You are on page 1of 4

Death and Salvation in Ancient Egypt, by David Lorton.

Death and Salvation in Ancient Egypt by Jan Assmann; David Lorton


Review by: Foy Scalf
Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 70, No. 1 (April 2011), pp. 124-126
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/659041 .
Accessed: 16/05/2012 06:27

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal
of Near Eastern Studies.

http://www.jstor.org
124  F  Journal of Near Eastern Studies

hundred scribal hands have been identified as respon­ 5. I am not an expert myself in this huge field and
sible for the more than eight hundred different manu­ hence cannot say whether the author’s documentation
scripts that have been discovered to date;2 hence no is adequate or not, but it is perhaps not out of place
explanation is offered for how so many scribes would to cite what appears to be a telltale detail: the author
have made do with so few inkwells. makes reference (p. 24) to an ostracon which is said
4. Nor does the author, in adopting the outdated to prove the existence of a “community” (yaḥad) at
Essene hypothesis, take into account the fact, now Qumran, but he is seemingly unaware of a refutation
widely recognized, that the range of theological per­ of the reading proposed in the editio princeps.4 In the
spectives represented in the texts precludes them from very next issue of the journal in which the original
having originated with only one of the many groups claim was made, one of Israel’s leading epigraphers
representing the various strains of Jewish thought in provided a close-up photograph and new hand-copies
the period represented by the scrolls, which extended of the text itself in support of her claim that the word
from early in the second century b.c. to late in the yḥd is not in fact present on the ostracon.5 The original
first century a.d.3 publication is cited as one of five arguments indicating
“a strong relationship between the site, the caves, and
the Scrolls” (p. 23), but the refutation of the crucial
inkwells were found in the scriptorium; and according to M. Broshi reading goes unmentioned.6
(“Inkwells,” in the same publication, p. 375), a grand total of four The author has correctly realized that for the scrolls
on the entire site. to make sense to a broader audience they must be
2 
I purposely use a round number because, owing to the frag­
placed in a plausible historical, cultural, religious, and
mentary nature of many of the texts, estimates of the total number
of distinct manuscripts discovered range between eight hundred
literary context. He unfortunately has chosen one that
and nine hundred. The encyclopedia cited in the previous footnote is far too narrow to accommodate the multifarious
gives the number as “more than eight hundred” (L. H. Schiffman, data present in the texts themselves.
James C. VanderKam, “Preface,” p. viii).
3 
Strangely, the author knows of the existence of the encyclo­
pedia cited in the two previous notes, but he appears not to have
profited from the recognition expressed by some authors of this 4 
Frank Moore Cross and Esther Eshel, “Ostraca from Khirbet
collective work that the discovered scrolls cannot possibly represent Qumrân,” Israel Exploration Journal 47 (1997): 17–28 (ostracon
a single theological current and the relatively few scribes who would no. l).
have set down in writing the documents of such a group. See the 5 
A. Yardeni, “A Draft of a Deed on an Ostracon from Khirbet
discussion in the review cited here above, n. 1, and the quotation Qumrân,” Israel Exploration Journal 47 (1997): 233–37.
there of E. Tov, one of the most important figures in Dead Sea 6 
Above, I described the author as “seemingly unaware” of the
Scrolls research, to the effect that “The scribes who wrote the texts refutation—the adverb is necessary because, in the presentation
found in the Judean Desert were in a few cases local, but most of of the reading and argument put forward in the editio princeps,
them wrote elsewhere in ancient Israel” (p. 830; as becomes clear one finds the caveat “If their reconstruction is correct . . .” (p. 24).
from perusing the longer discussion on p. 827, “ancient Israel” does Whatever the basis of this qualification may be, even the readers of
not designate the Israelite period but ancient Israel as opposed to a general work deserve to be made more specifically aware of the
modern Israel). tenuous nature of a particular argument.

Death and Salvation in Ancient Egypt. By Jan Assmann. Translated from the German by David Lorton. Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 2005. Pp. xi + 490 + 7 figs.
Reviewed by Foy Scalf, University of Chicago.
The work of Jan Assmann, one of the most prolific and Salvation in Ancient Egypt, a slightly abridged
Egyptologists of our time, has been made increasingly and updated translation of Tod und Jenseits im alten
more available to English speakers through the efforts Ägypten (2001), exhibits the same high standard
of Cornell University Press (CUP) and their steadfast of quality we have come to expect from past CUP
translator of Egyptology books, David Lorton.1 Death volumes. The present volume straddles the line be­
tween scholarly tome and advanced student reading.
1 
Jan Assmann, The Search for God in Ancient Egypt (Ithaca,
2001), a translation of Ägypten: Theologie und Frömmigkeit einer
Divided into two parts, “Images of Death” and “Ritu­
frühen Hochkultur (Stuttgart, 1984). als and Recitations,” the book’s seventeen chapters
Book Reviews  F 125

serve as a compendious introduction to how ancient for it reduces the monotonous repetition of terms
Egyptians approached their mortality as well as their in the English translation and only affects those with
impending immortality. Part one (chaps. 1–9) focuses specialized knowledge in the field. Nevertheless, one
on the various roles played by death in Egyptian funer­ must return to the German original when tackling any
ary religion. Part two (chaps. 10–17) addresses the such terminological issues.
rites, personnel, and literature associated with death. Throughout Death and Salvation, Assmann con­
Discussions of the many facets of Egyptian religious tinues to build upon his vast store of important
mentality will serve well in the classroom for both publications, yet again bringing to his work a deep
undergraduates and graduate students, while schol­ background in theoretical literature, especially anthro­
ars and interested readers will find a useful introduc­ pology and philosophy. This gives his work a decidedly
tion along with a plethora of new and noteworthy comparative flair, citing parallels or contrasts with cul­
interpretations. tures ancient or modern, Near Eastern or otherwise.
For scholars familiar with Assmann’s previous work, He is often bold, proposing ideas that will surely in­
one of the strengths of this book is its attempt to spire debate among fellow Egyptologists. For exam­
disentangle an issue for which Assmann himself is ple, he claims in the introduction under the section
somewhat responsible. In his 1990 contribution to “Death as Culture Generator” that man grapples with
the Festschrift of Miriam Lichtheim, Assmann pro­ the existence of death by creating “an artificial world
posed a dichotomy between mortuary texts and fu­ in which he can live and that is culture” (p. 7). This
nerary texts.2 According to his categorization, the follows from his thesis that “death is the origin and
former were meant for recitation during rituals as­ center of culture,” which the reader meets as the very
sociated with embalming and burial while the latter first sentence of the book (p. 1). Although he is well-
were meant to accompany the deceased to the grave versed in cultural theory, it would be no surprise to
and provide him with support in his netherworld see Assmann’s supposition garner as much opposition
journeys. The distinction between mortuary texts as it does support.
and funerary texts, however, cannot be rigorously Many Egyptologists would likely disagree with
maintained because texts meant for ritual recitation Assmann’s statement that “[p]rior to the Graeco-
were often taken to the grave for their religious effec­ Roman Period, there are no traces of shamanism,
tiveness, while spells originally meant to be employed prophecy, or mysticism in Egypt. All forms of imme­
by the deceased often found their way into the rites diate contact with the divine realm refer to life after
accompanying burial. Therefore, English-speaking death” (p. 78). This old Egyptological opinion had
Egyptologists have used the terms interchangeably. already been contested twenty years ago by Edward
In the present work, Assmann correctly abandons Wente and further evidence such as the Letters to the
this terminology in favor of “mortuary liturgy” and Dead or the ecstatic episode portrayed in the Tale of
“mortuary literature,” thereby wisely placing the onus Wenamun also contradict it.3 Assmann is at his best
on the noun rather than the descriptor, the function when explaining the elements of the personality, es­
rather than the text (p. 238, original “Totenliturgien” pecially the ka as social signifier, being “the vehicle of
and “Totenliteratur”). In this view, a single papyrus the vindication that restored the individual’s status as
could serve as a mortuary liturgy when recited by a a social person, which had been destroyed by death”
priest, but as mortuary literature when taken to the (p. 96), an idea that has already found its way into
grave. However, some confusion has resulted from recent scholarly literature.4
the translation process. To take only two examples, As the volume under review is a translation of an
“Totenkult” is translated as “funerary cult” (p. 323), earlier work, it is necessary to consider the useful­
while “Totenspruch” is translated as “mortuary spell” ness of the English edition. Following the layout of
on the same page. Earlier in the text, “Totensprüchen” the German original, the English edition has its notes
is translated as “funerary spells” (p. 301). Lorton is placed at the end, which is a tiresome inconvenience
not to be forcefully blamed for the lack of consistency,
3 
Edward Wente, “Mysticism in Pharaonic Egypt?” JNES 41
2 
Jan Assmann, “Egyptian Mortuary Liturgies,” in Studies in (July 1982): 161–79.
Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim, ed. Sarah Israelit-Groll 4 
Cf. Mark Smith, Transversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife
(Jerusalem, 1990), 1:1–3 and n. 2. from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt (Oxford, 2009), 6.
126  F  Journal of Near Eastern Studies

for those interested in the sources of Assmann’s di­ German indexes. It is surprising to find detailed in­
verse insights. While nearly all of the chapters con­ dex entries under “mortuary,” but none under “fu­
tain more endnotes in the German version due to nerary” (though “funeral” does occur), despite the
abridgement (the exceptions are chapter 5 and the latter term’s appearance at least twenty-three times
afterword), Lorton has made the information in the in the text and its critical importance to portions of
English endnotes less cryptic to non-Egyptologists Assmann’s argumentation.5
by expanding the abbreviations. The English text has It is needless to say that much of Assmann’s Egyp­
been streamlined by moving translations of several tological work has become required reading, and
Egyptian passages from the body of the German edi­ Death and Salvation will be no exception. Contro­
tion to various notes in the English edition. The very versial, insightful, incredibly informed, and in constant
useful indexes of sources, divine names, non-Egyptian contact with the primary textual material, this volume
names, and ancient and modern authors’ names, pres­ will continue to inspire discussion for years to come.
ent in the German volume, have unfortunately been
removed from the English edition, being replaced
by a simple word index that includes only a random E.g., as a descriptor for rites/rituals/cults (pp. 38, 90, 229,
5 

selection of the items found in the more extensive 323), liturgies (pp. 33, 95), etc.

Les cultes d’Amon hors de Thèbes: Recherches de géographie religieuse. By Ivan Guermeur. Bibliothèque de l’École
des Hautes Études, Sciences Religieuses 123. Turnhout: Brepols, 2005. Pp. xi + 634 + 22 pls.
Reviewed by Foy Scalf, University of Chicago.

Derived from his 2001 doctoral thesis at l’École Pra­ (“documents privés”), IT for temple inscriptions
tique des Hautes Études, Les cultes d’Amon hors de (“inscriptions provenant des temples”), and IG for
Thèbes by Ivan Guermeur is a substantial book de­ geographical inscriptions (“certaines inscriptions
signed to stand as a reference volume for Egyptolo­ géographiques”). Most chapters include a short con­
gists. With a preface by Christiane Zivie-Coche and a clusion summarizing the cult’s temporal range and
postface by Jean Yoyotte, the volume under review has significant features. Following this catalog there is an
clearly found favor with Guermeur’s advisors and col­ essay focused on Amun’s connection to royal power,
leagues. The book is fundamentally a catalog divided the development of that power over time, the clergy,
into nine sections, each devoted to a geographical and theology. A helpful set of indexes includes royal
region presented without particular order: (1) Mem­ names, private names, divine names, place names,
phite region, (2) Western Delta, (3) Central Delta, (4) titles, and sources. Twenty-two plates complete the
Eastern Delta, (5) Upper Egypt, (6) Middle Egypt, volume, illustrating several monuments and figures
(7) Deserts, (8) Lower Nubia, and (9) Upper Nubia. of reference.
Within these nine sections, there are forty-seven chap­ In his introduction, Guermeur reviews the principal
ters corresponding to attested cults of Amun in each theories about Amun’s development, beginning with
of these broader regions, identified by toponyms or Sethe’s foundational work and the ensuing reactions to
cult designations (e.g., ʾImn ḫnty ḥw.wt nṯr.w, ‘Amun, it.1 As is often the case in studying the ancient world,
foremost of the temples’). students may be surprised at how little we know about
Each chapter begins with a brief introductory such an important figure in the Egyptian pantheon as
section providing a description of the locality and a Amun, especially regarding his origins and eventual
statement of the cult’s importance, supplemented with eminence as a so-called “imperial divinity.” Guermeur
bibliography. Guermeur then presents the documen­
Kurt Sethe, Amun und die acht Urgötter von Hermopolis: Eine
1 

tation for the cult in question, classified by a simple Untersuchung über Ursprung und Wesen des ägyptischen Götter-
system of abbreviations: DR for royal documents königs, Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften
(“documents royaux”), DP for private documents zu Berlin, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse Jahrg. 4 (Berlin, 1929).

You might also like