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Relations between Stephen the Great and Transylvania

loan-Aurel Pop
" B a b e ş - B o l y a i " University,
Cluj-Napoca

The relations b e t w e e n S t e p h e n the G r e a t ' s M o l d a v i a a n d T r a n s y l v a n i a h a v e to be,


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undoubtely, integrated into the general foreign policy p r o m o t e d by the Moldavian p r i n c e ,
in particular t o w a r d s H u n g a r y . T h e V o i v o d a t e of T r a n s y l v a n i a w a s a c o u n t r y (province)
of the H u n g a r i a n K i n g d o m . But s u c h a political, e c o n o m i c a l , historical integration, although
t h
necessary, fails to fully reveal the complexity a n d intesity of late 1 5 c e n t u r y M o l d a v i a n -
Transylvanian relations. T h u s , other aspects m u s t be t a k e n into a c c o u n t .

First of all, Transylvania w a s not just Moldavia's w e s t e r n neighbor, but, a s a country,


had an ethnic a n d d e m o g r a p h i c R o m a n i a n majority S e c o n d , inspite of the fact that it w a s
a province of H u n g a r y a n d w a s ruled by an elite, in general, of n o n - R o m a n i a n d e s c e n t ,
Transylvania h a d p r e s e r v e d a certain autonomy. It w a s v i e w e d as a regnum different f r o m
the regnum Hungariae. It w a s a voivodate, like W a l a c h i a a n d Moldavia, w h o , by rejecting
the Hungarian o v e r h a n d in the 1300', h a d kept a R o m a n i a n c h a r a c t e r also o n the
political level. In t h e third place, the M o l d a v i a n d y n a s t y (the M u ş a t s ) , S t e p h e n ' s family,
had its distant origins o n T r a n s y l v a n i a ' s northern border, m o r e precisely in M a r a m u r e ş
((Maramosch, M â r a m a r o s ) . After s o m e t w o d e c a d e s o f resistance a g a i n s t Louis I of
Anjou ( N a g y Lajos), t h e Great, v o i v o d e B o g d a n , with his followers h a d left for Moldavia
(1363-1364), another R o m a n i a n land (a Valachia according to c o n t e m p o r a r y s o u r c e s ) .
Finally, b e f o r e c o n q u e r i n g the t h r o n e , S t e p h e n had lived, p r o b a b l y in t h e t i m e s p a n
,h t h
17 of O c t o m b e r 1451 - 1 1 of A u g u s t 1456, in W a l a c h i a (from w h e r e his m o t h e r w a s )
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and in T r a n s y l v a n i a (the land of his a n c e s t o r s o n his father' s i d e ) , in H u n g a r y , w h e r e
another R o m a n i a n , J o h n ( l o a n / l a n c u , Jânos) H u n y a d i (Johannes Olah), a f o r m e r v o i v o d e
of Transylvania, w h o h a d r e a c h e d the highest political a n d military dignities a n d a
considerable w e a l t h . F r o m this T r a n s y l v a n i a n R o m a n i a n , w h o h a d b e c o m e a Catholic
and C h r i s t e n d o m ' s g r e a t g e n e r a l , Europe's savior, S t e p h e n III leared to fully a c c e p t the
greatest political c h a l l e n g e of his lifetime, the a n t i - O t t o m a n resistance. M a t t h i a s ' father,
lancu, a n d S t e p h e n III w e r e t h e o n l y R o m a n i a n s u p o n w h o m the P a p a c y b e s t o w e d t h e
titles of atheletes of the Christian faith, atheletes of Christ (athletae Christi).
In light of t h e s e r e m a r k s , it is easier to u n d e r s t a n d w h y S t e p h e n Ill's T r a n s y l v a n i a n
relations h a d a special character a n d w e r e m o r e consistent than in other political cases.
Further o n , other motifs that could have strenghtened the peculiar relations will be revealed.
A s i d e f r o m origin a n d genesis, the relations between Transylvania a n d S t e p h e n h a d
other particularities that m u s t b e s t r e s s e d out. D e s p i t e the oscilations that c h a r a c t e r i z e d
his relations to other states, inspite of the initally t e n s e relations b e t w e e n B u d a (Ofen) a n d
Suceava (1457 till a r o u n d 1470), his Transylvanian connections r e m a i n e d strong. O n the

1
Şerban Papacostea, 'Relaţiile internaţionale ale Moldovei în vremea lui Ştefan cel Mare'
[Moldavia's Foreign Relations in Stephen the Great's Time], Rdl, XXXV (1982), 5-6, pp. 607-638.
2
Nicolae Grigoraş, Moldova lui Ştefan cel Mare [Stephen the Great's Moldavia] (laşi 1982),
p. 28.
other h a n d , o n c e again in c o m p a r a i s o n to other foreign relations, t h e relations between
Stephen a n d Transylvania a r e the m o s t d e n s e in content, covering a l m o s t every domain,
from the poiitical, e c o n o m i c a n d military o n e s to the ethnic, religious a n d d y n a s t i c ones. '

S t e p h e n s h o w e d g r e a t attention to the c o m m e r c e with T r a n s y l v a n i a , a l t h o u g h the


m a i n international t r a d e line g o i n g t h r o u g h M o l d a v i a w a s f r o m north to s o u t h , f r o m the
Baltic to t h e Black S e a , T h r e e a s p e c t s p l a y e d a m a j o r role in this political respect: first,
the M o l d a v i a n - T r a n s y i v a n i a n c o m m e r c i a l tradition from the t i m e of A l e x a n d e r I eel Bun
(the G o o d / the Right/ the Just), that Stephen invoked, then, the e c o n o m i c complementarity
b e t w e e n M o l d a v i a a n d T r a n s y l v a n i a a n d last, but not t h e least, the fall of B y z a n t i u m that
led to t h e s o - c a l l e d O t t o m a n closing of the Straights.

Shortly after t h e fall of Byzantium, Moldavia b e c a m e a tribute paying state of the


Porte. M o l d a v i a f o r m a l y p r e s e r v e d the function of the trade route {the Moldavian mute)
passing through it. This did not last for long. B e t w e e n 1461 a n d 1484, the O t t o m a n s took
Trapezunt a n d the northern coast of Asia Minor, Gaffa, Chilia, Cetatea A l b ă (Akkerman).
The Black Sea b e c a m e an "Ottoman Lake", systematically exploited on the e c o n o m i c level.
Still, S t e p h e n III w a s able to i m p o s e a n d to maintain a c o m p u l s a r y status of middle­
m e n between Poland a n d the Ottoman Empire for the Moldavian merchants. Nevertheless,
this transit (to a certain d e g r e e ) c o m m e r c e failed to p r o v i d the c o u n t r y ' s necessesities.
T h u s , the relations to T r a n s y l v a n i a , in particular w i t h B r a ş o v (Kronstadt, B r a s s ó ) , Bistriţa
(Bistriz, Besztrece) a n d Sibiu ( S z e b e n , Hermannstadt), although colateral, d e v e l o p e d and
e x p a n d e d . S t e p h e n III the G r e a t took drastic m e a s u r e s a g a i n s t Polish a n d O t t o m a n
m e r c h a n t s , i n t e n d e d t o restrict their trade in M o l d a v i a a n d to protect the interests o f the
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local M o l d a v i a n m e r c h a n t s . H e h a d a c o m p l e t e l y different attitude t o w a r d s B r a ş o v .
F r o m his first y e a r of rule (1457), the y o u n g S t e p h e n III invited t h e m e r c h a n t s of
B r a ş o v to c o m e a n d t r a d e in M o l d a v i a . O n the 13 of M a r c h 1458, he r e n e w e d to all the
inhabitans of Braşov and all the merchants and the whole Bârsa Land A l e x a n d e r I's
privilege f o r t h e y should come at their own good will to our country with their
merchandise [...] and to have the permission and the liberty to travel through My
Lordship's entire country, to cities and towns, to sell their goods. In a letter of 1460,
a d r e s s e d to his c o u n t e r p a r t of V a s l u i , t h e j u d g e of B r a ş o v p r o v e d t h e m u t u a l character
of t h e s e relations. H e stated that there w a s agreement and peace with Lord Stephen
Voivode, s o t h a t neither t h e M o l d a v i a n s , in T r a n s y l v a n i a , nor t h e inhabitants of Braşov,
in M o l d a v i a , w e r e t o b e o b s t r u c t e d in selling a n d p u r c h a s i n g m e r c h a n d i s e . M o r e o v e r , in
1464, Matthias C o r v i n u s himself ordered the captains in the Szekler S e a t s no to obstruct
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in a n y w a y t h e m e r c h a n d i s e f r o m p a s s i n g t h r o u g h their territory, f r o m a n d to M o l d a v i a .

A f t e r the M o l d o v i a n - H u n g a r i a n political crisis w h i c h c u l m i n a t e d with king Matthias


Corvinus' defeat at Baia (Banya), in D e c e m b e r 1467, the mutuary a d v a n t a g e o u s economic
relations w e r e r e s u m e d . In 1 4 7 2 , S t e p h e n r e a s s u r e d the m e r c h a n t s of B r a ş o v that they

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Ş. Papacostea, 'începuturile politicii comerciale a Ţării Româneşti şi Moldovei (secolele
th
XIV-XVI). Drum şi stat' [The Beginnings of Walachia and Moldavia's Comercial Politics (14 -16
Centuries). Road and State], SMI M, X (1983), pp. 35, 47-48.
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Hurmuzaki, X V - 1 , pp. 55, 59-60; Documentele Ştefan, II, pp. 259-260; Ştefan Pascu,
'Relaţiile economice dintre Moldova şi Transilvania în timpul lui Ştefan cel Mare' [The Economic
Relations between Moldavia and Transylvania in the Time of Stephen the Great], in Ştefan cel
Mare. Studii [Stephen the Great: Studies] (Bucharest 1956), pp. 203-217; Ion Toderaşcu, Unitatea
românească medievală [The Medieval Romanian Unitiy], I (Bucharest 1988), pp. 109-110.
were f r e e to t r a d e w i t h o u t a n y o b s t a c l e or d a m a g e east of the C a r p a t h i a n s . Likewise, in
1473, M a t t h i a s c a l l e d t h e M o l d a v i a n s to trade in T r a n s y l v a n i a , w h e r e t h e y w e r e to e n j o y
free p a s s a g e a n d c o m e r c i a ! a d a v a n t a g e s A b o u t t h e s a m e (1473 or 1474), S t e p h e n III
the Great restated the t r a d e f r e e d o m and princely protection of the m e r c h a n t s of Hungary
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that w e r e a l l o w e d to t r a d e , in times of p e a c e aswell a s in t i m e s o f w a r .
F o l l o w i n g t h e s e m u t a i g u a r a n t e e s , t h e political treaty b e t w e e n king Matthias a n d
m
Stephen ( 1 2 of July 1475) had a n e c o n o m i c clause, refering to the safety a n d stability
of the trade b e t w e e n t h e t w o states. A d o c u m e n t issued by k i n g W l a d i s l a w (Wtadys+aw,
Ulàszló) II Jagiello (1493) reveals that the trade w a s intense a n d h a d a s t r o n g tradition
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also by t h e w a y of t h e city of Bistriţa . T h e s e e x a m p l e s s h o w that the c o m e r c i a l relations
between M o l d a v i a a n d T r a n s y l v a n i a ( H u n g a r y in general) in the t i m e of S t e p h e n the
Great w e r e c o n s t a n t , particularly intense a n d m u t u a l l y a d v a n t a g e o u s .
Still, s e v e r a l c l u e s indicate that the T r a n s y l v a n i a n s e n j o y e d , in M o l d a v i a , a slight
comercial a d v a n t a g e that led to s o m e s h y protectionist m e s s u r e s o n the s i d e of the
Moldavian rulers. But, b e c a u s e in Moldavia, other t h a n in W a l a c h i a , t h e T r a n s y l v a n i a n
merchants l a c k e d , yet, t h e m e a n s a n d possibilities to install a real c o m e r c i a l m o n o p o l y ,
stronger m e s s u r e s w e r e not n e e d e d . S u c h d e c i s i o n s w e r e n e c e s s a r y only in the c a s e of
the Polish, f r o m L w ó w ( L e m b e r g ) , a n d O t t o m a n m e r c h a n t s . O n l y in the m i d 1 5 0 0 ' did
Alexander III L ă p u ş e a n u instate border fairies in w e s t e r n M o l d a v i a in o r d e r to counteract
Braşov Stappelrecht (deposit rights) a n d thus restore the b a l a n c e .

T h e political relations b e t w e e n M o l d a v i a a n d H u n g a r y , r e g a r d l e s s of their nature,


stimulating or restraining o n the c o m e r c i a l level, w e r e c o n s t a n t a n d s o m e t i m e s w i n d i n g .
For S t e p h e n III, w h o r e g a r d e d M o l d a v i a a s a gate to Christendom, the anti-Ottoman
politicai a n d military collaboration w i t h W a l a c h i a a n d T r a n s y l v a n i a w a s a k e y to political
success. S t e p h e n ' s conflicts with s o m e W a l a c h i a n rulers, p e r s o n a l rivalries a s i d e , w e r e
fueled by t h e O t t o m a n a l l e g i a n c e of t h o s e rulers w h o thus e n d a n g e r e d M o l d a v i a a n d
Transylvania's w e l f a r e . S t e p h e n ' s a t t e m p t s to install a n t i - O t t o m a n rulers in W a l a c h i a
were m e a n t to protect M o l d a v i a , but also T r a n s y l v a n i a a n d H u n g a r y , in g e n e r a l .

After the long anti-Ottoman effort, under Hunyadi's partonage (1441-1456), Hungary
underwent a m a j o r crisis. T h e realm, w h o s e active forces s e e m e d w e a k e n e d , f a c e d m a j o r
uncertanties, in T r a n s y l v a n i a also, e v e n after Matthias rose to the throne. Plus, there w e r e
enough r e a s o n s for f e u d s b e t w e e n h i m a n d S t e p h e n . T h o s e r e a s o n s quickly s u r f a c e d .
S t e p h e n III did not s e e m willing a n y m o r e to tolerate that o n e o f M o l d a v i a ' s m a j o r
harbors, Chilia o n t h e D a n u b e M o u n d s , w a s u n d e r H u n g a r i a n c o n t r o l , since Peter II h a d
donated it to H u n y a d i (1448). O n the other h a n d , M a t t h i a s k n e w that S t e p h e n s u p p o r t e d
Frederic (Friedrich) Ill's c l a i m s to t h e Hungarian t h r o n e . Besides, M a t t h i a s k e p t calling
Moldavia Our Moldavian land, a clear sign that h e w a s , in his t u r n , unwilling to g i v e up
the H u n g a r i a n s u z e r a n i t y o v e r M o l d a v i a T h e issue w a s still of c o n c e r n , e v e n t h o u g h it
s e e m e d rather o b s o l e t e , s i n c e in 1387 Peter I h a d " c h o s e n " t h e Polish s u z e r a i n t y of
Wladistaw I (II). P o l a n d ' s o v e r h a n d w a s "lighter" t h a n that intended b y B u d a .

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Hurmuzaki, X V - 1 , pp. 59-60, 80; Documente Ştefan, II, pp 316-317; loan Drăgan ('Un
român ardelean în sofie la Ştefan cel Mare la 1475' [A Transylvanian Romanian Envoy to Stephen
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the Great in 1475], All Al, XXIV (1987), p. 361) has proven that Stephen's trade privilege for the
th
merchants of Hungary, usually dated on the 1 0 of June 1475, was issued some 1-2 years earlier.
6
Documente Ştefan, II, p. 333; Pascu, Relaţiile economice', p. 2 1 1 .
7
Ş. Papacostea. Stephen the Great, Prince of Moldavia (1457-1504) (Bucharest 1981 ), pp.
28-32 (and pp. 30-32 of the 1990 revised edition, Ştefan cel Mare, domn al Moldovei (1457-1504)).
A n o t h e r r e a s o n for conflict w a s the T r a n s y l v a n i a n shelter g i v e n to S t e p h e n ' s uncle
a n d f o r m e r ruler of M o l d a v i a , Peter A r o n (1462), w h o a i m e d of regaining the t h r o n e . On
several occasion, Stephen rode into eastern Transylvania in order to capture h i m . A major
act of hostility t o w a r d s H u n g a r y w a s c o n s i d e r e d his failed a t t e m p t of 1462 to recapture
Chilia. H e eventually seized Chilia in 1465. Finally, Bonfini a c c u s e d S t e p h e n of protecting
Matthias' e n e m i e s fled to Moldavia a n d of supporting t h e T r a n s y l v a n i a n rebellion of 1467.

All these led to Matthias' Moldavian campaign ( N o v e m b e r - D e c e m b e r 1467). Heavily


m th
w o u n d e d , d e f e a t e d in the battle of Baia ( 1 4 - 1 5 of D e c e m b e r ) a n d humiliated, h e had to
retreat. O n e of the pretenders to the Moldavian throne (Berindei) that Matthias h a d brought
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with h i m s e e m s to h a v e d i e d in battle. T h e other o n e , Peter A r o n , w a s still a l i v e .
After his h a s t l y r e t u r n , Matthias o r d e r e d the barbaric e x e c u t i o n of s o m e rebels that
he h a d previously t h o u g h t to forgive. A s already d e c i d e d by the Diet in s p r i n g 1467, the
R o m a n i a n lands (districts) A m laş, F ă g ă r a ş , R o d n a w e r e to r e m a i n at his disposal in
order to be still d o n a t e d to d e t h r o n e d rulers of W a l a c h i a a n d M o l d a v i a a n d t h u s maintain
the royal p r e s s u r e o n the a c t i n g rulers. Matthias i m p o s e d an e x c e p t i o n a l tax of 4 0 0 0 0 0
g o l d florins o n t h e T r a n s y l v a n i a n s in v i e w of a n e w n e w M o l d a v i a n c a m p a i g n . S k a r e d by
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his r a g e a n d h a r s h d e c i s i o n s , s o m e T r a n s y l v a n i a n s fled to M o l d a v i a a n d P o l a n d .
T h e n e w royal c a m p a i g n in M o l d a v i a did not take place. But, b e c a u s e Peter Aron
w a s still s h e l t e r e d in t h e e a s t e r n parts of T r a n s y l v a n i a , in April 1468, S t e p h e n a n d 1800
riders tried to c a p t u r e h i m but failed. T w o m o r e raids took place in 1 4 6 9 , w h e n Matthias
w a s i n v o l v e d in t h e battle for the B o h e m i a n c r o w n . P r o b a b l y after the s e c o n d raid, Peter
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A r o n w a s c a p t u r e d a n d e x e c u t e d by t h e M o l d a v i a n r u l e r .

F r o m the perspective of Moldavia's long w a r with the O t t o m a n E m p i r e (1473-1486),


S t e p h e n ' s relations t o H u n g a r y , to T r a n s y l v a n i a , w e r e of great i m p o r t a n c e . A s early as
1470, he m a d e m a s s i v e acquisitions of w e a p o n s in Braşov. O n collision c o u r s e with the
Porte, Moldavia s t r e n g h t e d her regional status and b e c a m e m o r e a n d m o r e active on the
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European level, seizing to be a m e r e object of conflict b e t w e e n P o l a n d a n d H u n g a r y .

U n d e r t h e s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , e v e n without sealing a treaty w i t h M a t t h i a s , Stephen


kept a n d diversified his T r a n s y l v a n i a n c o n n e c t i o n s . P r o b a b l y prior to 1 4 7 3 , he h a d anti-
O t t o m a n négociations with the vice-voievode of Transylvania, Balazs M a g y a r , a n d Bistriţa.
A l o n g s i d e s o m e 4 0 0 0 0 M o l d a v i a n s , 6 8 0 0 T r a n s y l v a n i a n s ( 5 0 0 0 of t h e m w e r e Szeklers)
th 12
contributed to S t e p h e n ' s victory of Vaslui ( 1 0 of January 1475) over the O t t o m a n a r m y .
B e s i d e s , the authoritarian politics, t h e heavy fiscality p r o m o t e d b y M a t t h i a s and
s o m e of t h e T r a n s y l v a n i a n v o i v o d e s c a u s e d unrest a m o n g s t the S z e k l e r s . S t e p h e n III
s u p p o r t e d t h e m a n d s o m e t i m e s e n c o u r a g e d their resistance. Dtugosz w r o t e that, from

Idem, 'Un épisode de la rivalité polono-hongroise au XVe siècle: la campagne de Matthias


Corvin en Moldavie (1467) à la lumière d'une source inédite', RRH, VIII (1969), 6, pp. 967-979;
Konrad G. Gundisch, 'Participarea saşilor la răzvrătirea din anul 1467 a transilvănenilor împotriva lui
Matei Corvin' [The Saxon Involvement in 1467 Transylvanian Rebellion agairîst Matthias Corvinus],
SUBBH, XVII (1972), 2, pp. 21-30; l.-A. Pop, 'Valoarea mărturiilor documentare despre expediţia
întreprinsă de regele Matei Corvin la 1467 în Moldova' [The Value of the Documentary Evidences
on King Matthias Corvinus' Moldavian Campaign of 1467], Rdl, XXXIV (1981), 1, pp. 131-139.
r
Hurmuzaki, II-2, p. 179; Grigoraş, Moldova lui Ştefan cel Mare, pp. 82-87.
1 0
Papacostea, Stephen the Great, p. 2 1 ; Grigoraş, Moldova lui Ştefan cel Mare, p. 88.
11
Documente Ştefan, II, pp. 328-329; Papacostea, Stephen the Great, p. 40.
1 2
Grigoraş, Moldova lui Ştefan cel Mare, pp. 107-108.
1474 o n , the S z e k l e r s had s w o r n allegiance to S t e p h e n , that the Land of the Szeklers
had b e c o m e part of M o l d a v i a a n d that they g a v e a tenth of their m e n to S t e p h e n for his
ottoman fights. It w a s also said that they even paid the c e n s u s to S t e p h e n . In 1492, the
Szeklers o n c e a g a i n rebelled against the T r a n s y l v a n i a n v o i v o d e a n d t h r e a t e n e d the new
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king of H u n g a r y that t h e y w o u l d leave T r a n s y l v a n i a for M o l d a v i a a n d W a l a c h i a .

The popes Sixtus IV and Innocent VIII

S t e p h e n III m a i n t a i n e d g o o d relations with the S a x o n s f r o m Bistriţa, Sibiu a n d


especially B r a ş o v T h e p r o s p e r o u s c o m m e r c e a s s u r i n g w e a p o n s a n d different artifacts
to Moldavia a n d a safe a n d a d a v a n t a g e o u s eastern m a r k e t to the T r a n s y l v a n i a n cities
was a reassuring e c o n o m i c b a c k g r o u n d for politic relations. T h u s , for instance, the city
of Braşov s e e m s to h a v e b e e n constantly loyal to S t e p h e n III the G r e a t of Moldavia.
O n J u n e 5, 1476, S t e p h e n a n n o u n c e d Braşov that he w a s in c a m p with his entire
army. S t e p h e n III e x p e c t e d from t h e m , his friends, news on the O t t o m a n m o v e s . T h e
intense c o r r e s p o n d e n c e (e.g. J u n e 1 1 , 1467, J a n u a r y 1477, April 2 0 , 2 6 , 1479, July 9,
1480) s h o w s that t h e y m u t u a l l y a n d periodically i n f o r m e d e a c h other o n the O t t o m a n
moves and aims, that they had spies in various places, especially in W a l a c h i a a n d in Turcia,
14
that they h a d a g r e a t deal of respect for one another, that they m a d e c o m m o n p l a n s .
T h e city's letter of April 2 6 , 1479 is a classic e x a m p l e of Christian anti-Ottoman
solidarity, upheld by Stephen's great prestige. T h e city informed S t e p h e n that s h e w a s in
15
great d a n g e r b e c a u s e of the cruel Turks a n d that only he could d e f e n d T r a n s y l v a n i a :

...it seems as if You were chosen and sent by God to rule and to protect Transylvania
With great desire and love we ask Your Highness to get near to these parts and to
protect them from the above mentioned too cruel Turks [Stephen had a similar
perspective On July 9, 1480, he wrote to the city council]: Your Lordship [!] should well
research with Your spies <the area> and if Your Lordship should see that those enemy
leave, either against You, or against Us, be ready to rise together ..

Seemingly, m a n y T r a n s y l v a n i a n s put their hopes in the M o l d a v i a n ruler rather than in


the king of H u n g a r y , w h o n e g l e c t e d t h e s e regions in favour of his w e s t e r n political g o a l s

13
Diugosz (1711-1712), col. 515; loan Sabău, Relaţiile politice dintre Moldova şi Transilvania
în timpul lui Ştefan cel Mare' [The Political Relations between Moldavia and Transylvania in the
Time of Stephen the Great] in Ştefan cel Mare, p 229.
1 4
Toderaşcu, Unitatea românească, p. 167.
15
Documente Ştefan, II, pp 354-355, 357; Toderaşcu, Unitatea românească, p 167.
O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , M o l d a v i a too u n d e r s t o o d to carry the a n t i - O t t o m a n fight and
d e f e n c e t o g e t h e r w i t h T r a n s y l v a n i a . T h e T r a n s y l v a n i a n help w o u l d h a v e b e e n m o r e than
w e l c o m e for S t e p h e n in t h e s u m m e r o f 1476, w h e n M e h m e d II i n v a d e d M o l d a v i a . But
help c a m e only after the major Ottoman-Moldavian clash. Only on A u g u s t 16, 1476, did the
Transylvanian army, led by future voivode Stephen (Istvén) Bâthory, near the Moldavian
16
border. From there, Bâthory sent s o m e of his m e n in support to Stephen 111, at his r e q u e s t .
It s e e m s that, a l o n g s i d e o t h e r factors, the m a r c h o f the T r a n s y l v a n i a n t r o o p s lead
to the sultan's retreat. His c a m p a i g n had failed a n d Stephen kept his throne. Afterwards, in
accordance to the a g r e e m e n t c o n c l u d e d between Matthias and S t e p h e n , t h e Transylvanian
army, with f o r m e r ruler V l a d II! Ţepeş (the Impaler) at royal court j u d g e S t e p h e n Bâthory's
17
side, j o i n e d f o r c e s w i t h S t e p h e n in W a l a c h i a a n d e n t h r o n e d V l a d ( N o v e m b e r 1 4 7 6 ) .
S t e p h e n III t h e G r e a t of M o l d a v i a h a d g o o d relations to S t e p h e n Bâthory, w h i l e he
w a s v o i v o d e of T r a n s y l v a n i a (1479-1493). Stephen Bâthory p r o v e d to be a n anti-Ottoman
fighter a n d a n a u t h o r i t a r i a n leader, revealing t e n d a n c i e s t o s t r e n g t h e n t h e a u t h o n o m y of
his T r a n s y l v a n i a n V o i v o d a t e in the relation to Buda, in particular after the e v e n t s of 1490.
E v e n c l o s e r w e r e S t e p h e n Ill's relations with T r a n s y l v a n i a n v o i v o d e B a r t h o l o m e w
( B a r t o l o m e u , Bertalan) Dragffy ( 1 4 9 3 - 1 4 9 9 ) , a d e s c e n d e n t of t h e old R o m a n i a n family of
the D r ă g o ş e ş t i f r o m M a r a m u r e ş , w h o h a d ruled in M o l d a v i a b e f o r e B o g d a n I, Stephen's
ancestor. A p p a r e n t l y , S t e p h e n ill's s o n , A l e x a n d e r m a r r i e d B a r t h o l o m e w ' s d a u g h t e r . In
1497, w h e n the P o l e s i n v a d e d Moldavia, 1 2 0 0 0 m e n led by B a r t h o l o m e w Dragffy c a m e
18
to Stephen's a i d . Dragffy e v e n tried to settle the conflict b e t w e e n Moldavia a n d P o l a n d .

Stephen's relations to Transylvanian w e r e far more reaching than the official contacts
allow us to see. T h e y w e n t beyond the levels of the political-military administration a n d the
elite (the privileged Estates) of the neighboring country. Transylvania w a s the only province
of t h e realm led b y a v o i v o d e , like it w a s the c a s e for W a l a c h i a a n d M o l d a v i a . A l t h o u g h ,
he w a s n o ruler f r o m G o d ' s grace, unlike the rulers of W a l a c h i a a n d Moldavia, t h e voivode
of T r a n s y l v a n i a a l s o i n c a r n a t e d a n old R o m a n i a n - S l a v i c institution, t r a n s f o r m e d b y the
H u n g a r i a n c o n q u e s t . M o l d a v i a n soldiers a n d e n v o y s o n their f r e q u e n t travels to Braşov,
Bistriţa, Sibiu, B u d a o r the M a r a m u r e ş m u s t have c o n v i n c e d t h e m s e l v e s of the Romanian
O r t h o d o x majority t h a t inhabitated the province a n d d e f i n e d it ethnically.
M o l d a v i a n officals l e a r n e d m o r e of t h e s e T r a n s y l v a n i a n R o m a n i a n s in 1475 w h e n
a m o n g s t the royal e n v o y s s e n t to seal the treaty w i t h S t e p h e n III w a s the R o m a n i a n
Michael (Mihail) of P e ş t e a n a . Like in the relations to W a l a c h i a , Matthias w a s w i s e enough
1 9
to use R o m a n i a n s f r o m Transylvania. Besides, Sibiu, Braşov a n d Bistriţa did the s a m e .
T h i s e n v o y s e n t to S t e p h e n Hi d e s c e n d e d f r o m a n important R o m a n i a n f a m i l y of
knezi, w h o h a d b e e n e n n o b e l e d , f r o m the L a n d of H a ţ e g ( H â t s z e g , Hotzing), in s o u t h ­
w e s t e r n T r a n s y l v a n i a . His a n c e s t o r s h a d b e e n /cnez/-jurors in the R o m a n i a n a s s e m b l y of
20
Haţeg, m e n t i o n e d since 1 3 6 0 . Lifted by his R o m a n i a n k i n s m a n lancu to high dignities,

1 6
Manole Neagoe, Olimpia Guţu, Mihail Guboglu, Radu Constantinescu, C. Vlad,
Războieni. Cincisute de ani de la campania din 1476 [Războieni. 500 Years since the Campaign
of 14761 (Bucharest 1977), pp. 94-96, 189.
Grigoraş, Moldova lui Ştefan cel Mare, p. 180. \
1 8
Sabău, 'Relaţiile economice', p. 228; Papacostea, 'Relaţiile internaţionale', p. 635.
1 9
Drăgan, 'Un român transilvănean', passim.
2 0
l.-A. Pop, 'Mărturii documentare privind adunările cneziale ca instituţii româneşti din
Transilvania în veacurile XIV-XV [Documentary Evidences on the Assemblies of Knezi as
th th
Romanian Institutions in Transylvania in the 14 -15 Centuries], Rdl, XXXIV (1981), 1 1 , pp. 2100-
2104; Idem, Instituţii medievale româneşti din Transilvania [The Romanian Medieval Institutions]
(Cluj-Napoca 1991), pp. 60-62, 65.
such a s c o u n t o f M a r a m u r e ş , M i c h a e l faithfully s e r v e d M a t t h i a s , r e m a n i n g p r o f o u n d l y
attached to the Hunyadis. H e w a s probably the main architect, o n the Hungarian side, of the
treaty of 1475 m e a n t to assure anti-Ottoman collaboration a n d mutual trading advantages.

It is possible that, d u r i n g t h e négociations of 1475, in a c c o r d a n c e with the medieval


feudal rule o f t h e v a s s a l i c c o n t r a c t , S t e p h e n w a s p r o m i s e d t w o T r a n s y l v a n i a n estates,
Ciceu ( C s i c s ó ) , C e t a t e a d e Baltă ( K ü k ü l ö w ä r ) , But he o n l y took effective p o s s e s s i o n
over t h e s e d o m a i n s after t h e political b a l a n c e of the region s u f f e r e d certain c h a n g e s .

Faithful to the O t t o m a n Pontic a n d Danubian political principles, Bayezid II s u c c e d e d


in conquering t h e Moldavian harbours of Chilia a n d Cetatea A l b ă , in s u m m e r 1484. Under
these g r a v e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , lacking support f r o m Matthias, o n his w a y to V i e n n a , S t e p h e n
turned to P o l a n d . P o l a n d s e e m e d m o r e affected a n d c o n c e r n e d b y t h e loss of t h e harbors.
Stephen III s w o r e an oath of allegiance to Casimir (Kazimierz) IV (1485). H e repelled
several o t t o m a n attaks. T h e Porte tried to enthrone Peter Hroiotl Hronoda, probably a son
of Peter A r o n . But t h e constant O t t o m a n pressure forced him to enter p e a c e talks a n d seal
a treaty, in parallel t o t h e O t t o m a n - P o l i s h talks initiated in 1486 T h u s , both Hungary a n d
Moldavia w e r e interested in a n e w collaboration that t o o k t h e f o r m of a treaty in 1489 .
In t h e t i m e w h e n this t r e a t y w a s s e a l e d , in o r d e r to k e e p M o l d a v i a a s H u n g a r y ' s
eastern guard a n d o u t o f t h e O t t o m a n political s p h e r e , although S t e p h e n w a s not inclined
to accept s u c h a n i n c l u s i o n , a n o l d e r a g r e e m e n t r e g a r d i n g t h e T r a n s y l v a n i a n estates
became reality. S t e p h e n , a s t h e W a l a c h i a n rulers, b e c a m e a H u n g a r i a n f e u d a l lord.
T h e estate of the fortress of C i c e u , in northern Transylvania, o n the G r e a t S o m e ş
(Nagy S a m o s ) , n o t t o o far f r o m the royal city of Cluj ( K l a u s e n b u r g , Kolozsvâr), h a d at that
time s o m e 55 villages, inhabited a l m o s t entirely b y R o m a n i a n s . In 1500, S t e p h e n a n d his
associated ruler, his s o n B o g d a n , b y m e a n s of Peter, castellan of C i c e u , b o u g h t f r o m the
Banffys (Bànfis) s o m e 6 m o r e v i l l a g e s a n d in 1502 a n o t h e r o n e . T h e e s t a t e o f C e t a t e a
de Baltă, in central T r a n s y l v a n i a , b e t w e e n t h e t w o T â r n a v a - s (Küküllö-s), a n estate with its
economic center in t h e t o w n of T â r n ă v e n i (Sankt Martin/ Marteskirch, Dicsöszentmarton),
consisted o f a p p r o x i m a t e l y 4 0 settelements, inhabited also mostly b y R o m a n i a n s . Further
more, the M o l d a v i a n c o t e o f a r m s , p l a c e d o n g l a z e d tiles o r c a r v e d into s t o n e , w a s
22
discovered in T â r n ă v e n i , B a z n a ( B a a s s e n , Bâzna) a n d Boian (Bonnesdorf, A l s o b a j o m ) .

T h e e x a c t c i r c u m s t a n c e s a n d d a t e of the d o n a t i o n are not yet k n o w n . A d o c u m e n t


from 1528 s t a t e s that C i c e u w a s g i v e n to S t e p h e n s o that he would not turn from the
23
Crown after the loss of Chilia and Cetatea Albă. A l e t t e r , sent by k i n g F e r d i n a n d I of
Habsburg t o S t e p h e n V Lăcustă (the Lizard), S t e p h e n the G r e a t ' s g r a n d s o n , r e a d s : the

2 1
Ştefan Sorin Gorovei, 'Pacea moldo-otomană din 1486. Observaţii pe marginea unor
texte', in Rdl, XXXV (1982), 7, pp. 807-821 [a French version with an Addenda: 'La paix moldo-
ottomane de 1486 (Quelques observations en marge de textes)', RRH, XXI (1982), 3-4, pp. 405-
421]; for the bibliography on the issue: Papacostea, 'Relaţiile internaţionale ale Moldovei", pp.
630-631; Toderaşcu, Unitatea medievală, p. 156.
2 2
Francise [Ferenc] Kiss, 'Posesiuni moldoveneşti în Transilvania (secolele XV-XVI)'
8, lh
[Moldavian Posessions in Transylvania ( 1 4 - 1 6 Century)], SAI, XXX-XXXI (1975), pp. 13-24;
Radu Constantinescu, Moldova şi Transilvania 1n vremea lui Petru Rares (1527-1546) [Moldavia
and Transylvania in the Time of Peter Rares (1527-1546)] (Bucharest 1978), p. 1 1 , 12-14, 19-21;
Toderaşcu, Unitatea medievală, pp. 145-146.
Actae, pp. 172, 304; I.-A. Pop, 'Cu privire la domnia lui Ştefan Lăcustă' [On Stephen the
Lizzard's Reign], AIIAC, XXVII (1985-1986), pp. 79-98; Toderaşcu, Unitatea medievală, p. 145.
fortresses of Ciceu and Cetatea de Baltă, in the Transylvanian parts, were donated in
compensation for the loss of Chilia and Cetatea Albă (1540). It w a s a n official explanation.
Wladislaw II c o n f i r m e d Matthias donation in 1492. In 1500, t h e s a m e king issued a
new deed of confirmation just for Ciceu. He s h o w e d that, given his military virtues, Stephen
24
must be kept a s a n ally. Otherwise, t h e whole of Christendom w o u l d suffer a grief l o s s .

Stephen III the Great and Alexander {Alexandrei), his first heir

T h e s e t e s t i m o n i e s help u s establish s o m e clearer l a n d m a r k s . T h e e s t a t e s were


d o n a t e d in o r d e r to s t r e n g t h e n t h e n e w treaty of 1 4 8 9 (the treaty of 1 4 7 5 w a s not valid
a n y m o r e after t h e o a t h of C o l o m e e a ) . T h e y h a d to stimulate, o n c e m o r e , S t e p h e n III the
G r e a t ' s allegiance t o t h e Christian c a u s e a n d to c o m p e n s a t e , to s o m e extent, t h e loss of
the h a r b o r s . T h e d o n a t i o n took certainly place after 1 4 8 4 (the loss of t h e harbors) and
1486 (the start o f t h e O t t o m a n p e a c e talks), probably a r o u n d late 1488-early 1489, when
the n e w treaty, very n e c e s s a r y in light of Poland's h e g e m o n i c a l plans, w a s s e a l e d .
B e s i d e s t h e s e g e n e r a l political implications, S t e p h e n Ill's p o s s e s s i o n of over 100
Transylvanian settlements has also a major R o m a n i a n ethnic significance. T h e presence
of M o l d a v i a ' s cote of a r m s w a s m o r e than a s y m b o l . It m a r k e d t h e f a c t that in those
regions, w h e r e t h e R o m a n i a n s w e r e t h e ethnic majority, t h e political a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was
also R o m a n i a n . In other w o r d s , t h e ruler of M o l d a v i a w a s of t h e s a m e e t h n i c origin and
had the s a m e c o n f e s s i o n a s m o s t of his subjects. This w a s a rather u n c o m m o n fact in
Transylvania. T h u s , m e d i e v a l Moldavia's political patronage b e c a m e also a spiritual one.

O n t h e C i c e u e s t a t e , t h e c h u r c h e s of V a d ( R é v / R é v k o l o s t o r ) , C i c e u a n d Mihăieşti
(Mihélyfalva), a r e attributed to S t e p h e n III. T h e first o n e , built with s t o n e f r o m t h e ruins
of t h e r o m a n Castrum of C ă ş e i u (Alsokosâly), w a s influenced by both t h e local wooden
architecture a n d t h e g o t h i c o n e . In Feleac (Fellek), near Cluj, S t e p h e n Ill's material aid
helped built a g o t h i c hall c h u r c h o n t h e place of a n older w o o d e n o n e . T h e c h u r c h e s of
V a d a n d F e l e a c h o u s e d t w o o r t h o d o x bishoprics, t w o ecclesiastical c e n t e r s , t h e first one
2 5
f o c u s e d o n n o r t h - e a s t e r n T r a n s y l v a n i a , t h e other o n e o n t h e central a r e a s .

2 4
Toderaşcu, Unitatea medievală, p. 145.
2 5
Marius Porumb, Bisericile din Feleac şi Vad. Două ctitorii moldoveneşti din Transilvania
[The Churches of Feleac and Vad. Two Moldavian Foundations in Transylvania] (Bucharest
Of the bishops of Feieac, a n old R o m a n i a n settlement with f r e e d o m s g u a r a n t e e d by
means of royal privileges, t w o w e r e probably c o n t e m p o r a r y to S t e p h e n III of M o l d a v i a ,
Daniel (Daniil), m e n t i o n e n d in 1488 a s a r c h b i s h o p , a n d , p e r h a p s , M a r k ( M a r c u ) , in the
early 1500' (he w a s n a m e d the Greek/ Orthodox). W h e n in 1498, Stephen's grand-treasurer
Isac siiverpìated a Gospel for Feieac, the local institution w a s c a l l e d a metropoly.
T h e M o l d a v i a n ruler probably d o n a t e d the villages of V a d a n d S u a r ă ş (Szóvéros) to
the V a d bishopric. Both d i o c e s e s d e p e n d e d o n the Metropoly of Moldavia, in S u c e a v a ,
from w h e r e part of the bishops w e r e sent a n d anointed. Especially t h e b i s h o p s of V a d , still
26
in part u n k n o w n , w e r e t h e T r a n s y l v a n i a n political s u p p o r t e r s of t h e M o l d a v i a n r u l e r s .
B o g d a n III, S t e p h e n IV (Ştefăniţă) a n d Peter I V Rares ( 1 5 0 4 - 1 5 4 6 ) c o n t i n u e d this
policy. T h e y d e f e n d e d a n d e n d o w e d t h e c h u r c h e s a n d e x p a n d e d a n d r e o r g a n i z e d the
estates. For i n s t a n c e , in t h e early 1530', s o m e 2 0 0 T r a n s y l v a n i a n s e t t l e m e n t s , largely
Romanian, with specific institutions, c a m e under the M o l d a v i a n authority of Peter R a r e s .

S t e p h e n III t h e G r e a t i n a u g u r a t e d a M o l d a v i a n policy t o w a r d s T r a n s y l v a n i a that the


other R o m a n i a n state, c a l l e d b y S t e p h e n himself, l'altra Valachia, h a d s t a r t e d in the m i d
1300'. T h i s institutional p a t r o n a g e , protectorate, of W a l a c h i a a n d M o l d a v i a h e l p e d fortify
the m e d i e v a l national c o n s c i e n c e of the Romanians. By his political a n d spiritual actions,
Stephen t h e G r e a t p r o l o n g e d t h e R o m a n i a n state authority into T r a n s y l v a n i a , w h e r e the
2 7
Romanians h a d n o m o r e a state in their o w n n a m e .

A n t o n i o B o n f i n i , B e a t r i c e of A r a g o n ' s secretary, d e l i e v e r e d a u n d e n i a b l e p r o v e of
the R o m a n i a n n a t i o n a l c o n s c i e n c e a n d solidarity, b a s e d o n t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n of the
common l a n g u a g e of Latin origin. S o m e t i m e after 1486, h e w r o t e that T r a n s y l v a n i a w a s
belted by the t w o V a l a c h i a s . T h e three h a d o n c e f o r m e d D a c i a c o l o n i z e d b y T r a j a n . He
also s t a t e d t h a t t h e R o m a n i a n s a r e the d e s c e n d e n t s of t h o s e R o m a n s , w h o h a v e kept
there g r o u n d inspite o f t h e B a r b a r i a n s . T h e y still s p e a k R o m a n i a n (Latin) a n d they do
not want to give it upon, they fight so strongly against <any a t t e m p t to c h a n g e their
l a n g u a g e s that you see them fighting not so much for the preservation of their lives, but
28
of the language. T h i s w a s also proof that their l a n g u a g e w a s in d a n g e r .
S t e p h e n t h e G r e a t b r o u g h t his contribution to this R o m a n i a n resistance, to this
process of identification t h r o u g h their l a n g u a g e of Latin origin. T h i s p r o c e s s w a s already
t h 29
revealed b y Ş e r b a n P a p a c o s t e a for the 1 4 c e n t u r y . T h e r e f o r e it is not s u r p r i s i n g that

1968), passim; Virgil Vătăşianu, 'Consideraţiuni privind evoluţia arhitecturii eciesiastice pe teritoriul
Arhiepiscopiei Vadului, Feleacuiui şi Clujului' [Remarks on the Evolution of the Ecclesiastical
Architecture on the Territory of the Archbishopric of Vad, Feieac and Cluj], in Monumente istorice
şi de artă religioasă din Arhiepiscopia Vadului, Feleacuiui şi Clujului [Historic and Religious Art
Monuments from the Archbishopric of Vad, Feieac and Cluj] (Cluj-Napoca 1982), p. 39.
2 6
M. Porumb, Pictura românească din Transilvania. Die rumänische Malerei in Siebenbürgen,
I (sec. XIV-XVII/ 14.-17. Jh.) (Cluj-Napoca 1981), pp. 44-47; Şt. Pascu, 'Istoricul Arhiepiscopiei
Vadului, Feleacuiui şi Clujului' [The History of the Archbishopric of Vad, Feieac and Cluj], in
Monumente istorice şi de artă religioasă, pp. 16-17; Toderaşcu, Unitatea medievală, p. 149.
2 7
Ş. Papacostea, Geneza statului în Evul Mediu românesc [The Genesis of the State in the
Romanian Middle Ages] (Cluj-Napoca 1988), p. 147: Toderaşcu, Unitatea medievală, p. 150
2 8
See Bonfini (1936-1941), III, pp. 216-217, 243; I. Drägan, 'Românii din Transilvania în lupta
antiotomană din a doua jumătate a veacului al XV-lea' [The Romanians of Transylvania in the
th
Anti-Ottoman Fight in the Second Half of the 15 Century], MAC, XXVII (1985-1986), pp. 67-77.
2 9
Ş. Papacostea, 'Ţările Române în lumea europeană a veacului X V [The Romanian Countries
th
in the European World of the 15 Century], Ml, XIV (1981), 4, pp. 54-55; l.-A. Pop, 'Confesiune şi
S t e p h e n III of M o l d a v i a e n t e r e d the c o n s c i e n c e of the T r a n s y l v a n i a n R o m a n i a n s as a
hero, a s a d e f e n d e r of his p e o p l e a n d , last but definitely not least, of C h r i s t e n d o m

W e find t h e e x a m p l e in t h e Chronicon Dubnicense [The Chronicle of Dubnic] w h o s


original part w a s , apparently, written by a Romanian from Bartholomew D r a g f f / s antourage.
Unlike o t h e r c o n t e m p o r a r y writings, t h e chronicle paid h o m m a g e to Dragffy a n d Paul
(Pal, Pavel) Kinizsi ( C h i n e z u ) , p r o b a b l y also of R o m a n i a n d e s c e n t , a n d e x e r c i s e d a
s t r o n g critique o n k i n g M a t t h i a s . H e h a d led the country to a cryworthy misfortune, by his
rivalries with C h r i s t i a n princes, by his disinterest in t h e a n t i - O t t o m a n fight, by m a s s i v e
3 0
taxation. In r e t u r n , o n S t e p h e n III, after t h e victory of V a s l u i , t h e c h r o n i c l e w r o t e :

[Stephen] fought manly the Turks, in the middle of his country, like a good protector
of his fatherland and people, ready to do die for his subjects, [in this] heavy
confrontation [of three days and three nights], helped also by God's mercy he
defeated and almost completly destroyed the Turks.

O t h e r p r a i s e s f o l l o w d u e to the important p r i s o n e r s a n d b o o t y t a k e n . T h e j o y a n d
satisfaction perfectly c o i n c i d e w i t h a report s e n t to king M a t t h i a s C o r v i n u s f r o m T u r d a
( T ó r d a , T h o r e n b u r g ) o n J a n u a r y 2 4 , 1475. S i n c e t h e n e w s o f S t e p h e n III of M o l d a v i a ' s
t h 3
victory (on t h e 1 0 of J a n u a r y ) , the whole of Transylvania lives its days in triumph \
T h e M o l d a v i a n - H u n g a r i a n competition for transmitting t h e n e w s o n t h e victory is
particularly significant for the relations at the time, for the value a n d impact of that unique
victory. T h e T r a n s y l v a n i a n e n t h u s i a s m of 1475 strongly c o n t r a d i c t s t h e spirit a n d the
32
events of 1484, w h e n very f e w r e s p o n d e d to the king's call for aid in favor of S t e p h e n . In
fact, s u c h refusals to o b e y king Matthias' orders c a m e at S t e p h e n of Moldavia's e x p e n s e .

T h e c h r o n i c l e s t a n d s for a point of v i e w characteristic for T r a n s y l v a n i a . T h e a n t i -


O t t o m a n effort is understood in a m a n n e r different from the royal Hungarian o n e , but similar
to the o n e portraited in the Moldavian chronicles. T h e fact that Transylvania, W a l a c h i a a n d
M o l d a v i a u n d e r s t o o d this fight a s a real a n d m a s s i v e military effort is a l s o r e v e a l e d by a
Florentine intelligence report from Buda, dating from 1475/1476 or f r o m 1479. U n d e r king
Matthias' great a n t i - O t t o m a n c o m m a n d were 112000 m e n , from Hungary ( 1 4 0 0 0 ; 12.5%),
3 3
Transylvania (28000; 25%), Moldavia (32000; 28.6%) and Walachia (38000; 3 3 . 9 % ) .
E v e n if f i g u r e s a r e relative, w e have to s a y that m o r e t h a n 9 0 % o f this a r m y w a s
s u p p l i e d t h e t h r e e parts of f o r m e r Dacia, in particular by M o l d a v i a a n d T r a n s y l v a n i a ,
w h o , after V l a d Ill's fall of 1462 h a d to carry m o s t of t h e fighting. In this difficult d e f e n c e of
Christendom, Stephen's roie w a s crucial. Regardless of Matthias' royal pride, the Romanian
T r a n s y l v a n i a n m e m o r y , a s r e v e a l e d b y the C h r o n i c l e o f Dubnic, r e c o r d e d t h a t fact.
In 1 4 9 2 , t w o y e a r s after M a t t h i a s ' d e a t h , S t e p h e n w a s highly p r a i s e d , by Bonfini
t o o , for his a c t i o n s that h a d s t o p p e d t h e O t t o m a n s f r o m attacking T r a n s y l v a n i a f r o m the

naţiune medievală: solidarităţi româneşti în secolele XIV-XVI' [Confession and Medieval Nation:
m th
Romanian Solidarities in the 1 4 - 1 6 Centuries], AIIAC, XXVIII (1987-1988), pp. 179-181.
3 0
Chronicon, pp. 201-203; see loan Lupaş, 'Chronicon Dubnicense despre Ştefan cel Mare'
[The Chronicle of Dubnic on Stephen the Great], AIINC, V (1928-1930), pp. 344-347, 352-353;
loan Haţegan, 'Pavel Chinezu - un conducător al luptei antiotomane' [Paul (Pâl) Kinizsi: A Leader
of the Anti-Ottoman Fight], Rdl, XXXII (1979), 10, pp. 1889-1913.
3 1
Lupaş, Chronicon Dubnicense, pp. 347-349' (in particular the footnotes on pp. 348-349).
3 2
Marius Diaconescu. Géza Érszegi, Documenta quibus Hungariae, Valachiae et Moldaviae
relationes melius Illustrante, MT, Il (1998), 2, pp. 286-287; Hurmuzaki, XV-1, pp. 123-124.
3 3
Minai Berza, 'Der Kreuzzug gegen die Türken - ein europäisches Problem', RHSEE, XIX
(1942), 1, pp. 70-72 (in particular footnote 1 on p. 71).
east. A s the H u n g a r i a n crisis grew, S t e p h e n ' s farne a n d T r a n s y l v a n i a n value i n c r e a s e d .
His death s e e m e d to leave the voivodate and the realm defenseless in front of the Turk*.

A s i d e t h e political oscillations, the relations b e t w e e n T r a n s y l v a n i a a n d S t e p h e n the


Great's M o l d a v i a w e r e tight a n d continous. Naturally, by m e a n s of the treaties of 1475 a n d
1489, t h e s e relations grew stronger a n d developed. T h r o u g h o u t S t e p h e n ' s entire rule, the
strong e c o n o m i c c o n n e c t i o n s w e r e u p h e l d a n d p r o v e d to b e very a c t i v e , in particular, by
the w a y of Braşov, the c o m m e r c i a l center of Transylvania, W a l a c h i a a n d M o l d a v i a .

The Hungarian anti-Ottoman campaigns under Matthias Corvinus' rule

U s i n g the clear t e n d e n c i e s to strengthen the T r a n s y l v a n i a a u t h o n o m y , S t e p h e n


cultivated g o o d relations with the T r a n s y l v a n i a n v o i e v o d e s a s w e l l a s with t h e Estates,
more a n d m o r e f r e q u e n t l y called nationes (the nobles, the S a x o n s , the S z e k l e r s ) , w h o
resisted M a t t h i a s ' authoritarian politics a n d r e s p o n d e d f a v o r a b l y to the a n t i - O t t o m a n
policy p r o m o t e d by the Moldavian ruler. Under these circumstances, the royal province of
Transylvania, officially catholic, but inhabited by an Orthodox R o m a n i a n majority, a n d
Moldavia e n g a g e d in t h e t r o u b l e d e v e n t s of the Later C r u s a d e s .

Bonfini (1936-1941), IV, p. 212; Sanudo, VI, cols. 33, 50; Alexandru Simon, Stephen the
Great and his Involvement in Transylvania', TR, XIII (2004) 2. pp. 35-53.
After J o h n (lancu) Hunyadi, of Transylvania, a n d V l a d Ţ e p e ş , of W a l a c h i a , it w a s , in
the 1470', the turn of a n o t h e r R o m a n i a n , of Moldavia, to halt the growingly strong Ottoman
attaks after their d e f e a t at B e l g r a d e ( B e o g r a d , N â n d o r f e h é r v é r ) in 1 4 5 6 . T h e s e efforts,
s o m e t i m e s c o m b i n e d , of R o m a n i a n s , Hungarians a n d Poles, g a v e thus n e w East-Central
E u r o p e a n m e a n i n g s to t h e m e d i e v a l idea of C h r i s t e n d o m . Still, t h e s e , both old a n d new,
m e a n i n g s c o u l d not s t o p t h e manifestation of ethnic solidarities.
T h e r f o r e , S t e p h e n ' s politics t o w a r d s the Transylvanian R o m a n i a n s , w h o represented
t w o thirds o f t h e p r o v i n c e ' s population, but had not t h e right to a elite o n their o w n , was
of real support, It o p e n e d the w a y for M o l d a v i a ' spiritual, if not political p a t r o n a g e of
northern a n d central Transylvania. After s u c h d e e d s , stretched t h r o u g h o u t his 4 7 years of
rule, Stephen died in S u c e a v a (1504). He w a s already a legend, not only for the Romanians.

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