles, chanting, and drinking algaroba-beer. In
the day. again, the festival dance nom( is performed by the
men. The object of the dance is the same as on other festive
occasions: to conjure the evil spirits at a distance and pre-
vent them from coming in the night to attack the girl. The
Tobas fancy that the pcyak arrive in great numbers with
the approach of night in the shape of snakes, trying with
every draught of wind to penetrate into the house and enter

(i i n I) 1), l/i Vnknown I'rople in an I'nknown Land, pp, 178, ITit.

BN:o6) Indiiin 11 an cos in tin* (irnn ('.linen (South America). J!>

into the young woman, in which case il is believed that she

will become pregnant with a snake, or fall ill and die. The
dance performed in honour of the girl is therefore purely
magical in essence, although of course, it lias a tendency to
lose its original significance and become a mere amusement.
In other cases Die puberty of a girl is celebrated among
the Tobas with the nahotU dance, which is performed on
live successive nighls. The men form into a ring holding one
another by the hand, and start lo dance and chant in honour
of Ihe girl, who is silling in the middle on the ground with
her lace covered. The nahotli is the most common dance of
the Tobas and is often performed as a mere amusement,
without any apparent practical object. It is closely related
lo the nahot donnaran which is, in fact, only a variation of Ihe
nahotli. Even the etymology of this word (Mataeo nahot or
nahi'it — 'evil spirit') indicates that it had originally the same
magical or religions significance as other Indian dances.
The idea underlying all ring-dances is, that Ihe dancers pro-
tect the person or persons who are inside Ihe ring, keeping
off with their movements and their chanting the invisible
supernatural enemies lo whom they are supposed to he
particularly exposed al the moment. The person in whose
honour the dance is held, and who is sitting or standing in
the middle of the ring, never lakes any active part in the
performance.

The MATAC.OS celebrate Ihe puberty of Iheir girls much in

Ihe same way as the Tobas, by dancing round I he girl who has
to be veiled oil that occasion. This dance is the nahulsuk
which exactly corresponds to the nalwlti of Ihe Tobas, and
is performed not only lo cure diseases but also in other cases
when they want lo conjure or keep off evil spirits.

Dancing is practised moreover in Chaco at marriages,* or

perhaps rather during courtship. On the whole the marriage
ceremonies proper are everywhere in South America few
and simple, whereas the courtship is often a circuinstancial
matter. Of Ihe Chaco tribes, who celebrate this important
W R. Karstcn. (LVII

occasion with dancing, the CHOROTIS may first of all be

mentioned. Among these Indians marriages are usually
contracted during the algaroba-season, when there is a good
supply of food, and drinking-bouts and other festivals are
held almost continually. Those young men and women who
want to be married then wander about from one village to
the other, where balls take place. In each village the three
dances fohldki, ahlenta, and aviisye are performed during
four successive evenings. Free love is connected with these
dances and the girls play the most active part in them
although they do not actively engage in the entertainment.
After each dance, and particularly after the last one, the
avmye, each girl may choose herself a temporary lover for
the night. The am'tsye which is held on the fourth evening
is supposed to be decisive: those girls, who have found men
whom they like and want to marry, then keep them, not
only for that night hut for ever. After this the young man
is taken to the house and village of the girl where he theme-
forwards remains as her husband and becomes a member of
his wife's family.
The mwsye may therefore be called the proper marriage
or courtship dance of the Chorotis. All the young men who
take pail in this dance are dressed in their best clothes and
ornaments, wearing many-coloured mantles, necklaces, ear-
tubes, big ostrich plumes on the head, and have their faces
painted. The men form into a circle round the girls with
arms interlaced round each other's waists. The dance chiefly
consists of jumping with both feet at once and stamping
hard upon the ground to the measure of a very noisy but
monotonous chant. The girls standing in the middle of the
ring only watch their courtiers but do not dance. The ce-
remony is named 'to hurry on the girls' (nissammahct asehne).
The expression is the same as the Chaco Indians use in all
similar cases where there is a question of magical influence
for certain good and useful ends, .hist as the Indians believe
they can hurry on or promote the growth of the fruits by
conjuring the evil spirits who try to blight them, so they hurry
nil I he women by keeping off evil influences from them at
BN:<>(>) Indiiin dnnccs in Hie (Iran C.linco (Sonlli America). HI

a highly important moment. Courtship and marriage are

two of those numerous critical occasions in human life when
malignant supernatural powers are believed to be more than
usually on the alert to do harm and spoil the good designs
of men, and as usual the weaker female sex is supposed to
be particularly exposed to them. The courting dance (wmye
is held with the intention of keeping off these invisible
molesters in order thai Ihe girls" choice of a consort for life
may take place under lucky auspices. Thus, il the dance
itself is not performed merely for Ihe sake of pleasure hut
lor a practical purpose, the ornaments which Ihe men wear
on that occasion, the ostrich plumes, necklaces, etc. have
certainly not been originally regarded only as a means of
attracting the girls, but have no doubt been used as charms
or amulets to enhance the efficacy of the conjuration. This
is most probably the original significance of all Indian orna-
ments worn at feasts, dances, and other religious ceremonies.

Among the TOBAS marriage is, at least occasionally,

celebrated with the mtholli dance, performed in honour of
both parties. The newly-married couple is seated in the
middle of the ring at a big lire and their friends dance and
chanl around them. The MATAC.OS perform the correspon-
ding dance, the nalHifsak, on the same occasion.

Ceremonial dancing among the Chaco tribes also takes

place in several other cases. Thus the TOISAS perform their
festival dance, llomi, al all feasts which have a public cha-
racter and refer to incidents which are supposed to concern
the community at large. Such an incident is lor instance the
election of a new chief, especially befor a war. The Tobas
belong to the great Guaycuni-group, all tribes of which are
particularly warlike and have a comparatively strong social
organisation. Among such tribes tin1 chief has naturally a
great importance. He is an official personage who is believed
lo be more exposed to malign influences than other people,
and his nomination is therefore always attended by certain
ceremonies. A m o n g the Tobas Ihere are chiefly two s u c h :
:\'l IS. Knrsten. (I.Vil

the festival dance, nomf, which as usual is held during the

day, and excessive drinking of algaroba-beer. The one as
well as the other af these practices has a magical significance,
their object being to keep away evil spirits and to ensure
good luck for the would-be leader and the whole community.
At the great feast which is held before marching out to
battle dancing likewise plays a prominent part. For some
days previously the younger Toba men perform the notnl
dance while the elder men prepare themselves for the im-
portant undertaking especially by drinking ma ply i (algaroba-
beer) in large quantities. Both these ceremonies again hove
a religious significance. The Indian in fact believes that in
the battle he has not only to deal with his natural enemies
but also, and even more, with malevolent supernatural
powers, to whose invisible operation he ascribes every wound
he receives, every accident and misfortune that happens
to him there. The dancing, like the beer-drinking, body-
painting, etc., are in reality only different means by which
he tries to protect himself against the dangers arising from
these powers.
A similar feast, consisting of dancing and excessive
beer-drinking, is held after a war has been successfully carried
out.

Lastly, dancing also occurs as a mourning rite at death-

feasts. 1 am not quite sure whether such mourning dances
are practised by the Chorotis and the Tobas; at any rate
they do not take place regularly. On the other hand the
MATACOS, who, in many respects are more religious or super-
stitious than their neighbours, are in the habit of performing
their festival dance kalinah when a death has taken place
in the village. The dance goes on every night for some time
after the funeral, and all the men who take part in it have
their faces blackened with charcoal. This blacking of the
face is called lelah. The object of the dance is probably
not so much to keep off the spirit of the dead fkasiiah), but
to conjure the evil demon or demons (nahut) who caused
death by entering into the body of the patient. The demon
UN:o6) [nrtinn dances in the (linn C.IIMCO (Soutli Amrricii). Itll

might carry off oilier people1 also. Sucli death-demons are

most dreaded by the Cliaco Indians, and il is Ihe l<
' ar of these
invisible death-bringers Dial makes Ihe Matacos sometimes
— especially when numerous deaths have taken place
through some epidemic entirely desert and destroy their
villages. - The custom of beating drums at night, which
is a l s o p r a c t i s e d by the M a t a c o s a l t e r a d e a t h , has the s a m e
object as the dance.

Concluding remarks.

From the accouui given above il appears thai the reli-

gious and magical element is still predominant in the In-
dian dances in the (Iran Chaco. In fact, then' can hardly
be any doubt that in Chaco, as in other pails of South Ame-
rica, dancing has originally been a purely ceremonial perfor-
mance, forming a pail of Ihe different magical conjurations
by which the Indians believe they can influence invisible
spiritual beings. The question which si ill remains In be
considered is what the conjuring power is due to which is
thus ascribed to the dances.
The savage manner of thought in this respect cannot
of course be followed in every detail. However il seems, that
the magic of the dances depends on much the same ideas
as the magical power ascribed to Ihe human voice and to
certain parts of the human body. The. human body itself is
magical owing to Ihe spirit which animates it, or rather Ihe
vital and psychical energy with which i1 is Tilled and which
is particularly concentrated in such parts as Ihe hair, the
nails, the heart, the blood, the saliva, etc. This natural
magical power is generally stronger with men than with
women, and also stronger with old men than with youths.
This is the reason why the women play only a secondary
part in religious ceremonies, and why the sorcerers as a rule
are men of advanced age. The voice partakes of this power,
and the chants with which Ihe Indians accompany most of
their dances and conjurations are themselves supposed to
.'U K. Karsten. (LVII

possess a remarkable efficacy. It is exactly the same with

certain rhythmical movements of the body through which a
part of the energy, latent in the organism, is released into
actuality. These movements, combined with the chanting,
and sometimes with the powerful sound of drums or rattles,
are therefore believed to act irresistibly upon the super-
natural beings whom the Indians are trying to influence.
But there is also another idea connected with these dances.
One of the leading principles in the Indian conjurations is the
principle of imitation. Through imitating a person or a super-
natural being in his movements, voice, or external appearan-
ce the magician believes he can get hold of his soul or essence,
and thus be able wholly to control him. Now as a matter of
fact the Chaco Indians believe that the evil spirits themselves
dance when at night they approach the villages in order to
visit their inhabitants with sickness and misfortune. This
idea is rightly expressed by the Italian traveller Pelleschi with
regard to the Argentine Matacos, when he says of the ahot
among other things: »These spirits fly with the wind,
following it and producing the same sounds as the storm;
they dance in a ring round the tolderias (villages) or round
the toldos (huts) of the persons whom they want to harm*1).
This statement, as I was myself able partly to confirm,
probably holds true of mos1 Indians in Chaco and in other
parts of South America too. Thus the Tobas, for example,
are wont to say of whirlwinds which in Chaco are often
seen to move along the ground stirring up pillars of dust,
»There goes a peijdk dancing in the dust». Since the natives
fancy that dancing is the favourite way in which the spirits
move, it is in accordance with their magical ideas that they
should try to keep them back and counteract their evil
influence by performing the same sort of movements, and
in general by imitating their'mann^rs^s faithfully as pos-
sible. In this connection I may mention that the Choroti
men are in the habit of wearjng round tfreir neck a kind
of flat whistles made of wood and often ornamented with

') Pelleschi, Los Indios Matacos 1/ su lengiia, p. 94.

I) N:i)li) Indian ilniUTs i n I l i c (irnii (.liiico (South A m c i ic;i). U."i

incised figures carvcil in IIK.MII. With these whistles they

MOW and then produce shrill sounds during Hie dunces which
are supposed to imitate the sounds made by the spirits, and
to have the power of frightening them away.
The magical principle of imitation is carried a step further
in the mask- and totem-dances of some Indian peoples, in
which not only the movements and the sounds but also the
external appearance of the spirits are mimicked. Between
the totem-dances in North America and the mask-dances
in South America there is no essential difference; both of
them are magical conjurations of spirits, and both are in
the main based on the same principles as we have just found
underlying other kinds of ceremonial dances, particularly
in the Gran Chaco.