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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

LOCAL IMPLEMENTATION:
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS

Response to the Periodic Report of the United States


to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination
of Racial Discrimination

February 2008

Prepared by:
Developing Government Accountability to the People (DGAP) network

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

SHADOW REPORT FROM COALITION OF CHICAGO COMMUNITY BASED


ORGANIZATIONS SUBMITTED IN RESPONSE TO THE UNITED STATES
PERIODIC REPORT

This shadow report was created by the following people and organizations and submitted
on behalf of the Developing Government Accountability to the People (DGAP) network.
The DGAP network comprises over 30 organizations working for government
accountability and human rights in the Chicago region led by the Jewish Council on
Urban Affairs, Pilsen Alliance, and the Coalition to Protect Public Housing.

Submissions to this report were coordinated through the following organizations.


Jewish Council on Urban Affairs, Heartland Alliance for Human Needs and Human
Rights, Sargent Shriver National Center on Poverty Law, Southside Tenants Organizing
for Power, Coalition to Protect Public Housing, University of Chicago’s Students for
Human Rights, Pilsen Alliance and the Steans Center for Community-Based Service
Learning of DePaul University.

The principal authors of this report are Nancy J. Bothne, Rian Wanstreet, Kelley Perin,
Doug Schenkelberg, Wendy Pollack, Jane Bohman, and Leo Gartner.

Additional contributors include Alysia Tate, Brian Gladstein, Dori Dinsmore, Larry
Kennan, Jamie Kalven, Alejandra Ibañez, James Pfluecke, Don Washington, Jane
Ramsey, Tim Black, Nate Roth , Alex Orsini, Olivia Lopez, Aaron Trent, Rosa Newman,
Cela Sutton, Rosa Newman, Cela Sutton, Saleema Nawab, Alex Orsini, Saleema Nawab,
Olivia Lopez, Ioana Tchoukleva, Ann Opalka, Ebonee Stevenson, Terry
Keleher, and Lauren Hernandez.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

Executive Summary

1. This report outlines the effects of racial discrimination on residents of the city of
Chicago, paying particular attention to poverty, health, housing, education, transportation
and criminal justice. It is written on behalf of a coalition of Chicago organizations
seeking accountability from local government in ensuring the human rights of Chicago’s
residents. This coalition asks the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
to elicit from the United States government strategies that will encourage and compel the
city of Chicago, as well as other local governments, to comply with the International
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. It also offers
direct recommendations for the city of Chicago.

2. The city of Chicago has obligations to fulfill the human rights of its residents, as well as
to protect its people from the human rights abuses created by others.

3. Article 2 of the Convention calls upon state’s parties to review national and local policies
which have the effect of creating or perpetuating racial discrimination. It also requires
State Parties to end racial discrimination. Racial discrimination in the city of Chicago is
perpetuated when the following disparities are allowed to continue, affecting human
rights to a minimum standard of living. The failure to review the impact of local and state
policies and regulations in perpetuating racial discrimination violates the rights of people
of Chicago.

4. Article 5 of the Convention calls upon States Parties to prohibit and eliminate racial
discrimination in all its forms and to guarantee the rights of everyone. The rights
enumerated in Article 5 are not exclusive. States parties are obliged to eliminate racial
discrimination in the fulfillment of economic, social, cultural, political and civil rights.

Recommendations for compliance with human rights standards


5. This coalition respectfully requests that the Committee offer the following
recommendations.

6. Call upon the United States government to encourage, facilitate, monitor and hold
accountable the city of Chicago for protecting its residents from racial discrimination.

7. The United States government should oversee local compliance with human rights
treaties. We are particularly interested in Chicago’s compliance.

8. The United States government can offer assistance to the city of Chicago in meeting
treaty obligations, through prosecution of federal prosecution of police torture and
ongoing impunity, and negotiation on rules governing city services.
9. The City of Chicago should adopt a city ordinance that anchors its policies and priorities
to the fulfillment of Convention to Eliminate all forms of Racial Discrimination and
develop robust mechanisms for monitoring the city's compliance.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

The following information documents the pattern of racial discrimination in the City of Chicago
that deprives people of their basic human rights.

Poverty in Chicago
10. Poverty alone does not measure well-being and the ability to sustain a life of value and
dignity, but in Chicago, the lack of income precludes access to these basic capabilities.
Extreme poverty is designated as 50% or less of the Federal Poverty Level (FPL) as
established by the United States federal government, which is currently an income of
approximately $10,000 or less per year for a family of four. While slightly over one in
five African Americans live in extreme poverty, only one in fifty-five White non-
Hispanics in Illinois are living in extreme poverty 1. Yet, Illinois has no comprehensive
strategy to reduce this disparity and lift these families out of extreme poverty.

11. Minorities in Illinois are experiencing poverty at significantly higher rates than non-
minority populations, perpetuating historical racial disparities in the United States. 44.3%
of African American and 43.5% of Hispanic single female headed households with
children are living in poverty compared to 28.9% of white non-Hispanic single female
headed households with children 2. See Attachments 1,2 and 3 for overview of Chicago
poverty rates.

12. The poverty rate for children is equally as disparate. 8.6% of white non-Hispanic children
live in poverty compared to 38.8% of African American and 23.0% of Hispanic children
in Illinois 3.

13. The inequity gap among American seniors has grown over the past two decades. White
non-Hispanic Illinois households have a median net worth that is nearly eleven times as
great as the net worth of minority households. In Illinois 20.1% of African American and
17.3% of Hispanic seniors are living in poverty compared to 6.8% of white non-Hispanic
seniors 4. The disparity in the median net worth reflects the vulnerability of minorities to
survive economic downturns and personal crisis.

14. Illinois poverty rate for people with disabilities varies depending on race. African
Americans with disabilities experience poverty at a rate of 41.9% and Hispanics 30.7%,
compared to white non-Hispanics 13.7%.

15. Poverty is currently defined as a family of four with an income of $20,000 a year or less.
21.2% of individuals in Chicago - 571,313 people - are living in poverty. In addition,
31.4% of Chicago children live in poverty. Each of these poverty rates vary widely

1
Heartland Alliance for Human Needs and Human Rights. (2007). Extreme Poverty and Human Rights: A Primer.
Chicago: Author
2
Heartland Alliance for Human Needs and Human Rights. (2007). Freedom from Poverty in America: A National
Agenda. Chicago: Author
3
Heartland Alliance for Human Needs and Human Rights. (2007). Freedom from Poverty in America: A National
Agenda. Chicago: Author
4
U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey 2006. Calculation conducted by Mid-America Institute on
Poverty of Heartland Alliance.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

between different populations in Chicago: 5

Race Poverty Rate Child Poverty Rate


White 9.7% 7.3%
African American 32.0% 45.6%
Hispanic 21.6% 29.1%
Asian 14.8% 16.7%

16. Individuals that utilize the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) program do
not receive enough cash assistance to pull them above the poverty line. A family of three
receiving the average monthly benefit from Illinois TANF receives cash assistance of
only $3,036 a year. This is well below half the poverty line and insufficient in stabilizing
a family as they work toward economic independence. 6 In Chicago, 6.2% of African
Americans rely on cash public assistance as compared to only 1.1% of Whites.7

17. At the same time there is a decrease in the number of TANF recipients, food insecurity
continues to increase for the working poor. 125,183 families who work year-round
receive food stamps in Illinois. 8 Not all eligible for the Food Stamps program are
receiving them. 74.5% of eligible Illinoisans are not receiving food stamps. 9 In Chicago,
26.5% of African Americans utilize foodstamps as compared to only 3.0% of Whites. 10

18. Supplemental Security Income (SSI) is the main government program for people with
disabilities with little or no income to meet basic needs. However, Illinois’ average
annual SSI income is $7,803 –less than the poverty line for one person and not enough to
meet basic needs. 11 Minorities with disabilities are disproportionately affected by poverty
and SSI is not providing enough assistance to keep these individuals out of poverty and is
therefore contributing to prolonged racial disparities. In Chicago, 9.8% of African
Americans rely on SSI as their primary source of income compared to only 2.4% of
Whites. 12

5
U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey 2006. Calculation conducted by Mid-America Institute on
Poverty of Heartland Alliance.
6
Heartland Alliance for Human Needs and Human Rights. (2007). 2007 Report on Illinois Poverty. Chicago:
Author.
7
U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey 2006. Calculation conducted by Mid-America Institute on
Poverty of Heartland Alliance.
8
Theodore, N., & Doussard, M. (2006, September 5). The hidden public cost of low-wage work in Illinois. Chicago
& Berkeley, CA: Center for Urban Economic Development & Center for Labor Education and Research.
9
Albelda, R., Boushey, H., Chimienti, E., Ray, R., & Zipperer, B. (2007, October). Bridging the gaps: A picture of
how work supports work in ten states. Washington DC & Boston: Center for Economic and Policy Research &
Center for Social Policy.
10
U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey 2006. Calculation conducted by Mid-America Institute on
Poverty of Heartland Alliance.
11
U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey 2006. calculation conducted by Mid-America Institute on
Poverty of Heartland Alliance.
12
U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey 2006. Calculation conducted by Mid-America Institute on
Poverty of Heartland Alliance.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

Right to work
19. Movement into the labor force is not a guaranteed escape from poverty. 88,877
Illinoisans work full-time, year-round yet fall below the poverty line. 387,910 Illinoisans
work part-time, year-round yet fall below the poverty line. 45.6% of people in poverty
worked full-time and year-round, part-time, or part-year 13.

20. Wage disparities in Illinois persist. Full-time, year-round African American males earn
72 cents on the dollar of full-time, year-round white non-Hispanic males. Full-time,
year-round Hispanic males earned only 56 cents on the dollar of full-time, year-round
white non-Hispanic males. For every dollar a white non-Hispanic woman earned, an
African American woman earned 90 cents and a Hispanic woman earned 67 cents 14.

Recommendations
21. Public benefits programs like the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF)
program, which provides cash assistance to needy families with dependent children, must
measure their success in terms of alleviating and ending poverty, not caseload reduction.
Both the State of Illinois (which administers most of the public benefits programs in
Illinois) and the City of Chicago (where the majority of public benefits recipients, former
recipients, and those low-income people eligible for but have never received public
benefits, reside) must act to ensure that every person who is eligible for public benefits
actually receive them in the amount and for the duration necessary, and provide the social
services and work supports needed to increase individual capabilities.

22. As an initial step, the State and the City should adopt these four measures which are both
meaningful and beneficial for all low-income people to measure the success of all public
benefit programs:
(a) the percent of people in Illinois (and Chicago) at or below 200 percent of the
federal poverty guidelines that receive all the public benefits they are eligible for;
(b) the percent of recipients, former recipients and those never receiving public
benefits who are employed, their increases in income over time, and those earning
at least 200 percent of the federal poverty level;
(c) the percent of applicants, recipients, former recipients and those never
receiving benefits enrolled in education and training programs and those who have
completed education and training programs which leads to a job with a median
income of at least 200 percent of the federal poverty level; and
(d) the percent of applicants, recipients, former recipients, and those never
receiving benefits engaged in barrier reduction services, such as domestic violence
counseling, mental health counseling, treatment for drugs and alcohol abuse, and
vocational rehabilitation services.

23. Once an assessment is made of the need, government must act to provide the education,
training, barrier reduction and other necessary services.

13
U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey 2006. calculation conducted by Mid-America Institute on
Poverty of Heartland Alliance
14
U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey 2006. calculation conducted by Mid-America Institute on
Poverty of Heartland Alliance

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

24. Everyone, regardless of age or ability to work, must be guaranteed the means necessary
to procure basic needs and services to ensure a decent standard of living by both the State
of Illinois and the City of Chicago. The State and City must focus their efforts on gaining
more in the way of public benefits and other programs and services for low-income
people, and provide whatever the federal government fails to provide.

25. In addition to increasing funding for child care to provide critical supports for working
parents and their children15, child care must be assessed from a child well-being point of
view, not only as a work support with eligibility connected to the employment of a parent
or caregiver.

26. Increase family asset building by developing a state plan for universal children’s savings
accounts, ensuring every child born in Illinois can save for a more secure financial
future16. Incentives are also needed to encourage low-income workers, those eligible for
the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) as well as childless workers, to save a portion of
their tax refund combined with public matching funds. This will help increase the
financial stability of vulnerable populations who are working hard to make ends meet and
get ahead17.

27. Remove barriers to education and training for public benefits recipients and other low-
income people. Given the strong link between educational attainment and earnings, low-
income people must be afforded the opportunity to participate in education and training
that will improve their earning capacity. This includes Adult Basic Education (ABE),
English as a Second Language (ESL), high school and general education development
(GED) certificate programs, vocational training and higher education. Not only are
changes in federal and state public benefits programs laws and policies that currently
discourage education and training needed, but also affirmative investments in policies
and programs that move people out of poverty and into career path employment, such as
Transitional Jobs, bridge programs, a guarantee of at least two years of post-secondary
education or training for all state and city residents, financial aid policies that support
working adults and other nontraditional students, and helping two- and four-year colleges
play an increasing role in workforce development by promoting innovation in program
content and delivery. Chicago is starting to do this last item and should be encouraged to
continue.

28. Integrate economic development and workforce development not only to ensure Illinois
and Chicago are economically competitive in a the global economy, but to produce
skilled workers, in strong businesses, with good jobs that foster thriving communities.
To do this the State of Illinois and the City of Chicago must ensure that people develop

15
Heartland Alliance for Human Needs and Human Rights. (2007). Freedom from Poverty in America: A National
Agenda. Chicago: Author.
16
Heartland Alliance for Human Needs and Human Rights. (2007). 2007 Report on Illinois Poverty. Chicago:
Author.
17
Heartland Alliance for Human Needs and Human Rights. (2007). Freedom from Poverty in America: A National
Agenda. Chicago: Author

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

the skills businesses demand in a modern economy; create career paths and job
opportunities for all working-age people, from the least skilled and most disadvantages to
middle income workers whose skills have become obsolete. As a first step, government
should set the example by creating a pipeline toward career path employment for low-
income people for its own workforce and that of its contractors, setting minimum
standards for wages, health coverage, and retirement security. Then, taking the lead in
moving private employers forward to do the same. And third, ensure that the needs of
low-income people are an integral part of workforce ad economic development plans at
all levels of government.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

Housing and homelessness in Chicago


29. For people of color living in poverty, Chicago’s housing market is becoming more
inaccessible each day. Public housing is being eradicated, project-based Section 8
contracts in buildings that house thousands of people are set to expire, homelessness is on
the rise, and condominium conversions have saturated the market, and private low
income and affordable housing options have virtually disappeared.

30. In Chicago’s rapidly changing housing market, the people suffering most from a lack of
affordable housing are those without any housing at all. By one estimate, over 90% of the
homeless population are people of color (80% African-American, 9% Latino, 1% Native
American, and 1% Asian. 18 Last year, the Chicago Public Schools counted 10,516
homeless students, a 17 percent increase over the previous year. 19 In a public school
system where over 90% of the students are members of racial minorities, this is a racially
significant figure. 20

31. In FY 2005, the Chicago Department of Human Services served 18,873 people in
homeless shelters. In that same year, they turned away 14,476 adults seeking emergency
beds, 5,000 seeking safety in domestic-violence shelters, and 738 young people from
youth sanctuaries. 21 According to one estimate, on a “typical night” the actual number of
homeless individuals and families in Chicago hovers around 21,078. From October 1,
2005 through September 30, 2006, 73,656 Chicagoans found themselves without a place
to sleep, including 26,413 children. 22

32. Chicago’s 10-year Plan to End Homelessness, launched in 2003, severely underestimates
the number of new permanent housing units needed to address homelessness and its
disproportionate impacts on people of color living in Chicago because it only counts
people currently in the shelter system, ignoring increasing numbers of people living in
precarious situations. Since 2003, the City of Chicago has added only $3 million to the
10-year plan. This is about enough funding to create 18 new units of affordable housing
for a city of nearly three million residents. 23 Additionally, the city plans to eliminate
more than 1,200 shelter beds by 2012, representing a 32 percent reduction in the number
of available beds. Without new prevention and permanent housing resources, the city’s
meager measures will have a devastating effect on homeless Chicagoans of color and
stand in the way of any significant accomplishment in eradicating homelessness.

33. Under its Plan for Transformation, the Chicago Housing Authority has sought to
demolish the existing stock of affordable housing in favor of mixed-income development.

18
“Hunger and Homelessness Survey.” United States Conference of Mayors, December 2006, available at
http://usmayors.org/uscm/hungersurvey/2006/report06.pdf
19
Heybach, Laurene. “New measure would reduce homelessness.” Chicago Sun-Times. December 8, 2006.
20
“CPS at a Glance.” Chicago Public Schools. Available at http://www.cps.k12.il.us/AtAGlance.html
21
“Unaddressed: Why Chicago’s 10-Year Plan to End Homelessness will not work.” Coalition for the Homeless
August 2006, available at http://www.chicagohomeless.org/.
22
“How Many People Are Homeless in Chicago?” Coalition for the Homeless December 2006. Available at
http://www.chicagohomeless.org/HL%20count%20release%2012-06.doc.
23
“Unaddressed: Why Chicago’s 10-Year Plan to End Homelessness will not work.” Coalition for the Homeless
August 2006, available at http://www.chicagohomeless.org/.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

19,000 units of public housing have already been demolished without significant
redevelopment. The destruction Chicago public housing is an issue of racial justice
given that approximately 90% of public housing residents are African-American and
5.4% are Latino/a. 24

34. The Plan for Transformation guaranteed the CHA $1.6 billion in federal funds to
demolish 51 high-rise buildings over a 10-year period and to replace them with lower-
density, mixed income housing. However, when completed, a total of only 25,000 units
will have been built under the plan – in other words, there will be13,000 fewer affordable
housing units than Chicago had when the plan was approved in 2000. 25 Moreover, the
plan was based on the number of occupied units at the time and not the number of
families in need. As a result, the number of units to be constructed under the CHA plan
falls well short of the estimated need for 153,000 affordable housing units for people
earning less than $20,000 a year established by a city-supported study completed before
the plan was approved. 26

35. Nearly six years into the plan, evidence confirms that many families remain without
housing or have been re-segregated into very poor and underserved neighborhoods. 27
Many have moved into housing with lead contamination and other problems. 28

36. Moreover, CHA qualifying policies have a disproportionate impact on people of color.
Anyone found to be in default of a CHA lease, owing money to a utility company, or to
have a conviction for a drug offense is prohibited from occupying new public housing
developments or Section 8 homes. Upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court in March 2002, the
latter ban is based on a national “one strike” policy that can result in eviction of entire
families if one member or a visitor is convicted of a drug-related offense on CHA
property. 29

37. According to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, housing is
affordable if you pay no more than 30 percent of your income for housing costs (rent or
mortgage, taxes and utilities). This means that a person working at the federal minimum
wage earning about $10,000 a year should pay no more than $250 a month for housing.

38. In Chicago, there are approximately 133,000 households (about 13 percent of households
in the city) who can afford no more than $250 a month for housing every month,

24
Grogan, Paul S. and Tony Psoscio “The Fall (and Rise) of Public Housing” Joint Center for Housing Studies,
Harvard University. September 2000.
25
“Chicago Housig Authority: Plan for Transformation.” Chicago Housing Authority. January 6, 2000.
26
“For Rent: Housing Options in the Chicago Region.” Great Cities Institute University of Illinois at Chicago
1999.
27
“Chicago Housing Authority and Housing Advocates Settle Lawsuit over Resident Relocation.” Sargent Shriver
National Center on Poverty Law. Available at http://www.povertylaw.org/. Based on Wallace v. Chicago Housing
Authority, No. 03 C 491 (N.D. III.) settled June 2, 2005.
28
Olivo, Antonio, John Bebow and Darnell Little. “Landlords fail to fix poor’s housing woes.” Chicago Tribune.
May 22, 2005.
29
Lawrence, Curtis, “CHA Tenants May Get Boot.” Chicago Sun-Times. March 27. 2002.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

although only about 37,000 apartments rent for that price. 30 This means that the city is
short by nearly 100,000 units affordable to poor households and only a third of families
can find an affordable unit.

39. Official responses to the crisis fall short of helping poor people of color stay in Chicago.
In Mayor Daley’s plan to set aside affordable units in new developments, the so-called
“affordable” units would be open to families earning up to 100 percent of the Chicago
Area Median Family Income (AMFI), currently $72,400. In the city’s ethnic
neighborhoods, however, family income is considerably lower. In the predominantly
African-American neighborhood of Englewood the family median income is $37,495. In
North Lawndale it is a mere $34,902. Consequently, many of the units defined as
“affordable” will be too expensive for minorities whose incomes are well below $72,400.

40. According to a recent study, only 20 percent of current and potential Chicago
homeowners can afford the city’s median home price of about $250,000. 31 Data from the
Cook County assessors’ office reveals that between 1984 and 2004, Chicago lost half of
its inventory of apartment buildings with seven or more units. The same time period saw
a 94 percent increase in the number of condominiums. 32 This may explain the significant
numbers of foreclosures in many communities. In September 2006, Chicago’s foreclosure
rate was more than twice the national average. 33 African-American mortgage-holders in
Chicago are hardest hit with 40% receiving high cost and difficult to renegotiate loans,
compared to only 10% among whites. 34

41. Elevated lead levels can even be found in soil. According to a study by the Illinois
Environmental Protection Agency, the Chicago neighborhood of Pilsen, a decidedly
Latino community, has been found to contain lead levels up to 2,500 parts per million.
The legal limit is only 400 ppm 35.

42. With over 50% of Chicago buildings built before 1950, Chicago’s housing is three times
older than that of the national average and thus much more likely to contain paint
containing lead 36.

43. Communities nearer to highways and heavily-trafficked roads are subjected to a higher
concentration of the toxin due to the past use of leaded gasoline. This fuel produced by
vehicles in the past presents a modern day problem, as much of the lead remains in the

30
2005 American Community Survey, U.S. Census
31 “Affordable Housing Outlook and Conditions: An Early Warning for Intervention.” UIC Nathalie P. Voorhees
Center for Neighborhood and Community Improvement March 2006. Available at
http://www.uic.edu/cuppa/voorheesctr/.
32 Chicago Rehab Network. Information available at http://www.chicagorehab.org
33 Yue, Lorene. “Chicago foreclosure rate twice national average.” Crain’s Chicago Business. October 24, 2006.
34 Hughes, Zondra. “Middle Class and Homeless – Unlikely Families Face Foreclosure.” Chicago Defender. May
21, 2007. Available at
http://news.newamericamedia.org/news/view_article.html?article_id=1b33a9ec66b96536d3a1e0ebddda875d
35 NBC5 Chicago, “High Lead Levels Found In Pilsen Neighborhood.” September 9, 2005
36 Banchero, Stephanie. "Public School Scores Stagnant on National Test." Chicago Tribune. November 15, 2007.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

soil where it was deposited over the years. 37 In Chicago, public housing units heavily
populated by African Americans were deliberately put up near the highways,
exacerbating an already elevated problem for those communities 38.

44. Privation tends to put family homes farther from health facilities and closer to sources of
air pollution. 39 According to the American Lung Association’s “State of the Air, 2007”
Chicago ranked in the top 25 most particle and ozone polluted cities in the country.

45. The dramatic demolition of public housing in Chicago (roughly 95% of which is
populated by African-Americans) has greatly increased particulate matter air pollution in
communities of high-risk asthmatics. 40 This increases the risk for surrounding
neighborhoods, the great majority of which are low-income minorities. 41

Right to own property


46. The inequities in annual personal income extend to young Illinois adults. The average
annual personal earnings for white non-Hispanic youth is $18,721, while the annual
earnings for African American youth is $11,464 and $15,655 for Hispanic youth. 42

47. People of color face disproportionate obstacles to securing the human right to housing
due to economic conditions. In Illinois, African Americans and Latinos comprise 55.3%
of people living below the poverty line, even though they make up only 28.9% of the
general population. 43 The city of Chicago’s response to these challenges has been
particularly inadequate in three broad areas: homelessness, public housing, and
affordability.

48. Every Illinoisan should have an equal opportunity to establish economic security for their
families through asset building. Yet the vast majority of housing and saving tax subsidies,
which encourage and reward asset building, accrue to households making over $50,000
annually. 44 14% of white Illinoisans are living in asset poverty compared to 38% of
minority Illinoisans. 45

37 “Lead Poisoning.” National Safety Council. Available at www.nsc.org/library/facts/lead.html


38 Dueholm, Ben, Josh Segal. “Housing: A Short History.” Available at
http://southside.uchicago.edu/History/Housing.html.
39 “Chicago’s Lawsuit Over Lead Paint Dismissed.” Associated Press, October 9, 2003.
40 Grogan, Paul S. and Tony Proscio. “The Fall (and Rise) of Public Housing.” Joint Center for Housing Studies,
Harvard University. September 2000.
41 Dorevitch, Demitras S., VW Persky, S Erdal, L Conroy, T Schoonover, PA Scheff “Demolition of High-Rise
Public Housing Increases Particulate Matter Air Pollution in Communities of High-Risk Asthmatics.” Journal of Air
and Waste Management Association. July 2006
42 U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey 2005-2007 Annual Social and Economic Supplement,
Microdata, calculation by the Mid-America Institute on Poverty of Heartland Alliance.
43 “2007 Report on Illinois Poverty.” Mid-American Institute on Poverty, available at
http://heartlandalliance.org/maip/documents/2007PovertyReportFINAL_002.pdf
44 Heartland Alliance for Human Needs and Human Rights. (2007). 2007 Report on Illinois Poverty. Chicago:
Author.
45 U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey 2006. calculation conducted by Mid-America Institute on
Poverty of Heartland Alliance.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

Recommendations
49. Create affordable housing guidelines at levels determined by the neighborhood family
median income (e.g., $37,495 in Englewood or $34,902 in North Lawndale) instead of
the metropolitan median family income (currently $72,400).

50. Pass a set aside ordinance mandating 15 percent affordable housing be allocated at 80
percent or less of the neighborhood area median income to ensure that people with
limited options can find housing.

51. Significantly increase the 2008 budget allocation for affordable, permanent housing. an
increase to $50 million would make it possible for the city to build and preserve two to
three times more units annually than it can now and would immediately increase funding
for the Chicago Low-Income Housing Trust Fund to help lower-income renters.

52. Place a moratorium on further demolition of public housing until HUD develops a
concrete plan to investigate and implement changes in CHA’s funding process.

53. Investigate the finances of the CHA’s Plan for Transformation.

54. Require that the CHA involve the appropriate resident councils in all decision-making
processes in public housing developments, including management, rehab of units,
relocation and development.

55. Place a moratorium on CHA relocation in all developments until public housing tenants
and the appropriate resident councils are satisfied with the decision-making process.

56. Invest $3 million a year for homelessness prevention and $2 million a year for supportive
housing services. Implement a policy that nobody can be turned away from a shelter.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

Health Disparities in Chicago


57. In 2005, more than 26.3 percent of the city's residents are uninsured, a far higher
percentage than any other area of the state of Illinois. Slightly more than 551,500
Chicagoans younger than 65 were without medical coverage, 1.1 million non-elderly city
residents had employer-based insurance, while another 410,509 relied upon type of
public coverage, such as Medicaid. 46 This crisis significantly affects poor residents and
communities of color, which are often one and the same.

58. While needs are increasing, current budget crisis at Cook County's Bureau of Health
Services promises to make it harder for uninsured Chicagoans to get medical care. Cook
County is closing more than a dozen community-based health-care clinics and cutting
services at Stroger, Provident and Oak Forest Hospitals. Those most affected by these
cuts will be those without insurance - 11.7% of Hispanics, 27.4% of African Americans
and 28.2% of Asian/Pacific Islanders/Native Americans. 47

59. Asthma seems to be related to impoverishment, and the number of minority children
living in poverty in Chicago far outstrips whites living in poverty. Low income
households often lack health care, and their homes are subject to conditions that increase
asthma rates. Cockroach infestation and dust mites are such conditions. Fifty-five percent
of Chicago children with asthma are exposed to cockroach feces 48.

60. While city officials state that creating asthma prevention systems would be too costly, 49
in the half of Chicago heavily populated by low-income and minority populations only 30
to 50 percent of the children diagnosed with asthma were using anti-inflammatory
medication to prevent asthma attacks, and fewer than 50 percent of the children saw a
doctor twice a year. This refusal to fund preventative care has severe consequences for
the city in general: in Chicago, asthma is the number one reason for excused school
absences, affecting federal funding and the educational opportunities of many minority
children 50.

61. Despite the institutionalized knowledge that asthma strikes African American children
the hardest, no one in the area conducts ongoing surveillance of child asthma rates by
race or ethnicity, instead relying upon income levels and coded language that only hints
at the racial disparities. No standard exists in the State, City or County for data collection
among local health departments. Many have no knowledge of what statistics are available
from the other government entity.

62. The Englewood and Austin neighborhoods (98% and 90% African American,
respectively) were rated as the two communities with the most lead poisoning in the
nation, with the Chicago Department of Public Health reporting in 2002 that 22 percent

46 Graham, Judith “More lack health policies.” Chicago Tribune. April 29, 2007.
47 Graham, Judith "More lack health policies." Chicago Tribune. April 29, 2007.
48 Dumke, Mike "What Is Asthma." The Chicago Reporter. September 2004.
49 Dumke, Mike "What Is Asthma." The Chicago Reporter. September 2004.
50 Mobile C.A.R.E. Foundation: Comprehensive Care for Chicagoland's Children with Asthma. "Facts About
Asthma in Chicago." www.mobilecarefoundation.org/3chicago.html.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

of the children screened in those neighborhoods had elevated lead levels in their blood,
compared with rates of 11 percent citywide and 6 percent statewide. 51, 52 Despite known
elevated risk, only 44.7% of the children aged younger than 6 years in Englewood and
28.0% of the children in Austin were tested for blood lead during 2001. 53

63. According to the Chicago Department of Public Health, more than 6,800 Chicago
children under age 6 were diagnosed with lead poisoning in 2003. Activists say the
presence of lead in a home is especially hard for families of undocumented immigrants
because they are harder to track, but reported data indicates that the city’s South and
West sides, heavily populated with minorities, are the most affected.

64. Diabetes is one of the leading causes of death in the city of Chicago, particularly for the
African American population which has higher death rate (45 diabetes deaths for every
100,000 people ) than any other racial or ethnic group. They die at more than double the
rate for whites (22.9 per 100,000), and at a rate higher than all other racial groups
combined (18.6 per 100,000). 54

65. Fifty percent of the people living in the state of Illinois with AIDS are African American
(while only accounting for only 15.1% of the state's population). The AIDS rate among
Chicago women has nearly tripled in the last ten years, with women of color bearing the
brunt of that rise - 85% of all new female AIDS cases are found in minority55.

66. In 2002, over 11% of Chicago children had elevated levels of lead, compared to the
country’s rate of 2.2%. Chicago contains 93% of Cook County’s lead-poisoned children,
and it is estimated that over 88,000 homes in Chicago have unacceptable levels of lead.

67. While the city may contain 93% of Cook County's lead-affected children, only 74% of
the county's money goes towards Chicago while adjoining suburbs such as Evanston,
with less minorities and less lead problems, are obtaining enough funds to clean up
properties and create prevention programs. 56

68. In 2001, the city created a plan for lead hazard control, with $15 million allocated for this
effort. By 2002, only 1/3 of the fund was spent and 186 properties cleaned. 57

51 U.S. Census Bureau, 2000 Decennial Census, calculation conducted by the Mid-America Institute on Poverty of
Heartland Alliance.
52 Karp, Sarah. “Left out: Chicago's still struggling to fix the homes of lead-poisoned children, while other
communities get the job done.” The Chicago Reporter. September 2004.
53 Dignam, Timothy A., Anne Evens, Eduard Eduardo, Shokufeh M. Ramirez, Kathleen L. Caldwell, Nikki
Kilpatrick, Gary P. Noonan, W. Dana Flanders, Pamela A. Meyer, and Michael A. McGeehin, “High-Intensity
Targeted Screening for Elevated Blook Levels Among Children in 2 Inner-City Chicago Communities.” American
Journal of Public Health. November 2004.
54 Pickett, Debra. "City's racial gap detailed in black and white." Chicago Sun-Times. Nov 14, 2003.
55 The Human Relations Foundation/Jane Addams Policy Initiative with the Center for Urban Research and
Learning, Loyola University Chicago “Minding the Gap: An Assessment of Racial Disparity in Metropolitan
Chicago.” November 2003.
56 Karp, Sarah. "The Parent Trap." Chicago Reporter. September 2004.
57 Karp, Sarah. "Left out: Chicago's still struggling to fix the homes of lead-poisoned children, while other
communities get the job done." The Chicago Reporter. September 2004.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

69. Nutrition and availability of healthy food (i.e. grocery stores) are important
environmental factors to consider as an influence on general health for a total
population. It has been noted that many low-income and minority neighborhoods have
poorer quality and less grocery shopping choices. The Austin neighborhood, for example,
is 73% African American, 19% white, and 6% Latino. This community of 114,000
residents has only one complete grocery store, a few smaller grocery stores, and a small
convenience store. The residents, who spent $134 million on groceries in 2001, spent
only $34 million of that in their own neighborhood, indicating a financial drain on the
neighborhood and general access hardships.

Recommendations
70. Ensure that pregnant women cannot be evicted from their homes, either through CHA
demolition or eviction.

71. Advocate for the reinstitution of Cook County Health Clinics.

72. Increase education about the dangers of lead poisoning, and actively seek out available
funding for cleanup.

73. Increase access to preventive care measures to alleviate the asthma epidemic.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

Education in Chicago
74. Despite a massive transformation plan ambitiously named Renaissance 2010, Chicago's
achievement gap remains contrary to the national narrowing trend. Schools in minority
neighborhoods have less access to honors and Advanced Placement classes, and
sometimes the gap is dramatic – Harlan High School Academy (100% African American)
has 2 AP classes, while Northside Prep (7% Black, 21% Hispanic) has 20. 58

75. Chicago has a handful of high performing schools where the black student population has
declined by 10 percent since 2000. Indeed, while African Americans account for over
half of CPS students, they make up only 29 percent of those in competitive schools, down
from 37 percent in 1995. Outside of one, all of these schools rely upon entrance exams
and standardized test scores. This imbalance is perpetuated despite the fact that some of
the children taking the entrance exams are coming from schools where less than 4 percent
of the population exceeded state standards. 59

76. Jones Prep School is the only top school to look beyond scores, actively seeking out
students from low-income minority neighborhoods. Jones had to rely upon a
desegregation consent decree to accomplish this, however, an action which could only
legally occur when whites make up 35 percent of the student body. The decree allows
schools to pass over white applicants and admit lower-scoring minority students as soon
as whites make up 35 percent of the student body.

77. Jones' attempt to keep itself racially integrated and income-diverse is in jeopardy
however – the United States Supreme Court has rejected the principle of voluntary
integration in other states, prompting CPS to (unsuccessfully, for now) initiate attempts to
get the Chicago decree lifted. Jones' Principal is looking into the possibility of
recruitment based on geography rather than race, a de facto integration technique in
Chicago. 60

78. Chicago's general public schools have made little progress on the most recent national
math and reading exams, leaving the city near the bottom when compared with other
large urban areas, according to data released November 17, 2007. Chicago 4th graders
had the worst showing, scoring below most other large cities . Chicago 8th graders did
only a bit better. Over 50% of the Chicago Public School System is African American. 61

79. Between 1995 and 2000, five Chicago Housing Authority developments used federal
funds to demolish and redevelop existing housing. Most of the 5,669 elementary school
children who left their schools during that time moved to schools in mostly poor, black
neighborhoods, further segregating an already divided school system. 62

80. The Chicago Public School system created the Renaissance 2010 Plan with the intended

58 Karp, Sarah. "Top School Less Diverse." Catalyst-Chicago. November 2007.


59 Karp, Sarah. "Top School Less Diverse." Catalyst-Chicago. November 2007.
60 Karp, Sarah. “Top School Less Diverse.” Catalyst-Chicago. November 2007.
61 Banchero, Stephanie. "Public School Scores Stagnant on National Test." Chicago Tribune. November 15, 2007.
62 "Segregated Schooling" The Chicago Reporter. April 2001.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

mission of closing 60 public schools to create smaller, elite contract or charter schools.
The vast majority are in African-American neighborhoods that serve very-low-income
students. 63

81. Schools in low-income neighborhoods often provide not only academic learning, but also
early or preschool education; recreational, social and health services; after-school care;
and two meals a day. 64 They also provided a unique opportunity for minorities to get
involved in local politics, through the highly successful form of democratic local school
governance of Local School Councils, introduced in 1998. 65

82. Local School Councils (LSCs) are empowered to make critical decisions about spending,
hiring of principals, and other policy matters affecting their schools. Most critically, they
have afforded major opportunities for African American and Latino grassroots leaders to
become elected public officials in their own communities. About 1,800 African American
and 700 Latino parents and community residents serve on Chicago's LSCs, and these
members represent the vast majority of elected officials of color in Illinois. 66

83. Local School Council powers have been systematically stripped over the past decade.
New charter and contract schools, so integral to Renaissance 2010, are not under Local
School Council provision. 67

84. On an average day in Chicago, more than 266 students are suspended, and in the 2003
school year (most recent data available), more than 29,700 kids were sent home from
school 68.

85. 3,000 children were expelled from school in the 2002-2003 school year, ending each a
child's access to public education. In that same 2002-2003 year, 8,539 youths were
arrested at school, almost 10 percent of them 12 and under. 69 In that same school year,
African-American students constituted 51 percent of total enrollment, but 76 percent of
suspensions and nearly 78 percent of expulsions. Similarly, between 1999 and 2003,
African-American students made up 84 percent of all suspended-elementary school
students. Unsurprisingly, African-American students also represent 77 percent of arrests.

63 Paulson, Amanda. “Chicago hope: ‘maybe this will work.’” The Christian Science Monitor. September 21, 2004.
64 Einhorn, Catrin. “New law givers boost to community schools.” Catalyst-Chicago. September 2002.
65 Fung, Archon, Assistant Professor of Public Policy at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard
University. “Street Level Democracy: Pragmatic Popular Sovereignty in Chicago Schools and Policing.” Prepared
for American Political Science Association Annual Meeting. September 2-5, 1999, available at
www.archonfung.net/papers/SLD99.pdf.
66 Moore, Donald R. and Gail Merritt. “Chicago's Local School Councils: what the research says.” Designs for
Change. January 2002.
67 Duffrin, Elizabeth. “Where councils lost ground.” Catalyst-Chicago. March 2004.
68 “Education on Lockdown: The Schoolhouse to Jailhouse Track.” Advancement Project in partnership with
Padres and Jovenes Unidos, Southwest Youth Collaborative, Children & Family Justice Center of Northwestern
Law School of Law March 2005, available at www.advancementproject.org/reports/FINALOLrep.pdf.
69 "Education on Lockdown: The Schoolhouse to Jailhouse Track." Advancement Project in partnership with
Padres and Jovenes Unidos, Southwest Youth Collaborative, Children & Family Justice Center of Northwestern
Law School of Law March 2005, available at www.advancementproject.org/reports/FINALOLrep.pdf.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

86. A hidden population affected by this Zero Tolerance policy is special needs students:
nearly three-quarters of all students referred for criminal prosecutions are classified with
some type of learning or behavioral disability. They are, in other words, being criminally
charged for behavior arising from a disability. 70

87. Children with disabilities face many particular challenges. In 1999, CPS settled a lawsuit
brought by parents and advocates who charged that the district was illegally segregating
students with disabilities. Since then, the district has made improvements, but still lags
behind other districts in Illinois. Last year, 30 percent of special education students spent
the majority of their time outside of a regular classroom, compared with only 18 percent
elsewhere across the state. 71

Recommendations
88. Implement a moratorium on all school closings under the Renaissance 2010 plan until
further evaluation of the effects can be completed.

89. Redistribute discretionary Title I money to benefit the most disadvantaged students in the
city.

90. Increase funding for Local School Councils (LSC), and increase their power to have more
control on budgets and principal accountability including hiring and firing.

91. Develop a plan with LSCs, policy groups and community organizations to increase
graduation rates.

92. Support equal per-pupil state funding.

93. End the Zero Tolerance policy, and create alternative ways for children who have been
expelled to graduate.

70 "Education on Lockdown: The Schoolhouse to Jailhouse Track." Advancement Project in partnership with
Padres and Jovenes Unidos, Southwest Youth Collaborative, Children & Family Justice Center of Northwestern
Law School of Law March 2005, available at www.advancementproject.org/reports/FINALOLrep.pdf.
71 Karp, Sarah. “Leaving Special Ed Kids Behind.” Catalyst-Chicago. October 2006.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

Criminal Justice
94. Chicago’s criminal justice system continues to plague efforts to secure respect for
fundamental human rights in Chicago. Long-observed patterns of police abuse continue
unabated and lack of accountability within police structures have led to widespread
distrust of the justice system in minority communities. Sharp disparities in service and
inadequate efforts to establish better community relations reinforce the distressing reality
of unequal treatment.

95. The Chicago Police Department is notorious for lack of transparency, openness or
willingness to share information, particularly as it relates to instances of serious
misconduct by its officers. Faced with a “blue wall of silence” in which “fellow officers
[turn] a blind eye to corruption and later [resist] cooperating with criminal investigations
of their colleagues,” community organizers and academics often resort to Freedom of
Information Act (FOIA) filings to have any chance of getting the information they seek. 72

96. Between 2001 and 2005, the city paid nearly $100 million to settle 864 civil lawsuits that
alleged abuses such as excessive force, false arrest and improper searches by Chicago
police officers. 73 Most abuses are committed by a small percentage of officers, many of
them members of gang tactical outfits, such as the Special Operations Unit, which works
in low-income African-American and Latino neighborhoods.

97. Although the department denies fostering a culture that tolerates corruption, little is done
to discipline the less than 5 percent of officers who are responsible for nearly 50 percent
of all complaints from civilians. During the last five years, 662 officers – in a police force
of roughly 13,500 – received 11 or more complaints. From 2002 to 2004, the city
investigated 18,077 misconduct allegations of which 44 percent name those same 662
officers. 74 Statistics provided by the city in a federal civil-rights suit show that the
10,150 complaints of police abuse in the categories of excessive force, illegal arrest,
illegal searches, and racial and sexual abuse from 2002 to 2004 resulted in only 18
officers receiving any “meaningful” discipline – a suspension of seven or more days. 75

98. The Mandel Legal Clinic found that “the odds are two in a thousand that a Chicago police
officer will receive any meaningful discipline as a result of being charged with abusing a
civilian.” 76 For police brutality complaints filed by citizens between 2002 and 2004, the
change of meaningful discipline for a police brutality complaint was less and 3 in
1,000. 77 A brutality complaint is 94 percent less likely to be sustained in Chicago than the

72 Heinzmann, David, and Todd Lightly. “Report: bad cops protected.” Chicago Tribune. November 29, 2006.
73 Marin, Carol. “Chicago paying millions to settle police cases.” NBC 5 posted Feb 23, 2006, updated Feb 27,
2006. Available http://www.nbc5.com/
74 Kalven, Jamie. “Cops with criminal tendencies operate with impunity.” Chicago Sun-Times. September 16,
2006.
75 Kalven, Jamie. “Cops with criminal tendencies operate with impunity.” Chicago Sun-Times. September 16,
2006.
76 Futterman, Craig B., Mather, H. Melissa, and Miles, Melanie, “The Use of Statistical Evidence to Address
Police Supervisory and Disciplinary Practices: The Chicago Police Department’s Broken System.” November 15,
2007.
77 Futterman, Craig B., Mather, H. Melissa, and Miles, Melanie, “The Use of Statistical Evidence to Address

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

nation as a whole. 78

99. The Chicago Police Department fails to discipline officers who have repeatedly been
accused of misconduct and brutality. According to a report issued by the Mandel Legal
Aid Clinic of the University of Chicago, many of the identified as repeated objects of
complaints operated in low-income minority areas of the city. Specifically, the report
found that, “[a]buse is concentrated among certain officers who work together in
particular units or teams and who police certain parts of the City—generally lower-
income African-American and Latino Communities. 79

100. The police’s lack of transparency has kept the ugliest chapter in Chicago police history
from being closed. Between 1972 and 1991, police commander Jon Burge tortured
approximately 135 African-American men and women in the Area 2 police facility on
Chicago’s South Side. A four-year investigation by city-appointed special prosecutors,
released in 2006 and costing $7 million dollars to Chicago taxpayers, acknowledged that
torture had occurred but made no indictments. Recently, a report from Northwestern
University Law School called the prosecutors’ efforts “hopelessly flawed.” 80

101. Beyond the issue of serious misconduct, there continues to be widespread perception of
racial discrimination and abuse in minority communities. In 2001, 26 percent of African
Americans reported having been stopped by Chicago police that year, compared with 20
percent of Latinos and 16 percent of whites. Reportedly, 64 percent of black males are
stopped in the course of a year. 81 In spite of this, racial profiling data, collected since
2004 as mandated by the state, cannot be used as a “disciplinary tool,” even when they
supply evidence of racial bias. 82

102. A two-tiered system of police service also is evident. Examining 911 emergency response
time, a WMAQ Channel 5 special report aired in November 2006 detailed how getting
prompt service depends on where you live. The story involved a radio disposition called a
RAP – radio assignments pending, a list of crimes in progress waiting for police to arrive.

Police Supervisory and Disciplinary Practices: The Chicago Police Department’s Broken System.” November 15,
2007.
78 Futterman, Craig B., Mather, H. Melissa, and Miles, Melanie, “The Use of Statistical Evidence to Address
Police Supervisory and Disciplinary Practices: The Chicago Police Department’s Broken System,” November 15,
2007.
79 Futterman, Craig B., Mather, H. Melissa, and Miles, Melanie, “The Use of Statistical Evidence to Address
Police Supervisory and Disciplinary Practices: The Chicago Police Department’s Broken System,” November 15,
2007.
80 “The Failures of Special Prosecutors Edward J. Egan and Robert D. Boyle To Fairly Investigate Police Torture
in Chicago.” Macarthur Justice Center, Northwestern University Law School. Available at
http://www.law.northwestern.edu/macarthur/documents/police/4_25_07FinalSpecPros.pdf
81 Skogan, Wesley G., Dennis P. Rosenbaum, Susan M. Hartnett, Jill DuBois, Lisa Graziano, Cody Stephens,
Chelsea Brown, Ashleigh Campi, Jarrett Feinstein, So Young Kim, Dukhong Kim, Sarah Rosenbaum, Steven Ryan,
Barbara Seiden, and Institute for Police Research, Northwestern University & University of Illinois-Chicago.
"CLEAR and I-CLEAR: A status report on New Information technology and its impact on management, the
organization and crime-fighting strategies." Chicago Community Policing Evaluation Consortium February 2005,
available at www.communitypolicing.org.
82 “Chicago won’t use race profiling to discipline.” Crime Control Digest. January 23, 2004.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

The report illustrated that South and West side communities that are heavily African
American and Latino have grossly more RAPs than white areas. 83

103. The Chicago Alternative Policy Strategy 84 (CAPS) has failed to provide effective
community involvement for all of Chicago’s communities of color. Latinos’ views of the
police remain negative, usually having to do with lack of trust, perceived police prejudice
or racism, and communication problems. For instance, CAPS meetings, billed as
Spanish-speaking, often have no Spanish-speaking officers or bilingual translators. 85 One
police sergeant noted, “[Latinos] don’t expect any great service from us, and a lot of
officers are, frankly, a little racist… there are many officers that, once they have a
negative stereotype formed, they treat all people with the same attitude.” He said this is
the case in both the Latino and African-American communities. 86

104. Although both crime and police misbehavior ultimately affect the entire city, albeit in
different ways, perhaps those who suffer most are minority children who grow up in
perpetual fear, even at home. Youngsters who witness violence (reportedly about 30
percent of children in Chicago) have a more difficult time concentrating in school, and
have lower reading and IQ scores. Neighborhoods with high levels of violence have
difficulty retaining teachers, businesses and quality housing.

105. Despite solid evidence of rampant police torture and abuse, none of the parties involved
has been prosecuted or punished. Impunity is allowed to prevail as the Chicago Police
Department, Cook County State’s Attorney, and the United States Attorney’s office have
failed to pursue legal accountability for perpetrators of human rights violations. Without
immediate and substantive action by local government, the failures of the criminal justice
system are only worsening, to the detriment of Chicago’s racial minorities.

106. Cook County, where Chicago is located, accounts for 90 percent of all active death
penalty cases in Illinois. 87 Of the inmates sent to Illinois’ death row from Cook County,
60% are African American; 20% are Hispanic and 20% are White. This is in contrast to
the population of Cook County, where 26% are African American, 23% are Hispanic, and
45% are White. 88

83 “Does where you live affect police response time?” NBC 5 WMAQ Special Report. Aired November 29, 2006.
Available at http://www.nbc5.com/unit5investigates/10417034/detail.html.
84 The Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy is the police’s primary means of reaching out to communities.
Initiated in 1993, the plan was to establish teams of officers with relatively long-term assignments in each of the
city’s 279 districts. Teams were expected to spend more time responding to calls and working on prevention
projects in assigned areas.
85 “Mixed Review for Chicago’s Community Policing.” Institute for Policy Research News, Northwestern
University. Summer 1999. Available at
http://www.northwestern.edu/ipr/publications/newsletter/iprn9907/policing.html
86 "Mixed Review for Chicago's Community Policing." Institute for Policy Research News, Northwestern
University. Summer 1999. Available at
http://www.northwestern.edu/ipr/publications/newsletter/iprn9907/policing.html
87 Illinois Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty 2007 Annual Report.
88 Population Division, U.S. Census Bureau. (2007, September). Annual Estimates of the Population. Retrieved
September 26, 2007, from http://www.census.gov/popest/estimates.php

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

107. Likewise, the racial breakdown of defendants facing the death penalty in Cook County as
of December, 2006: 89 indicates the following racial disparities. 74% are African
American; 15% are Hispanic and 10% are White.

108. As of 2005, Illinois had the following prison incarceration rates: 90

Race Percentage Of Percentage Of


Overall Population Prison Population
White 60% 28%
African American 12% 60%
Hispanic 13% 11%

109. The rate of incarceration per 100,000 citizens of Illinois in jails and prisons was as
follows. 91

Race Number Incarcerated Per 100,000


Citizens
White 223
African 2020
American
Hispanic 415

Recommendations
110. Encourage the State of Illinois to follow the recommendations made by the Governor’s
Commission on Capital Punishment to reduce arbitrariness in the application of capital
punishment.

111. Force the Cook County States’ Attorney to make public the process it uses to analyze
potential capital cases and determine whether it will seek the death penalty.

112. Allow civilians to submit anonymous complaints, treat civilian complainants


appropriately and eliminate lengthy and duplicative steps in the disciplinary process.

113. Institute whistle-blower immunity for police officers who provide information about
other officers’ wrongdoing, and provide protection from reprisals.

114. Require the CPD to produce printed annual reports and make monthly statistics available
to allow sufficient public monitoring and reasonable analysis of the disciplinary system.

115. Provide more funds to alternative crime prevention programs.

89 Illinois Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty 2007 Annual Report.


90 Illinois Department of Corrections
91 Bureau of Justice Statistics, Prison and Jail Inmates at Midyear 2005.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

116. Install personnel performance software that will enable the Police Department to identify
rogue police officers and hold them accountable.

117. Expand the state’s ex-offender hiring program and create incentives for Chicago
businesses to initiate a similar program.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

Transportation in Chicago
118. Northeastern Illinois is home to the nation’s second largest transit system. About
130,000 riders use the Chicago Transit Authority (CTA), Pace, and Metra everyday, a
testament to the value of transit in moving the region’s goods, services and people where
they need to go. 92 Yet prioritization of public transportation projects and services
benefit mostly white-collar workers and tourists, while most Chicago area residents,
particularly in communities of color, are not seeing their needs adequately addressed.
See Attachment 4 for racial disparities in access to transportation.

119. The regional transit system of Chicago is being eroded by continuation of a 1983 state
funding formula that bases funding levels on geographic boundaries and retail spending,
ignoring transit ridership and other criteria related to transit performance and needs. As a
result of this formula, Chicago’s people of color experience substantial service cutbacks
and fare increases.

120. A $482 million renovation of the Douglas Branch Blue Line was completed in 2005 to
improve access from the primarily Latino and Black communities of the Southside of
Chicago (Pilsen, Little Village, and North Lawndale) to the University of Illinois
medical district, stops northwest of the Loop (where jobs are available), and O’Hare
airport. In June 2006 late-night and weekend services on the Douglas Blue Line, which
serves predominately low- to moderate-income African Americans and Latino
populations, were cut back. Trains are coming less often (every 30 minutes) as compared
to the frequency of trains prior to the re-establishment of services in January 2006.

121. In August 2005, President Bush signed into law a transportation bill allocating $590
million to fund capital-improvement projects including expansion of the Red Line to
130th Street to serve the predominantly Black communities of Chicago’s South Side
(Roseland, Pullman, and Riverside). The CTA has deemed the expansion of the Red
Line through Chicago’s South Side African American communities as a low priority.

122. The CTA favored plan, dubbed the Circle Line, was proposed in 2002. The Circle Line
would be a single new 6.6 mile rapid-transit circle around the growing city center. There
is growing concern that the new route would redefine downtown and displace people of
color living in lower income neighborhoods.

123. Another controversial CTA capital priority is the plan to crate a Super Station for the
city-owned “Block 37” located in downtown Chicago. The plan calls for express
business-class service costing riders up to $13 to Midway Airport and $17 to O’Hare
Airport. Plans for this high-end train service demonstrates the CTA’s willingness to
serve business and tourists while ignoring the needs of low income and people of color
needing increased capital improvements, affordable fares and bus transfers, and more
reliable and equitable train and bus service throughout the system.

124. In early 2004 the CTA began raising fares for the first time in a decade and riders

92 Illinois PIRG. (2007). Finding Solutions to Fund Transit: Combining Accountability & New Resources for
World-Class Public Transportation. Chicago: Author.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

currently pay up to double the price of the pre-2004 fare increases. Additionally, in 2006
the CTA penalized cash riders by increasing their fares from to $2 while “Chicago Card”
riders were still only paying $1.75. Further, cash riders no longer could get a bus transfer
while card riders can have a transfer for only $.25. These changes discriminate against
low income users, affecting proportionally people of color, as a credit card and savings
must be available to utilize the transit card system.

125. In some cases, the CTA map itself tells a tale of inequality (Attachment 4). The Red Line
in many ways is Chicago’s backbone, connecting the North Side to the South Side, but
there are yawning gaps between the north and south in terms of CTA service. The
predominately African America South Side has 10 stops, averaging 9.2 blocks apart. The
North Side, in comparison, has 21 stops that average 3.1 blocks apart. But it is those who
live on Chicago's west side who experience the longest gaps between stations on the
Green Line – 1.5 miles from Clinton to Ashland and another 1.5 miles from Ashland to
California. 93

Recommendations
126. Establish a third-party commission to pursue equity in service for all communities, and
create a Transportation Equity Plan to be fully implemented by 2015.

127. Secure state funds to supplement the $590 million already allocated by the federal
government to expand the Red Line to 130th Street.

128. Halt all plans to create a Circle Line until the needs of underserved communities are met
first, and re-evaluate the Circle Line plan to optimize the addition of the system to benefit
those who need it most.

129. Modify the Block 37 plan to ensure that it improves transportation and transfer
opportunities for all Chicago residents.

130. Reinstate the CTA transfer system that was in place prior to 2006 for all buses and trains.

131. Bar further fare increases except for inflation increases.

93 Developing Government Accountability to the People. (2006). DGAP Report Card for Chicago 2006:
Transportation. Chicago: Author.

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

Attachment 1: Snap-shot of Poverty in Illinois and Chicago

Illinois Poverty Rates: 2006 Chicago Child Poverty Rates: 2006


Group Poverty Rate Group Poverty Rate
Asian 8.9% Asian 16.7%
African American 28.0% African American 45.6%
Hispanic 17.6% Hispanic 29.1%
White Non-Hispanic 7.7% White Non-Hispanic 7.3%

Illinois Child Poverty Rates: 2006 Chicago Poverty Rates: 2006


Group Poverty Rate Group Poverty Rate
Asian 8.3% Asian 14.8%
African American 38.8% African American 32.0%
Hispanic 23.0% Hispanic 21.6%
White Non-Hispanic 8.6% White Non-Hispanic 9.7%

Illinois Poverty Rates for People with Rates of Illinoisans Living at 200% of the
Disabilities: 2006 Federal Poverty Line*
Group Poverty Rate Group Poverty Rate
Asian N/A Asian 15.4%
African American 41.9% African American 51.6%
Hispanic 30.7% Hispanic 48.5%
White Non-Hispanic 13.7% White Non-Hispanic 19.3%

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

Attachment 2

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

Attachment 3

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Chicago Submission to Committee Overseeing CERD

Attachment 4

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