Robert Edwards won 2010 Nobel Prize for Medicine for test-tube baby creation

Tuesday, October 5th, 2010

Robert Edwards, the British scientist whose pioneering research with his late colleague Patrick Steptoe led to
the birth of the world’s first “test-tube baby” in 1978, has won 2010 Nobel Prize for medicine.
Born in Manchester in 1925, Professor Robert Edwards started his research on human fertilization at the
National Institute for Medical Research in London in 1958, and later moved to Cambridge where, with Steptoe,
he founded the Bourn Hall Clinic, the world’s first IVF centre.
Steptoe died in 1988. Despite his significant contribution, he cannot be jointly awarded with Professor Edwards
because rules do not permit for the prize to be awarded posthumously.
The Nobel Assembly at Sweden’s Karolinska Institute, which awarded the prize worth ten million Swedish
Kronor, described his work as “a milestone of modern medicine.” “His work has made possible the treatment of
infertility, a medical condition that affects a large proportion of humanity including more than 10% of couples
worldwide,” it said in a statement.
The 85-year-old scientist Robert Edwards was reported to be too ill to comment. “The success of this research
has touched the lives of millions of people worldwide. His dedication and single-minded determination, despite
opposition from many quarters, has led to the successful application of his pioneering research,” his family
said.
He brought hope to millions of childless couples
Reacting to the Nobel award for British scientist Robert Edwards, Professor Basil Tarlatzis, past-president of
the International Federation of Fertility Societies, said it was “a well-deserved honour.” Mr. Tarlatzis said the
in-vitro fertilization (IVF) had “opened new avenues of hope for millions of couples throughout the world.”
But, perhaps, no one was more delighted than Louise Brown, who owed her birth to the IVF treatment devised
by Professor Edwards and his late colleague Patrick Steptoe. “It’s fantastic news. Me and mum are so glad that
one of the pioneers of IVF has been given the recognition he deserves. We hold Bob in great affection and are
delighted to send our personal congratulations to him and his family at this time,” said Ms. Brown, now 32. Her
birth on July 25, 1978 prompted headlines around the world. Since then some four million babies have been
born using IVF.
For Professor Edwards and his colleagues it was a “Eureka” moment they discovered that they had succeeded
in creating a fertilised human embryo in 1968 but it took another 10 years before the procedure was sufficiently
refined to enable the birth of a baby. “I’ll never forget the day I looked down the microscope and saw
something funny in the cultures. I looked down the microscope and what I saw was a human blastocyst gazing
up at me. I thought: ‘We’ve done it,’” Professor Edwards recalled in a speech two years ago.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Indian scientist Ajikumar Parayil lays Cancer Drug Path

Sunday, October 3rd, 2010
Ajikumar Parayil has tinkered with the digestive system of a common gut and sewage bacterium to produce in
abundance a chemical compound that promises an inexpensive route to a blockbuster cancer drug.
Parayil, an Indian scientist at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), has helped coax E. coli bacteria
to make taxadiene, a precursor compound for paclitaxel, a drug widely used to treat breast, lung and ovarian
cancers.
Paclitaxel was first isolated in the 1970s from the bark of the Pacific yew tree, but early production methods
required cutting down two to four fully grown trees to extract enough of the drug to treat a single patient.
Recent production methods involve harvesting the drug from plant cells grown in the laboratory, but even this
process yields small quantities, and the drug is still expensive — about $10,000 per dose in the US.
Now Parayil and his colleagues at MIT and Tufts University in Boston have analysed the complex sequence of
steps in the synthesis of paclitaxel and used that knowledge to engineer genes of E. coli to produce taxadiene.
They have described their results in the journal Science on 1.10.2010.
“This bacteria produces 1,000 times more of this precursor than any other engineered microbe,” said Parayil, a
postdoctoral associate at MIT, who had obtained a PhD from Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam.
Parayil first engineered E. coli to eliminate a bottleneck that was interfering with the synthesis of taxadiene, and
then gave the bacteria two genes from the Pacific yew tree to get them to produce copious amounts of
taxadiene.
“There are several more steps to obtain paclitaxel from taxadiene, but the taxadiene synthesis is the most
challenging step,” Parayil told.
Although organic chemists possess the knowhow for chemical synthesis of paclitaxel, their methods involve
anywhere from 35 to 50 steps, and in any case yield quantities that are not economically viable.
“If you can make (paclitaxel) a lot cheaper, that is good, but what really gets people excited is the prospect of
using our platform to discover therapeutic compounds in an era of declining new pharmaceutical products and
rapidly escalating costs for drug development,” said Gregory Stephanopoulos, a professor of chemical
engineering at MIT.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Swedish Election 2010

Sunday, October 3rd, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
The election of 2010 is a historical turning point in Swedish history. The Social Democrats traditional
dominance in almost a century seems to be broken (for good?) and the far-right Sweden Democrats will
become part of the Swedish Government for the first time. As a Swedish newspaper did put it: “A centre-right
government (The Alliance) without a majority, a crashed social democracy and a kingmaker party with roots in
the far-right”.
Given below is a low-down on who the main contestants of the Swedish election are, the way they have risen to
power and the outcome of the elections.
The Alliance
The Alliance (Alliansen) coalition consists of four centre-right parties – the Moderates, Liberals (Folkpartiet),
Centre, and Christian Democrats. Party leaders are current prime minister Fredrik Reinfeldt, education minister
Jan Björklund, enterprise minister Maud Olofsson and social affairs minister Göran Hägglund, respectively.
The coalition has together formed the government since gaining the majority of parliamentary seats in the 2006
election.
The Alliance was formed as Alliance for Sweden (Allians för Sverige) by party leaders Fredrik Reinfeldt, Maud
Olofsson, Lars Leijonborg and Göran Hägglund on August 30th 2004 with a declaration to work towards a
viable centre-right government alternative to the centre-left Social Democrats, who had by then held power for
23 of the previous 26 years.
The 2006 election came to be defined by the concept of “Utanförskap” (Alienation). The Alliance regularly
cited figures of up to 1.5 million Swedes living on the margins of the labour market and society, proposing to
address the problem. When the votes were counted the Alliance parties had won 178 seats in parliament and the
opposition parties 171.
The Alliance parties are going to polls on their record of being the responsible alternative for Sweden’s public
finances.
Finance minister Anders Borg repeatedly emphasises the fact that Sweden has fared the financial crisis and
subsequent recession better than many other EU countries but warns that caution remains with regard to the
challenges that lie ahead both at home and abroad.
The Alliance, like the Red-Green opposition, were keen to emphasise that there were two clear alternatives
available to voters on September 19th. They argue that while the centre-right parties offer a platform for jobs,
the centre-left offer welfare.
The Red-Green coalition
The Red-Green coalition consists of three parties – the Social Democrats, the Green Party, and the Left Party.
Party leaders are Mona Sahlin, Peter Eriksson/Maria Wetterstrand and Lars Ohly, respectivley. The Left Party
and the Green Party previously supported the minority Social Democrat government that held power from
1998-2006.
The centre-left Red-Green coalition was formally announced on December 7th 2008 after the parties had
managed to reach agreement on basic principles of their economic policy.
The formation of what has become known as the Red-Greens (de rödgröna) came after several months of
negotiations following the breakdown of talks in Bommersvik in 2008. The Left Party declined to budge on key
economic issues – such as the independence of the Riksbank and budgetary discipline.
The Social Democrats and the Green Party presented a joint budget proposal and announced a cooperation
which excluded the Left Party. Following internal criticism from leading Social Democrat groups, as well as
significant shifts in Left Party economic policy, the parties were able to patch up their differences and in
December announce a ”deeper cooperation” with the goal of building a coalition government after the 2010
election.
On August 31st 2010, The Red-Greens presented an election manifesto entitled: Responsibility for the whole of
Sweden (Ansvar för hela Sverige), promising to match the Alliance reform budget of 12.8 billion kronor ($1.72
billion) for 2011.
The Red-Green parties are going to the polls on a platform of welfare investment over tax cuts. While the
coalition has promised tax cuts of up to 17 billion kronor for pensioners, it rejects further tax cuts for wage
earners and proposes the reintroduction of some form of wealth tax.
Mona Sahlin and Social Democrat economic affairs spokesperson Thomas Östros, regularly point out that
unemployment has increased over the past four years and argue that government policies on sick pay and
unemployment benefits have lead to greater divisions among groups in society.
The Social Democrats
The Social Democrats are the largest party within the centre-left Red-Green coalition that is fighting to wrestle
back power after four years in opposition. Mona Sahlin is the party leader and is bidding to become Sweden’s
first female prime minister. Other noteable figures within the party include economic policy spokesperson
Thomas Östros, former justice minister Thomas Bodström, party secretary Ibrahim Baylan, and Stockholm
politician Carin Jämtin.
The Social Democrats were founded in 1889 and are thus the oldest party in Swedish politics. The party is the
most successful in Swedish political history, dominating post-war government and credited with being
responsible for the massive expansion of Sweden’s welfare state.
The Social Democrats, then led by Göran Persson, succumbed to a crushing defeat in the 2006 elections,
receiving 34.99 percent of the votes, its lowest showing since universal suffrage.
Mona Sahlin replaced Persson in 2007 to become the first female party leader. Sahlin was something of a
compromise choice after several leading figures ruled themselves out of the race and has struggled to unite
factions of the party. She was roundly criticised by Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO) for launching a
two party coalition with the Green Party, and excluding the Left Party, in October 2008. The Left Party later
joined what became the Red-Green coalition. The party ideology is based on a social corporatist economic
model and strongly support feminism and advocates equality, taking an active stand against discrimination and
racism.
The Social Democrats are campaigning on a theme of Sweden as a “country of possibilities” under the slogan –
”We can’t wait”. The party’s platform has the development of the welfare state at its heart, promising measures
to adress inequality in society and boost job creation and thus tax revenue. The Social Democrats’ priorities are
made clear in their election declaration – ”Welfare must go before major tax cuts”. The party going to the polls
on a programme of investment in public services, with the only major tax cuts directed at pensioners.
Mona Sahlin’s leadership of the party is under scrutiny and there is widespread speculation that she would not
survive a second successive election loss for the party.
The Moderates
The Moderates are the largest party in the centre-right Alliance coalition that has been in government since
2006. Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt is the party leader. The party has a further nine ministers – Finance
Minister Anders Borg, Foreign Minister Carl Bildt, Justice Minister Beatrice Ask, Culture Minister Lena
Adelsohn Liljeroth, Migration Minister Tobias Billström, Trade Minister Ewa Björling, Development Aid
Minister Gunilla Carlsson, Social Insurance Minister Christina Husmark Pehrsson, and Defence Minister Sten
Tolgfors.
The Moderates are a centre-right, liberal conservative political party founded on October 17th 1904. By the
early 1970s, and under the stewardship of Gösta Bohman, the party shifted from traditionalist conservatism to a
more liberal approach to the economy and the party governed in various coalition constellations from 1976
until 1982.
After the crisis government and reform years under Carl Bildt between 1991 and 1994, the party had a long
period in opposition. Having lost the 2002 in disastrous fashion, the Moderates elected Fredrik Reinfeldt as
party leader and a process of change towards the political centre was begun.
Reinfeldt relaunched the party in Blairite fashion as ”the New Moderates” and worked to form a viable political
alternative to the Social Democrats as part of the four-party Alliance for Sweden.
Fredrik Reinfeldt’s ”New Moderates” campaigned as the ”New Workers’ Party” on a platform of job creation
and adressing alienation in Swedish society, winning 26.23 percent of the vote to help the Alliance to victory.
In power the Moderates have dominated government policy holding key ministerial posts in the finance,
defence, trade and foreign ministries.
Job creation has remained the focus of the mandate period with measures such as in-work tax credits, lower
payroll charges for the young, and the RUT deduction for household services, key initiatives.
The Moderates have also pushed through the end of national service and the abolition of wealth tax.
The Moderates campaign is very much focused on Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt and Finance Minister
Anders Borg. The party is pushing its line on jobs and crime, and argues that it is the party to trust with the
public purse.
The Moderates have stated their ambition to wrestle the role of default party of government from the Social
Democrats and recent opinion polls indicate that it could become the largest parliamentary party.
The Liberals
The Liberals are one of the three smaller parties which make up the centre-right Alliance coalition that has been
in government since 2006, having polled 7.5 percent in the 2006 general election. Education minister Jan
Björklund is the party leader. The party has a further three government ministers – Minister for Higher
Education and Research Tobias Krantz, Minister of EU Affairs Birgitta Ohlsson and Minister for Integration
and Gender Equality Nyamko Sabuni.
The Liberal Party (Folkpartiet liberalerna – fp) is a social liberal political party with roots dating back to the
end of royal autocracy in 1809. The party’s base is mostly among the middle-class and is known for its positive
stance toward the euro, EU, nuclear power, and Nato, and for its no-nonsense profile on education issues.
Aside from taking its place in a war-time coalition government, the Liberals first experienced power in a three
party coalition government in 1976 under Prime Minister Thorbjörn Fälldin, which ultimately came to an end in
1982.
After being part of the crisis government and reform years under Carl Bildt between 1991 and 1994, the party
had a long period in opposition.
The Liberals enjoyed a successful 2002 election, in an otherwise disappointing year the centre-right, but was
criticised for adopting populist right-wing rhetoric when proposing a language test requirement for obtaining
Swedish citizenship.
The party leader since 2007 is Jan Björklund, a former army major and school-teacher, known for his tough
stance on order in schools. Björklund recently aired his view on the re-nationalisation of the public schools
system, currently the reserve of municipalities.
The party supports more open immigration, especially for economic migrants. The Liberal Party under Jan
Björklund has been described as standing for a strain of liberalism dubbed ”law and order liberalism” and the
party regular defends the ”right to place demands” on groups in society such as immigrants and the
unemployed.
Gender equality minister Nyamko Sabuni has meanwhile been criticised from some quarters for declining to
identify herself as a feminist.
The Liberals campaign is very much focused on party leader Jan Björklund and equality minister Nyamko
Sabuni, and the party is pushing its education and integration line as the party of action which does not shy
from tough choices.
The Liberals have enjoyed a rebound in the polls recently with Björklund’s straightforward approach putting
the party in a strong position to wrestle the position of the Alliance’s second party away from the Centre Party.
The Greens
The Greens are bidding to become the second largest party within the centre-left Red-Green coalition that is
fighting to wrestle back power after four years in opposition.
Maria Wetterstrand and Peter Eriksson are the party spokespersons. Other noteable figures within the party
include economic policy spokesperson Mikeala Valtersson, former MP turned journalist Gustaf Fridolin, and
Ship-to-Gaza activist Mehmet Kaplan.
The Swedish Green Party (Miljöpartiet de Gröna) was founded in 1981 and is thus the youngest parliamentary
party. The party emerged out of the movement opposing nuclear power and first gained parliamentary seats in
1988.
Long a 5 percent party, the Green Party has enjoyed the support of around 10 percent of the electorate in a slew
of recent opinion polls, and the party had set itself a target of 12 percent at the September 19th election.
The party’s appeal has extended from its original environmentalist hardcore to attract most of its support among
the young, female, urban middle-classes.
In the mid-1990s the party took a stand against Sweden’s membership of the European Union, although the
policy demanding a new referendum was finally discarded in September 2008.
While acting as a support party for the Social Democrats from 1998-2006, the Greens pushed their green tax
agenda advocating a general shift in taxation policy towards higher taxes on unsustainable and environmentally
unfriendly practices and products.
The party was the first to raise the issue of climate change in Sweden and is credited with pushing the issue into
the political mainstream.
The party has long campaigned as a party that looks forward and not to the left, or the right on the political
scale. The 2010 election campaign is no exception with the party pledging to ‘Modernise Sweden”.
One of the Green Party’s principles is to work against political careerism. In practice this means that elected
representatives are limited to three terms in office and so the popular Maria Wetterstand, and co-spokesperson
Peter Eriksson are required to stand down in 2011, regardless of the election result.
The Sweden Democrats
The Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna – SD) polled 2.6 percent of the votes in the 2006 parliamentary
elections. Jimmie Åkesson is the party leader.
The Sweden Democrats were founded in 1988 and in contrast to other far-right parties across the EU, has roots
in the neo-Nazi movement, specifically the Keep Sweden Swedish (Bevara Sverige Svenskt) group.
The party under Mikael Jansson, and now Jimmie Åkesson, has worked hard to tone down its more extremist
elements in recent years in an attempt to attract a broader base of support outside of its core of young working
class males. The party’s ideology is based on nationalism and social conservativism.
Immigration underpins all of the Sweden Democrats’ policy positions, with immigrants and Sweden’s
culturally mixed society argued to be the source of all of the country’s perceived ills.
The party campaigns against immigration and multicuralism and argues for the construction of a culturally
homogenous Sweden.
The Sweden Democrats are inspired by the electoral success of Pia Kjærsgaard and the Danish People’s Party.
While, like Kjærsgaard, SD rejects accusations of racism, the party’s election campaign has been notable for a
series of mishaps which have damaged the party’s attempts to present a shift away from the political extremes.
Despite, or perhaps because of, these electoral campaign controversies, polls indicate that the party is on course
for seats in parliament but, regardless of the result, is unlikely to gain any influence on government policy.
Swedish Election 2010
A far-right party in Sweden has won seats in parliament for the first time, denying the governing centre-right
coalition an overall majority. The anti-immigration Sweden Democrats have won 20 of the 349 seats in the
country’s single assembly, following the general election.
The alliance, led by centre-right Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt, fell short of a clear victory with 172 seats.
Mr Reinfeldt says he will seek the support of the opposition Green Party. The Greens are currently allied with
the centre-left Social Democrats.
One Swedish newspaper wrote: “the nightmare scenario has happened”…
Sweden’s ruling center-right coalition won the re-election, marking a historic moment as a non-socialist
government was elected to a second term for the first time in the country’s political history.
Swedish Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt’s center-right four-party coalition — made up of the Moderates, the
Liberals, the Christian Democrats and the Centre party — held on to power, but lost its outright majority.
“The Swedish people have cast their vote, and they have ruled that we are the ones who should keep
governing,” Reinfeldt said at his party’s election night celebration.
His coalition won 49.3 percent of the vote, officials at the Swedish Election Authority said after all 5,668
voting districts reported. The opposition “red-green” coalition — consisting of the Social Democrats, the Left
party and the Green Party — had 43.7 percent of the vote, election officials said.
The far-right anti-immigration Sweden Democrats party also made a strong showing, winning 5.7 percent of the
vote and a place in the national parliament for the first time. With possession of 20 seats, the party could wind
up tipping the balance of power between the two major coalitions, although party leaders, including Reinfeldt,
have vowed not to cooperate with the Sweden Democrats.
The leader of Sweden’s red-green opposition coalition, Mona Sahlin, conceded defeat. She told her supporters
they were not able to regain the trust of the voters.
“We have lost,” she said, stressing that the center-right coalition also failed to get an outright majority. The
ruling coalition won 172 seats, while Sahlin’s group took 157 in the 349-seat parliament.
Sweden has a long tradition of socialist rule, with a cradle-to-grave welfare system. But the global financial
crisis threw Sweden into one of its worst economic downturns since World War II.
The ruling conservative coalition, which came into power in 2006, imposed a string of austerity measures and
managed to turn Sweden’s economy into one of the strongest in Europe, with an expected growth of 4.5 percent
this year. The crisis management appears to have impacted many voters.
“I think the economy is the key issue,” said one man at a Stockholm polling station. “I think Sweden has done
very well for the last few years during the global financial crisis, and I hope the government will stay on.”
But with a tightening of fiscal policy, several groups in Swedish society have seen their situation worsen.
Pensioners and sick people are among the hardest hit, and the leader of the red-green coalition had urged voters
to vote for change on.
“There is a clear difference between the left’s and the right’s tax policies towards working people and
pensioners,” said one elderly woman who had just cast her ballot. “My pension has gone down during these last
years.”
“The moderate party and the center-right alliance seeks the confidence of the voters,” Reinfeldt said in a
televised speech, the eve of the election. “We do this with a promise to take responsibility. We have taken
Sweden through a difficult economic crisis. Many decisions have been hard to make, and not everything has
been right from the beginning.”
But, he said, “After a difficult financial crisis, confidence in the future is now growing in our country. It is great
to see how Sweden gets back on its feet. We are seeing more jobs and the unemployment is going down.
Sweden today has Europe’s strongest economy, but there is a risk for new troubled times. There are countries in
our surroundings that have lost control over their economy and have had to make hard cuts and increase taxes.
This will always hit the weakest the hardest. Don’t put Sweden in this situation.”
Meanwhile, Sahlin said, nearly all Swedes want “a health care based on their needs, not their wallet, and a
school that helps all children gain knowledge, regardless of their background … I want to take responsibility
for Sweden, the welfare state. If we can handle the jobs situation, then our economy will grow, and we can
impose our welfare.”
“I am for reductions in tax but not at any cost,” she said. “Don’t vote away Sweden the welfare state. What we
sell and tear down now will never come back.”
The far-right Sweden Democrats, which received 2.9 percent of votes in 2006, nearly doubled its votes this
year. But its anti-immigration policies have caused all the main party leaders to vow not to cooperate with it,
even as it won seats.
“I think it is more important than ever that everyone goes to vote today, so that we can stop them,” one young
woman voter said, referring to the Sweden Democrats. “I think it would be a day of shame for all Swedes if
those people would come into parliament.”
Sweden Democrats leader Jimmie Akesson said his party had been treated unfairly in the election
A far-right party in Sweden has won seats in parliament for the first time, denying the governing centre-right
coalition an overall majority. The anti-immigration Sweden Democrats have won 20 of the 349 seats in the
country’s single assembly, following Sunday’s general election.
The alliance, led by centre-right Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt, fell short of a clear victory with 172 seats.
Mr Reinfeldt says he will seek the support of the opposition Green Party.
The Greens are currently allied with the centre-left Social Democrats.
Green Party co-chair Maria Wetterstrand said the opposition bloc – which won 157 seats – remained united.
Mr Reinfeldt also did not rule out working with the Social Democrats.
“On many questions there is a possibility for broader co-operation,” he told reporters. “We have to see how the
Social Democrats define their road ahead.”
However the prime minister reiterated that his four-party Alliance for Sweden would not form a coalition with
the far-right.
We will not co-operate, or become dependent on, the Sweden Democrats”
“I have been clear on how we will handle this uncertain situation,” he said. “We will not co-operate, or become
dependent on, the Sweden Democrats”.
Media boycott
Sweden Democrats leader Jimmie Akesson said his party would use the opportunity to make itself heard, as it
had not been invited to official debates during the campaign. He claims that they have in many ways been
treated as anything but a political party in this election. Even so, today they stand there with a fantastic result.
The situation is a bit uncertain just now, but he claims that they have four years ahead of them to speak out on
the issues that matter to them and influence Swedish politics.
BBC regional reporter Damien McGuinness said the success of the far right has shocked many voters in
Sweden.
Winning 20 seats in parliament, the Sweden Democrats have obviously touched a nerve, he adds.
The party appears to have tapped into voter dissatisfaction over immigration, saysa correspondent, with the
result undermining the image of Sweden as a tolerant and open-minded country.
Women Take Control of Swiss Government
The election of Simonetta Sommaruga in Sweden is a historic step in a country where women only got to vote
on a national level in 1971.Ms Sommaruga becomes the fourth female in the seven-member Federal Council.
Switzerland is not the only country in Europe to have a female majority in cabinet although it is rare. Spain’s
cabinet formed in 2008 has more women than men. Finland and Norway also have cabinets with female
majorities. However Switzerland is regarded as rather conservative and did not allow allow females to vote
nationally until 1971 and the last canton granted female voting rights only in 1990!
Women in Switzerland, who weren’t allowed to vote or run for office just 40 years ago, now control the
country’s government. Women gained a four-person majority in the country’s ruling seven-member Federal
Council with the election of Social Democrat Simonetta Sommaruga, who defeated a candidate from a right-
wing party.
Economics Minister Doris Leuthard currently holds the country’s rotating presidency. Switzerland, which
granted women the right to vote in 1971, now becomes the fifth country in the world—after Norway, Spain,
Finland and the Cape Verde Islands—to have a female majority government. Advocates hailed the milestone,
but warned that the country’s business and academic spheres have a lot of catching up to do.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Millennium celebrations of Thanjavur Big Temple – the Brihadisvara Temple

Tuesday, September 28th, 2010
Manimegalai
Official celebrations are taking place in southern India for the 1,000th birthday of one of the grandest temples
ever built on the subcontinent. The Brihadisvara temple – in the town of Thanjavur, 350km (220 miles) south-
west of Chennai – is considered the finest example of southern Indian architecture.
R Nagasami, the state of Tamil Nadu government’s retired director of archaeology, says it is not clear when
work started on the attraction, which is better known as the Big Temple. He claims that they can definitely say
it was completed in the year 1010. This conclusion was made from stone inscriptions.
Unlike other Hindu temples built during that period, this one was made using granite. Dedicated to Lord Shiva,
a major Hindu deity, it consists of 13 tiers, and its main tower soars majestically to a height of 60m (200ft). The
master designers built the hollow tower by interlocking stones without using any binding material.
“This is the only temple in the whole of India,” says R. Nagaswamy, former Director, Tamil Nadu Archaeology
Department, “wherein the builder himself has left behind a very large number of inscriptions on the temple’s
construction, its various parts, the daily rituals to be performed for the Linga, the details of the offerings such as
jewellery, flowers and textiles, the special worship to be performed, the particular days on which they should be
performed, the monthly and annual festivals, and so on.”
Raja Raja Chola even appointed an astronomer called ‘Perunkani’ for announcing the dates, based on the
planetary movements, for celebrating the temple’s festivals.
Three temples in Thanjavur and Ariyalur districts, namely the Brihadeeshvara temple, Iravateswarawamy
temple and the Big temple at Gangaikondacholapuram built by the great Chola kings have been declared as
world heritage monuments by the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO).
The Brihadisvara temple at Thanjavur built by Raja Raja Cholan is celebrating its millenium this year; the
Iravateswarawamy temple at Darasuram near Kumbkonam was built by Raja Raja II and the Big temple at
Gangaikondacholapuram was built by Rajendran Cholan, son of Raja Raja Cholan in Ariyalur district.
The three temples are in stone and have almost same architecture and design except for the size. While the Big
Temple at Thanjavur remains colossal in all its aspects — a towering Vimana with a height of 212 ft, a big
Linga in the sanctum sanctorum, a huge Nandi in the front and Goddess Periyanayaki also standing tall,
Darasuram and Gangaikondacholapuram account for smaller forms of the Big temple. Despite the general
concept of a chariot being pulled, the sculptures differ in the three temples.
The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) maintains the three temples well and has almost reconstructed the
whole temple at Darasuram.
The construction of the Big Temple — also known as Rajarajeswaran Udaiyar after the great king — began in
1003A.D. and was consecrated for worship on the 275th day of the 25th year of the King’s reign (1010 A.D.).
The temple is 1000 years old this year (2010). This edifice is one of the finest and most exquisite specimens of
the Chola architecture. Dedicated to Lord Siva, it is located within a spacious inner courtyard measuring 240
X120 m. The temple is replete with inscriptions relating to its origin and endowments and also sports a
profusion of friezes from the epics.
Chola Dynasty
Considered one of the tallest structures in India at that time, the temple was built on the orders of the King Raja
Raja Chola, the most prominent sovereign of the Chola dynasty. The Cholas reached their zenith during the
11th Century, subduing smaller kingdoms and bringing most of southern India under their rule.
They were also pioneers in naval warfare, carrying out hostile waterborne expeditions to Sri Lanka and the Far
East. Raja Raja Chola, who ruled from 985 AD to 1014, was a Saivite, a branch of Hinduism that worships
Lord Shiva.
His capital was the town of Thanjavur, situated on the banks of the River Cauvery, which is considered sacred
by Hindus. “King Raja Raja was also known as Sivapada Sundaran [which means a man devoted to the feet of
Shiva],” says Mr Nagasami.
“Temple inscription says he first placed all the spoils of war at the feet of god and sought blessing from the
almighty.”
Again, this is the only temple in India where the King specifically mentions in an inscription that he built this
all-stone temple called ‘kattrali’ (‘kal’ meaning stone and ‘tali’ a temple). This magnum opus, running to 107
paragraphs, describes, among others, how Raja Raja Chola, seated in the royal bathing hall on the eastern side
of his palace, instructed how his order should be inscribed on the base of the vimana, how he executed the
temple’s plan, the list of gifts he, his sister Kundavai, his queens and others gave to the temple.
The inscriptions provide a list of 66 beautiful bronze idols Raja Raja Chola, Kundavai, his queens and others
gifted to the temple. The inscriptions elaborate on the enormous gold jewellery, inlaid with precious stones
such as diamonds, emeralds, sapphires, rubies, corals, pearls, for decorating each of these bronzes.
Interestingly, the measurements of all these bronzes — from crown to toe, the number of arms they had and the
symbols they held in their arms — are inscribed. Today, only two of these bronzes remain in the temple — that
of a dancing Siva and his consort Sivakami. All the jewellery has disappeared.
Raja Raja Chola gifted gold vessels to the temple, and their weight, shape and casting were mentioned in the
lithic records. Even a small spoon, ‘nei muttai,’ for scooping out ghee, finds a mention. The inscriptions throw
light on the temple’s revenue from various sources, the mode of payment and the meticulous accounting
procedures. “It shows the care and attention with which the temple property was entered in the registers and the
responsibility fixed for handling them. Raja Raja Chola had an extraordinary administrative talent, unsurpassed
either before or after him,” Dr. Nagaswamy said.
The inscriptions even speak about the temple’s cleaners, sweepers, carriers of flags and parasols, torch-bearers
for processions at night and festivals, cooks, dancers, musicians and singers of Tamil and Sanskrit verses.
Rock transported
The temple is 240m long and 120m wide. There was no rock formation near the temple, so it had to be
transported from quarries 50km away. It is believed the rock was brought to the building site by river boat.
PS Sriraman, Assistant Superintendent Archaeologist of the Archaeological Survey of India, says that the Big
Temple when compared to other temples of that time, is at least 40 times bigger. He claims that this was a
dramatic scaling up. It shows their confidence and imagination. It has a very unique design. It is the first Hindu
temple to be built on such a grand scale.
Interestingly, the temple also has number of statues and stone carvings depicting the life of Buddha.
V Ganapati Sthapati, a well-known temple architect, says: “The temple tower incorporates the same building
principles used in the construction of great pyramids. They designed the temple using traditional knowledge
which is held as family secrets, and passed down from father to son. They carved out rocks using hand-held
tools.”
The inscriptions found in the temple have helped scholars understand the Chola Empire.
Excellent condition
The temple, which also has fresco paintings, has survived the ravages of countless monsoons, six recorded
earthquakes and a major fire. It is now maintained by the Archaeological Survey of India, a central government
body.
Its superintendent archaeologist, Sathyabama Badrinath, says: “The temple is in excellent condition. It has no
structural problems. The weight load is evenly distributed among pillars and beams. It needs very little
maintenance.”
Unlike its sound structure, patronage for the temple is somewhat shaky.
Soon after its completion, its chief patron Raja Raja died. His son, Rajendira I, succeeded him. He was a far
more successful military leader and wanted to build a much bigger version of the Big Temple.
He shifted the capital of the Chola kingdom to Gangaikondacholapuram, about 60km away, and started
building a new temple there. ”Raja Raja had donated large tracts of land to provide money to maintain the
temple. But Rajendira Chola diverted all these revenues to his newly built temple,” says Mr Badrinath. Why
Rajendira did this still baffles historians today.
His decision deprived the Big Temple of royal patronage. As artisans went to work at his new temple, work on
the Big Temple began coming to a halt.
But Rajendira was only able to build a smaller version of the Big Temple.
Further down the line, the Cholas built hundreds of temples along the banks of the River Cauvery, changing its
landscape forever. None of the forts and palaces built by the Cholas survives today.
But the remaining temples stand testimony to their achievements and are a major tourist attraction for both local
and foreign visitors.
There are, however, concerns about the up-keep of the Big Temple. Recently, an ill-conceived move to drill a
bore-well just a few metres away from the main structure had to be stopped by a court order. Increasing
commercial and construction activities near the temple has prompted local authorities to impose tighter building
restrictions.
August 2010
The State government drew up plans to celebrate in a grand manner the contribution of Chola King Raja Raja I
to the renaissance of art and culture besides governance.
This happened because the Chief Minister M.Karunanidhi was of the view that the celebration should not be
delayed any more and there could be no better occasion to remember the King than the 1000th year of the
Brihadeeswarar Temple.
The government wanted to organise the celebrations much earlier, but preparations for the World Classical
Tamil Conference gave little room for any other elaborate event between January and June this year.
Using Raja Raja Chola as the theme, the Chief Minister wants to use the opportunity to inculcate in the younger
generation the great achievements of Tamil leaders.
Of particular relevance will be the effort to place history in a context and make people realise the importance
and the odds against which the great structures were built.
Noted archaeologist R. Nagasamy said “clarity of mind and drive for excellence in all the fields” were the
hallmark of Raja Raja.
Dr Nagasamy, former director of Department of Archaeology said claimed that he was a hero who applied his
mind to every aspect of governance. He conducted land survey and introduced intelligent tax system and
increased the area of cultivation, realising that it was vital to the State economy.
While Raja Raja Chola encouraged higher studies in every field by organising scholarly settlements in the form
of Brahmin colonies, side by side he set up commercial establishments.
Dr Nagasamy pointed out that Raja Raja also encouraged a vibrant rural democratic system by introducing
election to the village administration and that he entrusted the administration in the hands of experienced
persons and that he had the highest judicial standards.
Raja Raja also involved all the villages in the maintenance of royal temples and introduced an unsurpassed
payment system.
Explaining why Chola bronzes are celebrated across the world, D. Srikanta Sthapathy, director Poompuhar,
said they were proportionate and followed the traditional iconometry to perfection.
“For the Chola bronze the face is the prominent unit and all other parts of the body would derive from it. Even
the size of the finger is decided based on the size of the face,” he said, adding that people across the world were
visiting Swamimalai to see for themselves the making of bronzes.
Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) is likely to come out with a book, digitally documenting Chola paintings
in the 7 panels inside the sanctum sanctorum of the big temple in Thanjavur.
P.S. Sriraman, an archaeologist with the ASI, said the murals were brilliant considering the fact that the
possible use of true fresco technique provided the artists with very little time to execute and finish the murals.
The artists had to work in near dim conditions. They never had the distance to fall back to have a look at the
figures to check the relative proportion.
“But when we analysed the paintings digitally and in the large format reproductions, the proportion of
individual figures and ensemble of figures is near perfect,” he said.
Celebration on September 25th 2010
Thanjavur town reverberated with dance and music as the millennium celebrations of the Big Temple kicked
off with gaiety on Wednesday the 22nd of September 2010.
Hundreds of people thronged venues like Sivaganga Park, Karanthai Thamizh Sangam, Raja Rajan Mani
Mandapam, Tholkappiar Arangam and the Old Housing Unit besides the Big Temple, to relish the folk dances
and classical music. Union Minister S.S.Palani Manickam and State Co-operation Minister Ko.Si.Mani,
inaugurated the Thanjai Sangamam programmes at Karanthai Thamizh Sangam by beating the drum.
V. Irai Anbu, Secretary, Tourism, P. A. Mani, Commissioner of Art and culture, A.C.Mohandoss, Director,
Tourism and M.S.Shanmugham, District Collector, were present on the occasion.
Spellbound performances
The opening of the gala event was followed by Poikkal Kuthiraiyattam by Nadi Rao and party. Subsequently,
Mayilattam, Kavadiyattam, Kummi and other folk dances cast a spell on the audiences .
Raja Raja Cholan who had built the temple patronised artistes. According to an epigraph, there were 640
selected dancers who performed in the temple during the King’s period . The temple also has 108 karna
sculptures of Bharata Muni.
At the beautifully illuminated Big Temple, the programmes started with Karagattam by Thenmozhi Rajendran
party. Thamizhisai by ‘Sirkazhi’ Siva Chidambaram followed the Karagattam.
Array of programmes
Starting with “Thirumudi Sootiduvom, Thamizh Thaikku” and Sivachidambram enthralled the audience with
the popular song from film Raja Raja Cholan, “Thanjai Periya Koil Pallandu Vazhgave” which was sung by his
father Sirkazhi Govindarajan in the film. Dance by “Thirunagai” Narthangi Nataraj and vocal by Sudha
Ragunathan left the audience spellbound.
S. N. M. Ubayathullah, State Commercial Taxes Minister, M.Rajendran, Vice-Chancellor, Tamil University,
Babaji Rajah Bhonsle, senior prince and hereditary trustee of Palace devasthanam participated in the
programmes.
People enjoyed the programmes in LED screens put up near the Elephant Mandapam, at the entrance of the
temple and the car parking in front of it. Thappattam and Therukuthu went on at Sivaganga Park, while
Kuravan Kurathi and Puliyattam went on at Raja Rajan Mani Mandapam.
Nayyandi melam and other programmes were performed at Tholkappiar Arangam and the Old Housing Unit.
The town wore a festive look with serial lights, festoons and decorations in many buildings.
The Dance Event
It was a challenge to make everyone feel that there were 1,000 dancers on the floor. After all, the event could
make it to the Guinness book of records and had to be verifiable.
K.Sudhakar of Swathi Soft Solutions and S.B.Khanthan, director, had to meet the organising challenge. Now
that the event is over, they have filed an application for the mammoth dance event, marking the completion of
1000 years of Brahadeeswarar Temple at Thanjavur, for listing as a Guinness achievement.
Here’s how the organising part was done: technical crew of Swathi Soft Solutions arrived 48 hours in advance
with 9 cameras, two Jimmy jib cranes and fitting accessories to capture the excitement of 1,000 Bharatha
Natyam virtuosos and to feed live web casting through www.kalakendra.com and www.kutcheribuzz.com as
also for release as DVD. Vantage camera positions had been marked based on the floor map and dancers
positions meticulously drawn by Dr Padma Subrahmanyam. Mock camera drills were conducted till 2 am on
the previous night by S.Jayakumar, the chief videographer and his crew.
The task of assembling 1,000 dancers belonging to various dance schools across the globe two hours before the
schedule start right on their respective positions was handled by ABHAI, Brahan Natyanjali and Dr Padma
Subrahmanyam.
Stamp and Coin
The curtains came down on the five-day-long millennium celebration of the Big Temple here on Sunday the
26th September with Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi making a slew of announcements and the release of a
special postal stamp and a five- rupee coin.
At a function held at the Armed Reserve Police training grounds here, the Chief Minister said that a paddy
variety would be named as Rajarajan 1000. A number of infrastructure development schemes for Thanjavur
would be taken up, including improvement of roads, widening of the Irwin Bridge and creation of wings in the
Thanjavur Medical College-Hospital for trauma care and cancer treatment. Referring to the State government’s
sanction of Rs. 25 crore for the schemes, Mr Karunanidhi said the Union government had also announced the
sanction of Rs. 25 crore but the State government was yet to receive the amount. He wanted Union Ministers
G.K. Vasan and V. Narayanaswamy to ensure that the funds were released.
Union Minister for Communications A. Raja handed over the first copy of the new stamp to Mr Vasan. Union
Minister of State for Finance S.S. Palanimanickam presented the inaugural coin to Mr Narayanaswamy.
Praising the greatness of the Chola emperor, Mr Karunanidhi said the administration of the emperor was
famous for its elaborate system of land measurement and taxation. The proceeds collected through taxes were
used for the welfare of people The Chief Minister presented 1,000 coins to Padma Subrahmanyam for the dance
programme organised at the Big Temple on Saturday in which she and 1,000 dancers participated.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Sonia Gandhi’s Amazing Achievement

Tuesday, September 28th, 2010
Sampth Kumar
Sept 3 2010
Sonia Gandhi has been re-elected the Congress chief for a record fourth time. She was re-elected unopposed.
By doing so she will be setting several records in the history of the 125-year-old party, among them being the
longest-serving incumbent. Her name was announced at a ceremony at the Congress headquarters in New Delhi
on Friday the 3rd September 2010. She has been the Congress president since 1998, and is the seventh person of
foreign origin to become the president of the Congress – a party formed to secure a greater share in governance
for educated Indians.
Hard work and perseverance have negated a sea of hurdles.. From the very limited experience in the art of
governance, she has eventually risen to the present position with the hope of realizing her late husband Rajiv
Gandhi’s vision and in following the footsteps of her mother-in-law Indira Gandhi. Besides being in the office
for 12 years, Sonia is also the Chairperson of the ruling United Progressive Alliance which is into its second
successive term. Both Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi each held the post of Congress president-ship for
only seven years.
Addressing the party workers after her re-election, Sonia said that it was a great responsibility. She thanked all
Congress workers and said that whether they were in power or not they should always work for the oppressed.
The leaders who proposed her name included party chief ministers – Sheila Dikshit of Delhi, Ashok Gehlot of
Rajasthan and Bhupinder Singh Hooda of Haryana – as also several senior leaders and ministers.
Gandhi has created a record for the longest tenure as Congress chief by steering the party since April 1998
when she replaced the late Sitaram Kesri. Only once she had to face a contest with senior leader Jitendra
Prasada throwing his hat in the ring a decade back but she had defeated him.
Biography of Sonia Gandhi
Born into a family of modest means in an Italian village on the banks of a river in 1946, Sonia Maino, now
Sonia Gandhi, has made waves in history by becoming the President of India’s century-old Congress party.
Being the third woman of foreign origin to hold the prestigious post after Annie Beasant and Nelli Sengupta,
Sonia Gandhi also became the fifth from the Nehru family to take over the Congress reins. The other four were
Motilal Nehru, Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. She also is the eighth person of the foreign
origin to be the Congress president.
She officially took charge of the Congress party in 1998 and was elected to parliament in 1999. She was first
elected as a Member of Parliament to the 13th Lok Sabha from the Amethi Parliamentary Constituency of Uttar
Pradesh in 1999, getting 67% of the polled votes. She has been elected to the 14th Lok Sabha from the Rae
Bareily Constituency of Uttar Pradesh. On 18 May 2004, after her Congress party won the Indian election, she
was slated to become Prime Minister, but declined after fierce opposition and the promise of future turmoil
from the defeated right wing
2004 General Elections
In the 2004 general elections, Gandhi launched a nationwide campaign, criss-crossing the country on the Aam
Aadmi (ordinary man) slogan in contrast to the ‘India Shining’ slogan of the BJP-led National Democratic
Alliance (NDA) alliance. She countered the BJP asking “Who is India Shining for?” In the election, she won by
a large margin in the Rae Bareilly constituency in Uttar Pradesh. Following the unexpected defeat of the NDA,
she was widely expected to be the next Prime Minister of India. On 16 May, she was unanimously chosen to
lead a 15-party coalition government with the support of the left, which was subsequently named the United
Progressive Alliance (UPA).
After the election result, the defeated NDA protested once against her ‘foreign origin’ and senior NDA leader
Sushma Swaraj threatened to shave her head and “sleep on the ground”, among other things, should Sonia
become prime minister. The NDA also claimed that there were legal reasons that barred her from the Prime
Minister’s post. They pointed, in particular, to Section 5 of the Indian Citizenship Act of 1955, which they
claimed implied ‘reciprocity’. This was contested by others and eventually the suits were dismissed by the
Supreme Court of India.
A few days after the election, Gandhi appointed Manmohan Singh as prime minister. Her supporters compared
it to the old Indian tradition of renunciation, while her opponents attacked it as a political stunt.
In a short span since she plunged into active politics before the mid-term Lok Sabha elections, Sonia in fact,
had wrought a political miracle by becoming the dual chief of the 113 year old Indian National Congress and its
Parliamentary party. In the process, Sonia Gandhi also emulated her husband, mother-in-law and grandfather-
in-law—Rajiv, Indira and Nehru— who all held the two posts during their career.
Birth and Growth
Sonia Gandhi, nee Maino, was born in a place called Ovassanjo, 80 km away from Turin, on Dec. 9, 1946.
Married into India’s best known family of Nehru-Gandhi in 1968, the 64-year-old Sonia Gandhi became a
primary member of the Congress less than a year ago before the Calcutta Congress Plenary Session in August
1997. Since Rajiv’s death, Sonia had led a life of near recluse for six years but for her appearances at a few
official functions. She touched many a heart when she poured out her (agony) at a public meeting a few years
ago in Amethi about the delay in the probe of Rajiv assassination case.
Barring such veiled political statements, Sonia hid her emotions behind a thick veil of secrecy keeping
observers guessing about whether she nursed political intentions at all. But fawning Congressmen, looking for a
charismatic personality to lead the party to electoral success, kept sending their appeals to her to come and take
over the party. After an excruciating spell of suspense, Sonia, who long remained something of an enigma to
many, finally decided to campaign for the Congress in the just-concluded Lok Sabha electors and is credited by
observers with preventing a doom for the party. Congress, which was forecast not to cross the double digit
mark managed a tally of 141 seats, largely due to her charismatic presence during the campaign.
In fact, the top job of the Congress organisation was offered to her on a platter immediately after the death of
her husband on May 21, 1991. But a grieving and reluctant Sonia declined the offer. Travelling the length and
breadth of the country in a hurricane election tour, Sonia caught the imagination of the masses, by her
emotional speeches in Hindi prepared in advance. Observers commented that Sonia successfully adopted her
mother-in-law’s mannerism and style in warming her way to large crowds which had turned up at her election
rallies. Sonia, whose Italian origin gave her opponents propaganda grist, became a full-fledged Indian citizen in
1984 after the death of Indira Gandhi.
Sonia met Rajiv Gandhi in Cambridge during 1960s when the former Prime Minister was studying at the
famous British University. They were married in 1968 after three years of courtship which began in a Greek
restaurant in the university town. The simple ceremony was held on Vasant Panchami day in February, the
same day when Indira Gandhi married Feroze decades earlier. The wedding was a simple nondenominational
ceremony in the garden of 1, Safdarjang Road. The new addition to the family became an instant favourite.
Sonia and Indira became extremely fond of each other. It was a relationship that time would deepen still
further.
Strange as it may sound now, Sonia had, in fact, shown aversion to politics for long. She detested politics and
opposed her husband Rajiv entering it. Eventually, Rajiv resigned from Indian Airlines to join politics after
Sanjay’s death in 1980. Now not only Sonia is in the thick of politics, but her children, Rahul and Priyanka, too
are in great demand in the Congress circle for taking over the Youth Congress.
After the death of her husband Rajiv Gandhi and her refusal of becoming Prime Minister, the party settled on
the choice of P. V. Narasimha Rao as the Prime Minister. Over the next few years, the Congress fortunes
continued to dwindle and it lost the 1996 elections. Several senior leaders such as Madhavrao Sindhia, Rajesh
Pilot, Narayan Dutt Tiwari, Arjun Singh, Mamata Banerjee, G. K. Moopanar, P. Chidambaram, Jayanthi
Natarajan were in open revolt against the incumbent President Sitaram Kesri and quit the party, splitting the
Congress into many factions. In an effort to revive the party’s sagging fortunes, Sonia Gandhi joined the
Congress Party as a primary member in the Calcutta Plenary Session in 1997 and became party leader in 1998.
She contested Lok Sabha elections from Bellary, Karnataka and Amethi, Uttar Pradesh in 1999. In Bellary she
defeated veteran BJP leader, Sushma Swaraj. She was elected the Leader of the Opposition of the 13th Lok
Sabha in 1999 during the regime of the BJP-led NDA government under Atal Bihari Vajpayee. As Leader of
Opposition, she called a no-confidence motion against the NDA government led by Vajpayee in 2003.
In the 2004 general elections, Sonia Gandhi launched a nationwide campaign on the Aam Aadmi (ordinary
man) slogan challenging the ‘India Shining’ slogan of the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance. She won the
election by a large margin in the Rae Bareilly constituency in Uttar Pradesh. On 16 May 2004, she was
unanimously chosen the leader of the United Progressive Alliance, a 15-party coalition government with the
support of the left.
In March 2006, Sonia resigned from the Lok Sabha and also as chairperson of the National Advisory Council
under the office-of-profit controversy. She was re-elected from her constituency Rae Bareilly in May 2006 by a
huge margin of over 400,000 votes.
As chairperson of the National Advisory Committee and the UPA chairperson, she played an important role in
making the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme and the Right to Information Act into law. She
addressed the United Nations on 2 October 2007on the occasion of international day of non-violence coinciding
the birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi. Under her leadership, the Congress-led-UPA returned to a near
majority in the 2009 general elections with Manmohan Singh as the Prime Minister. The congress party’s
unique achievements and promotions in the uplift of the millions of downtrodden Indians and in nurturing the
nation to become an economically powerful country in south-east Asia are attributable to the able and
determined leadership of incumbent president Sonia Gandhi. May the vision of the former prime minister Rajiv
Gandhi and his fore-fathers be realized with the bless of god under Sonia’s leadership.
The Foreign Presidents
Sixty-three-year-old Sonia Gandhi, who settled in India after marrying Nehru family scion Rajiv Gandhi in
1968, is the first person of foreign origin to become the Congress chief since Independence.
Though Alan Octavio Hume, a Scotsman, had founded the Congress in 1885, he did not become its president.
Instead, W.C. Bonnerjee, a prominent lawyer and nationalist of what was then Calcutta, was elected the
Congress president at its inaugural session in Bombay (now Mumbai).
George Yule became the first foreigner to become the Congress president at its 1888 Allahabad session.
The other foreigners who have held the top post during the freedom struggle were William Wedderburn (1889-
Mumbai session), Alfred Webb (1894-Chennai session), Henry Cotton (1904-Mumbai), Annie Besant (1917-
Kolkata) and Nalini (Nellie) Sen Gupta (1933-Kolkata).
While the other six foreign-born Congress chiefs were British, Sonia Gandhi is the first Italian-born to hold the
post. Sarojini Naidu became the first Indian woman to assume the post at the 1925 Kanpur session.
Sonia Gandhi’s mother-in-law and former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi first became the Congress chief in
1960, when her father Jawaharlal Nehru was the prime minister. She assumed the post again in 1978, when the
Congress was in the opposition. She continued in the post till her assassination in 1984.
Indira Gandhi set the trend in 1980 of the prime minister also being the Congress chief, which continued during
the tenures of prime ministers Rajiv Gandhi and P.V. Narasimha Rao.
Sonia is the fifth member of the Nehru-Gandhi family to become the Congress president, and belongs to the
fourth generation of the family to hold the post.
Rajiv Gandhi’s great grandfather and eminent lawyer Motilal Nehru was the first from the Nehru family to be
elected to the party chief’s post at the Amritsar session in 1919. He again assumed the post in 1928 at the
Kolkata session.
Motilal Nehru was succeeded by his son Jawaharlal Nehru at the 1929 Lahore session. Jawaharlal Nehru
became Congress chief seven more times – 1930, 1936, 1937, 1946, 1951, 1953 and 1954.
Sonia Gandhi, who has been in office for 12 years, has already become the longest-serving Congress president.
Both Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi each held the post for only seven years. However, Jawaharlal Nehru
was elected to the post eight times.
“Sonia Gandhi’s importance in the Congress’ history should not be viewed only by the longevity of her career.
She has held the post during crucial times and led the party very ably,” recalled 93-year-old K. Karunakaran, a
special invitee to the Congress Working Committee and one of the oldest active Congress leaders. “She
defended the Congress against the National Democratic Alliance government for six years and brought the
party back to power at the centre, that too, without compromising on the party’s principles,” Karunakaran told.
Dream Dare Win
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*****

Civil Services Aptitude test from 2011 –Further confirmed on 25.09.10

Sunday, September 26th, 2010
Initiating long-pending reforms in the selection process for the elite all-India services like the Indian
Administrative Service (IAS) and Indian Police Service (IPS), the Government has decided to introduce an
aptitude test at the preliminary examination level while doing away with the assessment on the optional
subjects.
The Civil Services Aptitude Test, which will be common for all candidates, would be introduced from 2011,
Minister of State in the Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions Prithviraj Chavan said on
25.09.2010 in an interaction with The Indian Express journalists at the ‘Idea Exchange’ programme in New
Delhi.
“We have taken a decision that we will drop the 23 optional subjects at the preliminary stage and substitute that
with a common aptitude test that will assess the reasoning ability of the candidates,” Chavan said. “There will
be a test for minimal English language skills as well — of Class X level,” he said.
In the existing system, the candidates have to sit for a test of general studies — which is common to all — and
another on their elective subject. Both consist of objective type questions. Marks obtained in the optional
subjects are normalised on a common standard so as to provide a level playing field for all candidates.
Since the candidates are assessed in detail on the elective subjects in the main examination, it was decided to
replace the optionals at the preliminary stage with an aptitude test that will judge the candidates’ decision
making skills and aptitude for a demanding career in civil services. The new process would also do away with
the need for normalisation since every candidate will have to answer the same question paper.
The main examination will remain unchanged as of now.
“The new system will bring in further objectivity into the examinations,” Chavan said.
Dream Dare Win
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Ayodhya Title Suit – the Verdict and its fall out

Thursday, September 23rd, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
The Babri Masjid Controversy
The Ayodhya issue is a political, historical and socio-religious debate. The controversial issue of Ram
Janambhoomi and Babri Masjid has always been a big influence on Indian politics for several decades.
The main issues revolve around access to the birthplace of the Hindu God Rama, the history and location of the
Babri Mosque at the site, and whether a previous Hindu temple was demolished or modified to create the
mosque.
The tension started with the Mughal emperor Babur, who entered India after defeating Hindu King Rana
Sangram Singh in 1527. Babur made his General Mir Banki in-charge of the area. Banki visited Ayodhya in
1528 and reportedly built a mosque destroying a Hindu Temple.
The first Hindu-Muslim riot broke out over the issue in 1853 during British Rule. Following the clashes, the
then British Government erected fences around the place to divide the Hindu-Muslim worship area. Muslims
were allowed to offer prayers in the inner part of the mosque and Hindus to worship outer side of the disputed
construction.
In the year 1949, both the communities moved the Court claiming ownership of the land. Later, the Faizabad
District Magistrate declared the place as disputed land and locked the main door of Babri Masjid.
On January 16, 1950, one Gopalsingh Visharad filed a petition in Faizabad District Court seeking rights for
Hindus to visit their Lord and offer pujas to Rama.
In a retaliating suit, the Babri Masjid side also filed a petition on February 21, 1950, claiming that the land
should be handed over to Muslims because structure was built by Babur’s General Mir Banki in 1528. The
furious Hindus held massive demonstrations outside the Court against the petition.
In the year 1959, the Nirmohi Akhara had filed a claim petition in the Court and requested transfer of land from
the receiver.
The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) formed a committee to build Ram Temple at disputed place in Ayodhya in
1984. Later on February 1, 1986, the Court granted permission to Hindus to offer pujas at Babri masjid on a
petition filed by one Umesh Chandra Pandey.
The judge ruled that the temple be opened for unrestrained Hindu worship. Subsequently, the Vishwa Hindu
Parihad started a nationwide campaign for the replacement of the existing mosque-turned temple with a proper
temple structure.
Just after the Court’s verdict in favour of Hindus, the Muslim community formed Babri Masjid Sangharsh
Samiti to fight for the place.
The Ayodhya issue was intensified in 1989 following the VHP’s move to lay down foundation stone for Ram
Temple at the controversial monument on November 11, 1989.
In the year 1990, the then Prime Minister Mr. Chandrashekhar tried to find out the solution through dialogue
but the outcome was zilch.
On December 6, 1992 the Babri Masjid structure was demolished by karsevaks, despite a commitment by the
government to the Supreme Court that the mosque would not be harmed. More than 2000 people were killed in
the riots following the demolition.
On December 16, 1992, the Liberhan Commission was set up by the Government of India to probe the
circumstances that led to the demolition of Babri structure. It is the longest running commission in India’s
history with 48 extensions granted by various governments.
In 1994, the Apex Court directed acquisition of 70 acres of land at disputed place and maintained the status quo
till the final decision is made on the ownership of the land. In his order, the Supreme Court stated that it would
not be in favour of democracy if the land was given to a particular community without ownership decision.
On June 30, 2009, Liberhan Commission submitted its finding before the Prime Minister but the report has not
been made public yet.
On 23 November 2009 the Liberhan commission report was leaked to the media. The leaked report concluded
that the demolition was planned by top leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party.
The hearing on the ownership of land was completed on July 25, 2010 and final verdict will be delivered by
Special Lucknow Bench of Allahabad High Court on September 24, 2010.
Once again the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid controversy has taken centre stage in the country. The debate
over the ownership started off between Hindus and Muslims. State Governments have been on high alerts
following the possible backlash after the verdict.
On the other hand, religious leaders once again swing into the action to take the mileage. In this series, former
BJP leader Kalyan Singh visited the Ayodhya on September 16, 2010 along with 200 supporters.
The Central government also made an appeal to maintain calm and peace after the verdict. In its appeal
government said that the verdict will not be final it will be one step forward to find out the permanent solution
to the dispute.
Considering the sensitivity of Verdict, the Special Lucknow Bench of Allahabad High Court has called
counsels of the both party to find out any possibility of amicable solution into the matter on September 17
2010.
In the lieu with past examples of Hindu-Muslim communal harmony, the High Court is hopeful about an out-
of-court settlement to set another example of unity.
What are these title suits about?
The Lucknow High Court will rule on four title suits on 24.09.2010. The first suit was filed sixty years ago, on
January 16, 1950, by Gopal Singh Visharad, asking for the right to worship. The court restrained the removal of
idols, and allowed the worship to continue. The State of UP appealed against the injunction on April 24, 1950.
In 1950, Ramchandra Paramhans filed another suit, but this was withdrawn later. In 1959, the Nirmohi Akhara
entered the fray and filed the third suit, asking for possession of the spot, doing away with the court-appointed
receiver and claiming that it was the custodian for the spot at which Ram was supposedly born. On December
18, 1961, the UP Sunni Central Board of Waqfs moved in to claim possession. On July 1, 1989, another civil
suit was filed in the name of Bhagwan Shree Ram Lalla Virajman for declaration and possession of the Masjid
complex. All the four disputes were pending before a Faizabad court till 1989, but were later transferred on
October 23, 1989, to a special bench of the Allahabad High Court.
Measures for Security
The government has decided to impose Section 144 of the CrPC (Prohibition of Assemblies and Processions) in
the entire State on September 24, as a precautionary measure against untoward incidents that could arise after
the Supreme Court verdict is delivered on the Ayodhya issue.
A high-level meeting of ministers, police and bureaucrats also decided to hold peace committee meets in
sensitive areas on the day.
Home Minister’s Advice
Home minister P Chidambaram on Wednesday the 22nd September 2010 stepped in with calls for a more
mature and a more balanced approach to the judgement of the Allahabad high court in the four Ayodhya title
suits scheduled to be delivered on Friday the 24th September, 2010.
Addressing a press conference, the Home Minister said the parties to the suits as well as the general public and
the media should reserve their opinions on the judgement and not make any hasty pronouncements. “While the
parties to the suits study the judgement and ponder over the next steps, I would appeal to the general public to
receive the verdict of the court as the culmination of the legal process that deserves our respect and
acceptance.”
There is concern in the government that forces on both sides of the religious aisle could use the “easy-to-
offend” types in both communities to foment trouble over the judgement. The verdict presents a tricky situation
for the Centre and Forces associated with the issue for a variety of reasons.
In the event of the verdict going in favour of those favouring a Mandir, they would immediately demand
permission to construct the Ram temple. A major impediment in this will be the fact that 67 acres around the
disputed site is in the possession of the Union government.
The temple advocates could pile up pressure on the government to enact a Law to hand over the acquired land
to the temple trust. But this is certain to be contested by Muslims.
In the event of the verdict favouring the Masjid votaries, there would be calls to immediately correct a ‘historic
wrong’ and hand over the site to the Babri committee. As the next legal step is available to the losing party, the
latter is sure to approach the higher judiciary for relief.
Any intervention that would delay the transfer of the land is certain to provide an opening to community
members to invoke ‘victimhood politics’ — despite the court’s order, justice was being denied to them.
Realising the challenge posed by the verdict fallout, Mr Chidambaram said that it would be inappropriate to
reach any hasty conclusion that one side has won or that the other side has lost.
“It would be reasonable to assume that one or both sides would immediately apply to the special bench of the
high court for leave to appeal to the Supreme Court on the issues that either side may think have been decided
against it.
Article 134 (A) of the Constitution allows a party aggrieved to make an oral application in this regard
immediately after the passing of the judgement,” the home minister said.
Plea for deferment of case
Ramesh Chandra Tripathi, one of the litigants in the Ayodhya land title dispute case approached the Supreme
Court for deferment of the high court decision. A three judge bench of the Lucknow bench of the Allahabad
High Court had on September 17 dismissed Tripathi’s application for deferring the verdict, scheduled for
September 24, holding that the same lacks cogent and substantial grounds and also imposed a Rs. 50,000/- cost
on him.
Petitioner’s counsel Sunil Jain in the Special Leave Petition before the Supreme Court argued that the decision
pertaining to the Ayodhya land title dispute needs to be deferred in view of the impending Commonwealth
games and the security implications it may pose. The petition also states that parties to the dispute must be
given some more time to arrive at an amicable solution. Further arguing that the Uttar Pradesh government has
not been given the required central forces as requested, Jain contended that this can result in the State
government’s inability to control any untoward incident or violence post decision of the High Court.
Inviting the Court’s attention to the dissenting judgement by Justice Dharam Veer Sharma of the three judge
bench at the High Court the petition argued that the case must be seen in the light that the order of the High
Court lacked consensus. On the point of cost imposed on Tripathi, it has been argued that in the dissenting
opinion the Judge clearly stated that “There is no provision under the law through which a penalty of Rs.
50,000/- can be imposed for making the application to relegate the matter for mediation under section 89 Civil
Procedure Code”.
Justice Altamas Kabir however refused to hear the matter on the ground that the assigned roster does not allow
his bench to hear the petition. Justice Kabir stated that it was for the Registrar with the permission of the Chief
Justice to assign an appropriate bench to hear the case. Justice Kabir stated, “I am not entitled to determine civil
suits as per the roster”.
The Verdict was slated on 24.09.2010
The verdict is awaited for September 24th, 2010. Over a lakh uniformed men have been brought in to police
every corner of Ayodhya , Faizabad , Lucknow and 19 other sensitive areas in the State. The High Court will
decide that day on whom the disputed Ram Janambhoomi-Babri Masjid land belongs to? And was the Masjid
built over a temple? It’s been one of India’s most divisive and sensitive disputes.
Not wanting to take any chances the Mayavathi government has banned all peace rallies – protest rallies and
distribution of sweets post the verdict. Entry into the premises of the Lucknow High Court where the verdict
will be delivered on 24.09.2010 has been restricted – the registrar has asked lawyers who don’t have a case on
the 24th September 2010 not to come to High Court. Not just that, security for the three judges who will read
out the historic Babri verdict has been doubled.
Rumour mongering – a big worry for the State government has been taken care of by the Center. Mass SMS’
and MMS have been banned till the 27.09.2010 across the country. While Home Minister P Chidambaram has
asked all Governments of all the States to be on high alert, the Karnataka Government has gone a step ahead
ordering all schools to be shut on the 24th and 25th September, 2010. These two days will also be dry days in
the State.
If the verdict goes in favour of Babri mosque, it will definitely hurt Hindus sentiments. Muslims will feel the
heat of partiality if it goes against them.
It seems no conclusion of this dispute in the both circumstances. However, meeting and discussion are on to
douse the fire calmly but it will be important to see next development after the court verdict.
SC stays Ayodhya title suit verdict for one week – 23.09.2010
The Supreme Court on 23.09.2010 stayed for a week the Ayodhya title suit verdict that was due to be
pronounced by Allahabad High Court on 24.09.2010 and will hear the plea for deferment of the judgement next
28.09.2010.
The Court issued notices to the contesting parties on the petition filed by retired bureaucrat Ramesh Chand
Tripathi challenging the order of the Lucknow Bench of Allahabad High Court order refusing to defer the
verdict in the 60—year—old Ram Janambhoomi—Babri Masjid title suit dispute.
A Bench comprising Justices R V Raveendran and H L Gokhale stayed the verdict for a week following
conflicting views over the issue of entertaining the petition challenging the High Court order.
Tripathi, in his plea before the apex court, claimed that the verdict might disturb communal harmony and lead
to violence in the country. In the petition filed through advocate Sunil Jain, he cited several reasons for
deferment of the verdict, which he said would be in “public interest” in view of the apprehension of communal
flare up, upcoming Commonwealth Games, elections in Bihar and violence in Kashmir Valley and Naxal—hit
states. The petition had feared that there would be inadequate security personnel in Uttar Pradesh to provide
security.
Chief Justice to head bench on plea to defer Ayodhya verdict – 25.09.2010
A three judge bench headed by Chief Justice S.H. Kapadia will on 28.09.2010 decide the fate of the special
leave petition seeking deferment of the Allahabad High Court verdict on the Ayodhya title suit. Besides the
Chief Justice, the bench would include Justices Aftab Alam and K.S. Radhakrishnan. The matter has been listed
as the first item on the agenda at 10.30 a.m on 28.09.2010. The court had also asked Attorney General G.E.
Vahanvati to be present and assist the Supreme Court.
The special hearing on 28.09.2010 assumed considerable importance in view of the fact that one of the three
judges of the Ayodhya bench in Lucknow — Justice D.V. Sharma — is due to demit office on October 1, 2010.
CJI replaces Justice Kumar with Justice Aftab Alam for Ayodhya Case -26.09.2010
CJI S H Kapadia heads the Bench in Supreme Court Number 1 of Supreme Court, also known as Chief
Justice’s Court, and Justices K S Radhakrishnan and Swatanter Kumar sit with him almost regularly.
But, with the Apex Court due to hear the Ayodhya matter which can have repercussions for Hindu-Muslim
equations, the CJI appears to have put into practice the oft-recited adage — “justice should not only be done,
but also appear to be done” — and drafted in Justice Aftab Alam in place of Justice Kumar for the crucial
hearing on 28.09.2010.
Supreme Court stay goes; High Court to deliver Judgement on Sep, 30 2010
The Allahabad High Court verdict in Babri Masjid-Ramjanma Bhoomi title suit will be pronounced on
September 30, 2010 at 3.30 pm. The three-member bench decided to deliver judgment after the Supreme Court
rejected the application of one of the defendants Ramesh Chandra Tripathi for the deferment of verdict in case
on 28.09.2010. The Supreme Court lifting the stay on the verdict granted on September 23, 2010 cleared the
decks for the High Court the judgment. With three days left for the retirement of Justice Sharma, the court has
now decided to deliver the verdict on September 30, 2010.
Ayodhya land to be divided into three parts – Allahabad High Court – 30.09.2010
A three-judge bench of the Allahabad High Court on 30.09.2010 ruled that the disputed land in Ayodhya where
a makeshift temple was built after razing the Babri mosque in 1992 was Lord Ram’s birthplace.
However, it ruled that the land be split among three contesting parties equally. Justices S U Khan, Sudhir
Agarwal and D V Sharma delivered a split verdict in 60-year old Ayodhya title suit filed by the Sunni Central
Waqf Board. The majority of the bench ruled that the disputed land in Ayodhya was a joint property, held by all
the three claimants namely Hindu Mahasabha, Nirmohi Akhara and Sunni Central Waqf Board.
The majority also ruled that the central dome of the disputed structure, where idols of Lord Ram are presently
kept in the makeshift temple, be allotted to Hindus. Justice Khan ruled that the mosque was built by Babar, not
by demolishing a temple, but on the ruins of a temple.
Justice Sharma categorically rejected the claim of Sunni Central Waqf Board and has ruled that the ‘disputed
site is the birth place of Lord Rama’.
However, the entire bench was of the view that the central dome of the disputed structure goes to Hindu
Mahasabha, where idols were installed in 1949 and again in 1992 after the demolition of the Babri Mosque.
The sita rasoi and ram chabootara have been given to Nirmohi Akhara.
The judges said that none of the litigants would take any action on the land for the next three months.
Lawyers K N Bhat and Ravi Shankar Prasad, who represented two of the Hindu litigants, announced to
reporters that the bench had decided that Lord Ram was born where the Babri mosque was built.
“All the three judges, including S U Khan, are unanimous in accepting that the idol of Ram cannot be removed
from the place where it is installed right now,” said lawyer and BJP leader Ravi Shankar Prasad in Lucknow
after the court verdict.
The bench invited suggestions from all the parties for demarcation of the land.
The bench delivered the verdict in Court No 21, where entry of only 47 persons including the litigants and their
counsels was allowed. The High Court had been totally fortified. Uttar Pradesh almost came to a virtual halt at
3.30 p.m., when the historical judgment was being delivered.
What the Judges said:
Justice S U Khan
“Disputed structure was constructed as mosque by or under orders of Babar. It is not proved by direct evidence
that premises in dispute including constructed portion belong to Babar or the person who constructed the
mosque. No temple was demolished for constructing the mosque, but it was constructed on the ruins of the
temple or some of its material was used in the construction of the mosque.”
Justice Sudhir Agarwal
“It is declared that the area covered by the central dome of the three domed structure, the disputed structure
being the deity of Bhagwan Ram Janma Sthan and place of birth of Lord Rama as per faith and belief of the
Hindus, belong to plaintiff- Bhagwan Sri Ram Virajman. and shall not be obstructed or interfered in any
manner by the defendants, Rajendra Singh and others.”
Justice Dharam Veer Sharma
“The disputed site is the birth place of Lord Rama. Disputed building was constructed by Babar, the year is not
certain, but it was built against the tenets of Islam. Thus it cannot have the character of a mosque. The disputed
structure was constructed on the site of old structure after demolition of the same. The ASI has proved that the
structure was a massive Hindu religious structure. The idols were placed in the middle dome of the disputed
structure in the intervening night of 22/23 December 1949.”
Muslim groups disappointed
Muslim groups on 30.09.2010 reacted with disappointment to the dismissal of the Sunni Central Waqf Board
(SCWB) suit and the three-way division of disputed land ordered by the Allahabad High Court in the Ayodhya
title suits.
SCWB lawyer Zafaryab Jilani said the Board, the main litigant on behalf of Muslims, will appeal against the
decision in the Supreme Court: “The High Court’s formula of one-third land is not acceptable to the Waqf
Board and it will go to the Supreme Court.”
He, however, added that the matter would come to a “full stop” with Muslims accepting the decision once the
apex court gave its final verdict. He also said he was gladdened by the mature and calm response of the people
to the verdict. “What is important is that we as a nation have matured. This reflects the faith of the people in the
Constitution.”
Hindu Mahasabha to challenge ruling
The Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha, one of the early litigants in the Ayodhya title suits, on 30.09.2010 said it
would challenge the Allahabad High Court order to divide the “Ramjanambhoomi” land in three parts.
“We have decided to challenge the decision to divide the Ramjanambhoomi land in three parts”, said State
president of ABHM Kamlesh Tiwari. “Our fight for the Ramjanmbhoomi was acknowledged by the entire
bench unanimously”, he said.
He said the legal battle was initiated by Mahasabha president of Faizabad Gopal Singh Visharad in Janauary
16, 1950.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Eighteenth Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution

Thursday, September 23rd, 2010
Thangai VS Annan
The Constitution of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka is the official document that outlines the
fundamental laws and the structure of government in the island nation of Sri Lanka. This is Sri Lanka’s second
republican constitution and was promulgated in its original form on 7th of September 1978 by the National
State Assembly.
September 8th 2010
Eighteenth Amendment of the Constitution
The Sri Lankan Parliament this week voted to approve a constitutional amendment, the Eighteenth Amendment
that removes the two term limit on the presidency and authorizes the President to appoint the chairs and
members of several key independent commissions, judges, and other government officials.
Article 30 of the Sri Lankan Constitution sets the presidential term at six years, but Article 31 limits a president
to two terms. The Eighteenth Amendment lifts that limit and allows a president to run for an indefinite number
of six-year terms.
The government’s press release says that the change “will enhance the people’s franchise and give the people a
wider choice in the election of a President.
The Amendment also empowers the president to appoint the chairs and members of an array of independent
commissions, judges, and other government officials. The Amendment abolishes the Constitutional Council, a
ten-member body created under the Seventeenth Amendment and comprised of members appointed by both the
President and leaders in Parliament (including opposition members and a minor party member). Under the
Seventeenth Amendment, the President was empowered to appoint independent commission chairs and
members, judges, and certain other officials only upon the recommendation of the Constitutional Council.
The Eighteenth Amendment replaces the old Constitutional Council with a new Parliamentary Council,
consisting of five members of Parliament (with only two opposition members). Under the Eighteenth
Amendment the President alone is empowered to appoint independent commission chairs and members, judges,
and certain other officials, but “in making such appointments, the President shall seek the observations of the
Parliamentary Council.”
The Eighteenth Amendment also requires the President to attend Parliament once every three months. Under
the old Article 32, the President had “the right at any time to attend Parliament.”
The Amendment comes in the wake of President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s 18-point re-election victory in January.
The Amendment will allow President Rajapaksa to run for a third term in 2016. The BBC has more on the
politics behind the Amendment.
History of the Constitution
When the UNP came to power in July 1977 with a five-sixths majority, the second amendment to the 1972
Constitution was passed on 4 October 1977 to bring in the Executive Presidency, and Mr. J. R. Jayewardene,
the then Prime Minister, became the first Executive President on 4 February 1978. Before the 1977 General
Election the UNP also sought a mandate from the people to adopt a new Constitution. A Select Committee was
appointed to consider the revision of the Constitution. The new Constitution, promulgated on the 7th of
September 1978, provided for a unicameral Parliament with legislative power and an Executive President. The
term of office of the President and of Parliament is six years. It also introduced a form of multi-member
proportional representation as the electoral system. The Parliament was to consist of 196 Members, but this was
later increased to 225 by the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution.
The Constitution provided for an independent Judiciary and guaranteed Fundamental Rights, providing for any
aggrieved person to invoke the Supreme Court for any violation of his or her fundamental rights. The
Constitution also provided for a Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration (Ombudsman) who could
investigate public grievances against Government Institutions and State officers and give redress. It also
introduced anti-defection laws, and referendums on certain bills and on issues of national importance.
Constitutional Amendments
Amendment Date Subject

First 20.11.1978 Dealing with jurisdiction of the Court of Appeal

Second 26.02.1979 Dealing with resignations and expulsion of Members of the First
Parliament
Third 27.08.1982 To enable the President to seek re-election after 4years; vacation
of office of President
Fourth 23.12.1982 Extension of term of First Parliament
Fifth 25.02.1983 To provide for by-election when a vacancy is not filled by the
party
Sixth 08.08.1983 Prohibition against violation of territorial integrity
Seventh 04.10.1983 Dealing with Commissioners of the High Court and the creation
of Kilinochchi District
Eighth 06.03.1984 Appointment of President’s Counsel
Ninth 24.08.1984 Relating to public officers qualified to contest elections
Tenth 06.08.1986 To repeal section requiring two-thirds majority for Proclamation
under Public Security Ordinance
Eleventh 06.05.1987 To provide for a Fiscal for the whole Island; also relating to
sittings of the Court of Appeal
Twelfth (Not enacted)
Thirteenth 14.11.1987 To make Tamil an official language and English a link Language,
and for the establishment of Provincial Councils
Fourteenth 24.05.1988 Extension of immunity of President; increase of number of
Members to 225; validity of Referendum; appointment of
Delimitation Commission for the division of electoral districts into
zones; proportional representation and the cut-off point to be
1/8th of the total polled; apportionment of the 29 National List
Members
Fifteenth 17.12.1988 to repeal Article 96A to eliminate zones and to reduce the cut-off
point to 1/20th
Sixteenth 17.12.1988 to make provision for Sinhala and Tamil to be Languages of
Administration and Legislation
Seventeenth 03.10.2001 to make provisions for the Constitutional Council and
Independent Commissions
Eighteenth 08.09.2010 to remove the sentence that mentioned the limit of the re-election
of the President and to propose the appointment of a
 parliamentary council that decides the appointment of
independent posts like commissioners of election, human rights,
and Supreme Court judges.
September 2010
Sri Lanka’s 1978 constitution is much maligned for it was seen as the root cause of the island’s many problems,
social and political. It created an all powerful executive presidency which had no parallels. The Sri Lankan
President has no peers when it comes to the powers he/she enjoys. It is the president’s prerogative to appoint
judges, personnel to head all key institutions. He also has the power to dissolve the parliament by dismissing
governments. No court can institute action against the president.
The move of incumbent Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa seeking to repeal the Article 31 (2) of the
constitution to pave the way for his third-term election sparks controversy in the country. The article stipulates:
“No person who has been twice elected to the office of President by the people shall be qualified thereafter to
be elected to such office by the people.”
The president’s immense powers were reflected in the statement of Junius Jayawardene, the creator of the
system, which said as President of the Republic, the only thing remained beyond him was the capability to
convert a man to a woman and vice versa.
Rajapaksa has achieved what none of his predecessors did – ending the 30 year-old military campaign of the
Tamil Tiger rebels to set up a separate state in the north and east regions. He was elected for his second term
with a resounding 60 percent of the vote. He won the hearts of the majority Sinhalese who for reasons of sheer
nationalism voted for the man whom they claimed liberated them from the clutches of terrorism and unified the
Sinhala nation.
Ranil Wickremesinghe, the main opposition leader claims Rajapaksa had no mandate for a change. He claims
that he did not get enough votes to change it and that what he tried to do now is to use defectors from other
parties to vote for it.
Other people may have different opinions. Common people insist that the move is a good one. Ajith Nandalal,
a fruit seller said that he supported the move to extend the term for the president.
Rajapaksa has become a cult political figure after his military success. His detractors point to the president’s
desire to create a Rajapaksa dynasty.
The Rajapaksas waited in the sidelines as the Senanayake and Bandaranaike dynasties dominated the island’s
politics since winning independence from Britain in 1948 until Jayawardene changed the pattern in 1977.
The popular president’s elder son Namal is already a key figure in the administration and the president’s three
brothers, Chamal(parliamentary speaker), Basil (the powerful economic development minister) and Gotabhaya
(defense secretary and the man credited for plotting the down fall of the Tiger rebels) are all figures of immense
stature.
A senior minister Dallas Alahapperuma said that when Jayawardene became president he was 72 years old.
Realistically there was no way for him to go beyond a second term. That was why there was only a two term
limit.
Rajapaksa was 60 when he was first elected. He will be 72 when he completes his second term in 2016 and by
Jayawardene’s precedent should look good for more terms beyond the two.
Rajapaksa is not the only successor of Jayawardene who took office on the strength of the pledge to abolish
Jayawardene’s monstrous creation. But like Chandrika Kumaratunga before him, he chose to ignore the pledge
once he found himself firmly in the saddle.
The 17th amendment (17A) adopted with cross party support in 2001 was a case in point. The constitutional
council was empowered with the presidential prerogative to make the key appointments in the broader concept
of depoliticizing the key institutions.
Rajapaksa ignored to implement the 17A throughout citing it was undermining his presidential authority.
Purists saw it as the president’s discomfiture to stick to principals of good governance and accountability.
“The government should have implemented the 17A, which would create good governance and improve the
rule of law in the country. Therefore this amendment would have an adverse impact on the country,” Newton
Wickramasuriya, the chairman of the National Chamber of Industries said.
The Minister of Construction Wimal Weerawansa told reporters that the 18th amendment has eliminated room
to topple the government. Weerawansa said the constitutional provisions which sought to weaken the
government have now been laid to rest with the passage of the amendment on September 8.
The government’s defense of the amendment is mainly centered around economic development in the post
conflict phase that the island is currently going through. “It is generally recognized that to accelerate
development a fundamental requirement is a strong executive. That is an absolutely essential condition,” G. L.
Peiris, the minister of External Affairs argued.
The Tamil and the Muslim minority have been generally supportive of the powerful presidency relatively better
than their majority Sinhala counterparts. Minority leaders, particularly the Tamils used the powers to make
demands which the Sinhalese presidents sometimes were obliged to fulfil.
The presidency had at least been able to confer the due status to the Tamil language. Jayawardene in the 1980s
was able to legalize the official language status to Tamil.
The main Tamil party Tamil National Alliance (TNA) still stands to oppose 18A.
“It is very undemocratic and flawed in principle,” Suresh Premachandran, a senior TNA legislator claimed. The
main Muslim party is in support. “We have risen to the occasion,” Rauff Hakem, leader of the Sri Lanka
Muslim Congress said.
The 1978 constitutional process and the 18A both have a thing in common — the lack of time allowed for
public debate to weigh the pros and cons.
US Condemns Sri Lanka Constitutional Amendment
The United States on Saturday condemned Sri Lanka’s passage of a constitutional amendment granting the
president new powers, saying it undermined democracy.
U.S. State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley called on Mr. Rajapaksa’s government to take steps to
strengthen independent institutions, increase transparency and promote national reconciliation.
The government argued the constitutional change was justified to give Mr. Rajapaksa time to build Sri Lanka’s
economy after a long civil war with Tamil Tiger separatists.
Opposition and rights groups criticized the measure as a blow to democracy and a step toward dictatorship by
Mr. Rajapaksa. Critics also accuse him of stifling dissent, jailing opponents and disregarding the rule of law as
he holds an office with almost unchecked control of the government.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

The Narmada Dam – Issues and Controversies

Thursday, September 23rd, 2010
Lakshmi Narasimhan
India’s most controversial dam project, the Narmada project, was first envisaged in 1940s by the country’s first
prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. The dam was part of a vision of development articulated by Mr Nehru. The
Narmada Dam Project is a large hydraulic engineering project involving the construction of a series of large
irrigation and hydroelectric multi-purpose dams on the Narmada River in India. But several legal and logistical
arguments between various Indian states delayed the announcement of the project until 1979. The multi-million
dollar project involves the construction of some 3,200 small, medium and large dams on the Narmada river.
The Narmada originates in the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh and empties into the Arabian sea after
flowing through Maharashtra and Gujarat states. Of the thirty large dams planned on river Narmada, Sardar
Sarovar Project (SSP) is the largest structure to be built. It has a proposed final height of 136.5 m (448 ft). The
project will irrigate more than 18,000 km2 (6,900 sq mi), most of it in drought prone areas of Kutch and
Saurashtra. Critics maintain that its negative environmental impacts outweigh its benefits. It has created discord
between its government planners and the citizens group Narmada Bachao Andolan.
Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA)
Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) is a non-governmental organisation (NGO) that mobilised tribal people,
adivasis, farmers, environmentalists and human rights activists against the Sardar Sarovar Dam being built
across the Narmada River, Gujarat, India.
Their mode of campaign includes hunger strikes and garnering support from noted film and art personalities
(notably Bollywood film actor Aamir Khan). Narmada Bachao Andolan, together with its leading
spokespersons Medha Patkar and Baba Amte, were the 1991 recipient of the Right Livelihood Award.
Controversy
The controversy over large dams on the River Narmada has come to symbolise the struggle for a just and
equitable society in India. Shortly put, the Government’s plan is to build 30 large, 135 medium and 3000 small
dams to harness the waters of the Narmada and its tributaries. The proponents of the dam claim that this plan
would provide large amounts of water and electricity which are desperately required for the purposes of
development.
The Narmada Bachao Andolan (Save the Narmada Movement), which is spearheading the protest, says the
project will displace more than 200,000 people apart from damaging the fragile ecology of the region. NBA
activists say the dams will submerge forest farmland, disrupt downstream fisheries and possibly inundate and
salinate land along the canals, increasing the prospect of insect-borne diseases.
Some scientists have added to the debate saying the construction of large dams could cause earthquakes. They
say that in a country as disorganised as India, it is likely that the necessary maintenance of these dams may
suffer.
But those in favour of the project say that the project will supply water to 30m people and irrigate crops to feed
another 20m people. In what was seen as a major victory for the anti-dam activists, the World Bank withdrew
from the Narmada project in 1993.
Several other international financial institutions also pulled out citing human and environmental concerns. The
construction of Sardar Sarovar dam itself was stopped soon afterwards.
Go ahead
However, in October 2000, the Indian Supreme Court gave a go-ahead for the construction of the dam. The
court ruled that the height of the dam could be raised to 121.92 metres and no higher, until cleared by an
environmental authority appointed to undertake the task. This is far below the proposed height of 130 metres,
but higher than the 88 metres that the anti-dam activists want.
Opponents of the dam question the basic assumptions of the Narmada Valley Development Plan and believe
that its planning is unjust and inequitous and the cost-benefit analysis is grossly inflated in favour of building
the dams. They claim that the plans rest on untrue and unfounded assumptions of hydrology and seismicity of
the area and the construction is causing large scale abuse of human rights and displacement of many poor and
underprivileged communities. They also believe that water and energy can be provided to the people of the
Narmada Valley, Gujarat and other regions through alternative technologies and planning processes which can
be socially just and economically and environmentally sustainable. They claim that large numbers of poor and
underprivileged communities (mostly tribals and dalits) are being dispossessed of their livelihood and even
their ways of living to make way for dams being built
Large dams imply large budgets for related projects leading to large profits for a small group of people. A mass
of research shows that even on purely technical grounds, large dams have been colossal failures. While they
have delivered only a fraction of their purported benefits, they have had an extremely devastating effect on the
riverine ecosystem and have rendered destitute large numbers of people (whose entire sustenance and modes of
living are centered around the river). For no large dam in India has it been shown that the resettled people have
been provided with just compensation and rehabilitation.
Critics say that Sardar Sarovar takes up over 80% of Gujarat’s irrigation budget but has only 1.6% of cultivable
land in Kutch, 9% of cultivable land in Saurashtra and 20% cultivable land in North Gujarat in its command
area. Moreover, these areas are at the tail-end of the command and would get water only after all the area along
the canal path get their share of the water, and that too after 2020 AD. In summary, they fear that all available
indicators suggest that these needy areas are never going to benefit from the Sardar Sarovar Project.
So as the anti-dam activists ponder their next move, the government has started again with construction of the
Sardar Sarovar dam.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Armed Forces Special Powers and the present turmoil in Jammu and Kashmir
Sunday, September 19th, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
Reasons for the present unrest in Jammu and Kashmir
The immediate trigger for the current phase of protests was the death of 17-year-old Tufail Mattoo, who was
killed by a tear gas canister which struck his head during a protest in Srinagar in June, 2010 against the Machhil
fake encounter of April 30, 2010. Many observers have blamed his death — and the deaths of other young men
since then — on the security forces lacking the training and means for non-lethal crowd control. Tear gas,
rubber bullets and water cannon are used all over the world in situations where protests turn violent but in
India, live ammunition seems to be the first and only line of defence. Even tear gas canisters are so poorly
designed here that they lead to fatalities.
Whatever the immediate cause, however, it is also safe to say that young Tufail died as a direct result of
Machhil. Though the Army has arrested the soldiers responsible for the fake encounter, the only reason they
had the nerve to commit such a heinous crime was because they were confident they would get away with it.
And at the root of that confidence is Pathribal, the notorious fake encounter of 2000. The army officers
involved in the kidnapping and murder of five Kashmiri civilians there continue to be at liberty despite being
charge-sheeted by the CBI. The Ministry of Defence has refused to grant sanction for their prosecution and has
taken the matter all the way to the Supreme Court in an effort to ensure its men do not face trial. What was the
message that went out as a result?
Had the Centre made an example of the rotten apples that have spoiled the reputation of the Army instead of
protecting them all these years, the Machhil encounter might never have happened? Tufail would not be dead
and angry mobs would not be attacking police stations and government buildings. Impunity for the few Army
personnel has directly endangered the lives of all policemen and paramilitary personnel stationed in Kashmir.
There is a lesson in this, surely, for those who say punishing the guilty will lower the morale of the security
forces.
Criticism against AFSPA
Whatever is its logic, it is certain that the Armed Forces Special Protection Act (AFSPA) has long been
regarded a heavy-handed law, one that allows the Army overweening powers and special immunity in areas that
are deemed “disturbed”. Primarily intended for the Northeast when it was crafted in 1958, it was extended to
Jammu and Kashmir in 1990. In both cases, the Law has been central to the region’s resentments.
Though it has long been contested as disproportionate and “draconian”, the Armed Forces and Defence
Ministry have long objected to its withdrawal saying that the forces need that special cover to maintain control
in volatile areas, and that taking it away could have serious security implications. On the other hand, there is
unanimity in Kashmir that AFSPA should be relooked, given the new normal in the state, it’s clear investment
in the electoral process and then waning of violence, and there were signs that this would be heeded, even
through this new cycle of conflict in the Valley. The debate over the act continues but now, there is indication
that AFSPA may be relaxed in six districts in Jammu and Kashmir — Srinagar, Ganderbal and Budgam,
Jammu, Samba and Kathua (conveniently, NC and Congress bastions). This is not just a huge symbolic move, it
will also compel Security forces to reorient their actions in the interiors of the State and make a visible
difference in daily life.
However, now it all hinges on Chief Minister Omar Abdullah. He has received a tremendous boost, having
demonstrated the Centre’s backing on a core demand — the question is whether he can channel this newfound
political capital into keeping these regions secure. Imphal witnessed a round of extortions and separatist
trouble, after AFSPA was withdrawn, and the Chief Minister looks hapless. Omar must be careful not to
become another Ibobi, and end up proving the necessity of a harsh Act that no one really wants.
Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA)
The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) is supposed one of the most draconian pieces of legislation
passed by Parliament. Under the Act, all security forces are given unbridled powers to carry out their operations
once an area is declared ‘disturbed‘. Even a non-commissioned officer can shoot to kill based on the mere
suspicion that it is necessary to do so to “maintain public order”.
The people of Jammu & Kashmir have been agitating for the past three months for withdrawal of the Act. Chief
Minister of Jammu Omar, too, has stressed that AFSPA should be withdrawn from areas where it has not been
used at all.
The Indian Defence Minister, Thiru Antony, however, is believed to have told the chief minister that the army
has reservations against any amendment to or partial withdrawal of the AFSPA from the State.
The Act was imposed on Jammu & Kashmir at the height of the separatist terrorist movement. Now, as most
places in the State have reported a drop in terrorist violence, the people are demanding its withdrawal. But
others believe the State is still ’sensitive’ and withdrawing the Act will handicap the Army.
Passing of the Act
The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) was passed on 11 September 1958 by the Parliament of
India. It conferred special powers upon armed forces in what the language of the act calls “disturbed areas” in
the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura.
The Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990 was an Act to enable certain special
powers to be conferred upon members of the Armed Forces in the disturbed areas in the State of Jammu and
Kashmir. “Armed forces” means the Military forces and the Air forces operating as land forces and includes
any other Armed forces of the Union so operating.
Special powers of the Armed Forces
Section 4:
This section sets out the powers granted to the military stationed in a disturbed area. These powers are granted
to the commissioned officer, warrant officer, or non-commissioned officer, only a jawan (private) does not have
these powers. The Section allows the armed forces personnel to use force for a variety of reasons.
Any commissioned officer, warrant officer, non-commissioned officer or any other person of equivalent rank in
the armed forces may, in a disturbed area,-
(a} if he is of opinion that it is necessary so to do for the maintenance of public order, after giving such due
warning as he may consider necessary, fire upon or otherwise use force, even to the causing of death, against
any person who is acting in contravention of any law or order for the time being in force in the disturbed area
prohibiting the assembly of five or more persons or the carrying of weapons or of things capable of being used
as weapons or of firearms, ammunition or explosive substances;
This means the army can shoot to kill, under the powers of section 4:-
(a), for the commission or suspicion of the commission of the following offenses: acting in contravention of
any law or order for the time being in force in the disturbed area prohibiting the assembly of five or more
persons, carrying weapons, or carrying anything which is capable of being used as a fire-arm or ammunition.
To justify the invocation of this provision, the officer must be “of the opinion that it is necessary to do so for
the maintenance of public order” and should give “such due warning as he may consider necessary”.
(b) if he is of opinion that it is necessary so to do, destroy any arms dump, prepared or fortified position or
shelter from which armed attacks are made or are likely to be made or are attempted to be made, or any
structure used as training camp for armed volunteers or utilized as a hide-out by armed gangs or absconders
wanted for any offence;
This means the army can destroy property under section 4(b) if it is an arms dump, a fortified position or shelter
from where armed attacks are made or are suspected of being made, if the structure is used as a training camp
or as a hide-out by armed gangs or absconders.
(c) arrest, without warrant, any persons who has committed a cognizable offence or against whom a reasonable
suspicion exists that he has committed or is about to commit a cognizable offence and may use such force as
may be necessary to effect the arrest;
This means the Army can arrest anyone without a warrant under section 4(c) who has committed, is suspected
of having committed or of being about to commit, a cognizable offence and use any amount of force “necessary
to effect the arrest”.
(d) enter and search, without warrant, any premises to make any such arrest as aforesaid or to recover any
person believed to be wrongful restrained or confined or any property reasonably suspected to be stolen
property or any arms, ammunition or explosive substances believed to be unlawful kept in such premises, and
may for that purpose use such force as may be necessary, and seize any such property, arms, ammunition or
explosive substances;
Under section 4(d), the army can enter and search without a warrant to make an arrest or to recover any
property, arms, ammunition or explosives which are believed to be unlawfully kept on the premises. This
section also allows the use of force necessary for the search.
(e) stop, search and seize any vehicle or vessel reasonably suspected to be carrying any person who is a
proclaimed offender, or any persons who has committed a non-cognizable offence, or against whom a
reasonable suspicion exists that he has committed or is about to commit a non-cognizable offence, or any
person who is carrying any arms, ammunition or explosive substance believed to be unlawfully held by him,
and may, for that purpose, use such force as may be necessary to effect such stoppage, search or seizure, as the
case may be.
Search and Seizure
Every person making a search under this Act shall have the power to break open the lock of any door, almirah,
safe, box, cupboard, drawer, package or other thing, if the key thereof is withheld. Any person arrested and
taken into custody under this Act and every property, arms, ammunition or explosive substance or any vehicle
or vessel seized under this Act, shall be made over to the officer-in-charge of the nearest police station with the
least possible delay, together with a report of the circumstances occasioning the arrest, or as the case may be,
occasioning the seizure of such property, arms, ammunition or explosive substance or any vehicle or vessel, as
the case may be.
Protection of persons acting in good faith under this Act
No prosecution, suit or other legal proceeding shall be instituted, except with the previous sanction of the
Central Government, against any person in respect of anything done or purported to be done in exercise of the
powers conferred by this Act.
Section 5: This section states that after the military has arrested someone under the AFSPA, they must hand
that person over to the nearest police station with the “least possible delay”. There is no definition in the act of
what constitutes the least possible delay. Some case-law has established that 4 to 5 days is too long. But since
this provision has been interpreted as depending on the specifics circumstances of each case, there is no precise
amount of time after which the section is violated.
Section 6: This section establishes that no legal proceeding can be brought against any member of the armed
forces acting under the AFSPA, without the permission of the Central Government.
Though human rights advocates term these provisions as draconian, one must consider the armed forces point
of view as they have to actually operate on ground against trained and armed insurgents without any concern or
protection of their own human rights. If we want our armed forces to operate effectively against armed
insurgents, we as a nation are obliged to provide them with necessary wherewithals and constitutional support.
This is exactly what has been catered through AFSPA by our national parliament.
Immunity of the Security Forces
The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958, which grants soldiers far-reaching powers to arrest and kill, has
impunity scripted into it. In line with Section 197 of the Criminal Procedure Code, Section 6 of AFSPA
prohibits the prosecution of a soldier accused of misusing its provisions unless the central government grants
sanction.
In Kashmir, the Army brass has used this section to protect its men from going to trial even in incidents where
they stand accused of heinous crimes such as the abduction and murder of unarmed civilians. In States like
Manipur, so powerless have the civilian authorities become in the face of the Army presence that no one is even
willing to take cognizance of serious crimes allegedly committed by soldiers.
In 2004, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh promised the people of Manipur that he would seriously consider
replacing AFSPA with a more humane law. He appointed a committee headed by Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy to
examine the functioning of the law; and the committee, noting the way in which the law was being abused,
suggested its replacement by an amended version of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. In the face of the
Defence Ministry’s objections, however, the report was quietly shelved.
Now, in the wake of the resurgence of mass protest in the Kashmir valley, the central government has once
again started making promises about amending AFSPA. The time to make these changes is now. Section 4
should be amended to explicitly incorporate the principles of necessity and proportionality and
Section 6 must be changed to allow for the prosecution of illegal acts in all cases except where the government
is able to convince the courts otherwise. Expedient steps like taking some districts out of the ambit of “declared
areas” just won’t do, it is felt.
13th September 2010
Cabinet Committee on Security is set to decide on the J&K government’s demand for partial withdrawal of
the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. Indications suggest that the political leadership is coming around to
accept J&K Chief Minister Omar Abdullah’s demand for partial lifting of AFSPA, the Armed Forces are stating
that the State government is trying to pass the buck to the Army to conceal its own failure. The Army’s
argument already has support within the CCS with Defence minister A K Antony refusing to give in to
persuasion by Home minister P Chidambaram who has been spearheading the move to withdraw or amend the
law which the Army believes to be crucial for its operations in the troubled State. The Army has a sympathiser
also in Finance minister Pranab Mukherjee.
Army’s reservations have been conveyed to the Prime Minister by its Chief, General V K Singh, himself.
Significantly, General Singh had earlier publicly complained about the political leadership frittering away the
gains the armed forces have made in the fight against terror at a huge cost.
The key question before the CCS headed by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh would be whether to or not to
withdraw the AFSPA from certain parts of the strife-torn Valley. It is a proposal backed by Jammu and
Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah as a confidence building measure after months of unrelenting protests
in the Valley.
Do you think the time has come to withdraw the Armed Forces Special Powers Act from Jammu & Kashmir?
Or will such an action lead to greater problems in the State?
September 2010
BJP holds dharnas in J&K to protest against autonomy
Pradesh BJP staged dharnas in 41 assembly constituencies of the State to protest against the demand for
granting autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir terming it as a “dead issue”, as per a Jammu report.
BJP State President Shamsher Singh Manhas, along with party MLA Jugal Kishore Sharma, led protest dharna
at Nagrota, which was attended by over 600 party activists from different parts of the constituency.
Speaking on the occasion Manhas said except for a handful of NC leaders, including its chief Farooq Abdullah
and Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, no one from any of the State’s three regions has uttered even a single word
in favour of autonomy during all these years of Independence.
Since the NC-Congress combine has failed to come up to the expectations of the people and maintain law and
order in the State, the NC leaders are now trying to divert the attention of people from the real problems
confronting the State by talking about dead issues like autonomy, he alleged.
The BJP on 15th September 2010 put up a staunch opposition to any move to tinker with the Armed Forces
Special Powers Act (AFSPA) and grant of autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir. However, the party’s stance
regarding the AFSPA drew support only from ally Shiv Sena and the Samajwadi Party. The party blamed
Pakistan for violence in the Valley and sought a say for the Jammu and Ladakh regions while taking any
decision to defuse the ongoing crisis.
Reflecting the seriousness with which the BJP takes the Kashmir issue, its top four leaders, L K Advani, Nitin
Gadkari, Sushma Swaraj and Arun Jaitley, attended the all-party meet. Having already made its stand clear,
Gadkari minced no words in arguing that the BJP would oppose any move to partially withdraw or dilute the
AFSPA. The party leaders also asked the government not to concede to demands for autonomy.
Sources said the BJP leaders argued that security forces including the Army have done an exemplary job in
dealing with separatists and fighting terrorists. They contended that no decision should be taken under pressure
which would demoralise the Forces.
Pak trying to exploit unrest in Kashmir: Army Chief
Pakistan is trying to take advantage of the unrest in Kashmir as indicated by a few infiltration attempts across
the border, Army Chief General VK Singh said on 19.09.2010.
“There have been more attempts at infiltration into Jammu and Kashmir in the last two months. There could be
some links (between the attempts and the situation in the border State). Pakistan is trying to exploit the
situation,” said Gen Singh, who was in Chennai to review the passing out parade at the Officers’ Training
Academy (OTA).
The army chief’s comments came a day after India asked Pakistan to take effective action against infiltration
from across the Line of Control (LoC) and dismantle terror infrastructure as it is people of Jammu and Kashmir
who suffer its consequences.
On the demand for dilution of Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) and its partial withdrawal from
Kashmir, Gen Singh said as the Supreme Court observed, the provisions of AFSPA are neither arbitrary nor in
violation of the Constitution of India. “We have told the Ministry of Defence whatever the army has to say and
the matter is under the Government’s consideration,” he said.
Congress top body discusses Kashmir
The Congress Core Group on 17.09.2010 met at Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s residence in New Delhi to
discuss the present unrest in Jammu and Kashmir. The meeting is learnt to have discussed the current unrest in
the Valley that has claimed nearly 70 lives since mid-June, 2010.
Ways to restore peace and normalcy in the Valley was reportedly explored during the meet.
The government has been trying hard to bring the situation under control as stone-pelting mobs continued to
clash with security personnel routinely. There has been relative calm in the Valley since the past two days due
to Eid celebrations on Saturday.
Singh and Congress chief Sonia Gandhi were present at the meeting, as were Finance minister Pranab
Mukherjee, Home minister P Chidambaram and party’s president’s political secretary Ahmed Patel. Prithviraj
Chavan, AICC in-charge of Jammu and Kashmir, and senior party leaders from the state Ghulam Nabi Azad
and Saifuddin Soz also attended the meeting.
I am a fighter and will overcome this crisis – Omar Abdullah
On the eve of the all-party delegation’s visit to Kashmir, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah on 19.09.2010 ruled
out his resignation and hoped the controversial AFSPA would be removed from the entire State for which
people should create conducive atmosphere of peace.
Removal of the AFSPA would be the first confidence building measure for the people of Kashmir by the Centre
to demonstrate its sincerity and it could build on it to take further steps in future to resolve the problem, he said.
“I am not the one who shows his back when problems are there. I am a fighter and will overcome this crisis for
the people who have voted me to power. Insha Allah we will overcome this soon,” he told in an interview.
J & K unrest: Death toll crosses 104 in 100 days – 19.09.2010
Death continues to be the only constant in the Kashmir Valley with the toll mounting to 104 over the last 100
days.
Home Minister to lead team, invite goes to Hurriyat as well
Home Minister P Chidambaram and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Pawan Kumar Bansal will be part of the
all-party delegation that will visit Jammu & Kashmir to assess the ground situation and gather views for inputs
to the Centre on tackling the unrest in the Valley. The delegation is expected to commence its two-day visit
from 20.09.2010.
While there will be an “open invitation” to all stakeholders to meet the delegation, official sources said that
written invitations would be sent to over 30 leaders, including separatist leaders like Syed Ali Shah Geelani and
Mirwaiz Umer Farooq.
Sources said Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee could also join the delegation, but it has not been finalised
yet. All political parties have been asked to nominate one representative to the delegation.
Earlier, Congress president Sonia Gandhi held deliberations with senior party leaders on the modalities of the
visit. Those present included Mukherjee, Chidambaram, A K Antony, Ghulam Nabi Azad, Prithviraj Chavan
and PCC chief Saifuddin Soz.
All Party Delegation visit Jammu and Kashmir – 21.09.2010
With a thick security blanket in place to enforce curfew, a 39-member all-party delegation on 20.09.2010 began
the task of assessing the situation in Kashmir by meeting representatives of political parties in Jammu and
Kashmir.
Some of the delegates called on separatist leaders, including hardliner Syed Ali Geelani, and moderates like
Mirwaiz Umar Farooq and Mohammad Yasin Malik.
The Mirwaiz, in a memorandum to the delegation, said: “Let the Government of India act on the suggestions
given by the Kashmiris and facilitate to establish and empower an official body, a Kashmir Committee,
consisting of senior representatives of all major Indian political parties to develop and enter into a process of
engagement with the representatives of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Let this process be transparently
designed to deliver a negotiated solution to the Kashmir issue that is mutually worked towards by and
acceptable to all parties concerned.”
The delegation, headed by Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram, arrived Sri Nagar early in the morning and
drove to the S.K. International Conference Centre (SKICC). Setting the tone for three-day deliberations, which
will conclude in Jammu on 22.09.2010, Mr. Chidambaram told the visiting delegations that they were in
Jammu and Kashmir to listen to their views and give them a patient hearing and reach out to the State people.
In a closed door session, leaders of the National Conference (NC), the Congress, the People’s Democratic Party
(PDP), the Bharatiya Janata Party, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and other smaller groups put forth
their views on putting an end to the cycle of violence.
However, informed sources said most of the participants largely spoke about the resolution of the Kashmir
issue and reaching out to the victims of excesses in the past three months.
State Finance Minister Abdur Rahim Rather, who headed the NC delegation, said: “We stressed on the
restoration of autonomy as permanent solution to the Kashmir problem and also demanded that the Armed
Forces (Special Powers) Act be withdrawn and a dialogue process initiated. We did not expect immediate
results.” He said the NC would not reconsider its alliance with the Congress.
Pradesh Congress Committee chief Saifuddin Soz led the party delegation. “We stressed upon the unity of the
State, which cannot be compromised at all. We also asked the all-party delegation to reach out to civil society
in order to get the real feel of the situation,” he said.
The PDP delegation was led by its general secretary, Mohammad Dillawar Mir. Its senior leader and MLA,
Nizamuddin Bhat, said the party was shocked as they could not get adequate time to express their ideas. “We
only got 15 minutes and that was not enough.”
The PDP was even thinking of not meeting the all-party delegation as the government had “declared war on its
own people by imposing 72-hour long curfew,” but “since we were part of a decision taken about it in Delhi,
we were morally bound to come here.”
CPI(M) State secretary Y. Tarigami told the delegates: “The current crisis is the manifestation of aggregation of
failed political approaches to resolve the basic problem. There has been failure to develop and evolve a
sustainable, result-oriented dialogue process, debates and discussions aimed at resolving the main problem
rather than dealing with its offshoots.”
Mr. Tarigami reminded Mr. Chidambaram of his various statements, including the one in which the latter
termed Kashmir a “unique problem, which requires a unique solution.” He told the Minister that his statement
needed to be implemented in letter and in spirit. “This approach needs to be carried forward and strengthened.”
“Cutting across the party lines and their respective positions vis-à-vis the Kashmir problem, Parliament is
expected to address the Kashmir issue with the utmost seriousness. There could be difference of opinion, but
that does not denote that Kashmir can be made a battleground for the conflicting political ideology at the cost of
Kashmiris’ genuine political aspirations,” he added.
Centre unveils 8 point formula for Kashmir – 26.09.2010
The Centre will appoint a group of interlocutors, under the chairmanship of an eminent person, to begin the
process of sustained dialogue in Jammu and Kashmir with political parties, groups, students, civil society and
other stakeholders.
The decision to begin the process of sustained dialogue was part of an eight-point initiative taken at a meeting
of the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) in New Delhi on 25.10.2010. The meeting was chaired by Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh.
Briefing journalists on the slew of measures finalised, Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram said the
decisions were based on the report submitted by him to the Prime Minister and the inputs of the all-party
delegation that had visited Srinagar and Jammu on September 20 and 21.10.2010. Mr. Chidambaram had led
the 39-member all-party delegation to the State.
In a step aimed at reaching out to the people of the State, the Centre would advise the Jammu and Kashmir
government to release all students detained for stone-pelting and similar violations of law, and to withdraw all
charges.
Mr. Chidambaram said the Centre would request the State government to immediately convene a meeting of the
Unified Command to review deployment of security forces in the Kashmir Valley, especially in Srinagar, with
particular reference to descaling those at bunkers and checkpoints in the city and other towns. He said the
Unified Command would review notifications issued for disturbed areas.
Replying to a question, he said that withdrawal or dilution of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA)
was not discussed.
He said the government would grant an ex gratia of Rs. five lakh to the family of each of those killed in civil
disturbances in Kashmir since June 11, 2010. He said the Centre would also advise the State government to
review cases of all Public Safety Act (PSA) detenus and withdraw detention orders in appropriate cases.
Replying to a question, the Home Minister said there were 84 persons under judicial custody, 110 under police
custody and 51 had been detained under the Public Safety Act since civil disturbances began in the Kashmir
Valley in June. He said that 108 persons had lost their lives in civil disturbances.
The Centre would request the State government to take steps to immediately reopen all schools, colleges, and
universities, hold special classes and ensure that examinations are conducted on schedule for the current
academic year.
Mixed reactions from mainstream and separatist political parties – 26.09.2010
Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram’s announcement of an eight-point formula to defuse the crisis in
Kashmir has evoked mixed reaction from mainstream and separatist political parties.
Chief Minister Omar Abdullah welcomed the Centre’s decision to move towards finding a solution to the
Kashmir problem. Four points concerned the State government and of that “we have already decided on one
regarding opening of schools on 27.10.2010.” He said his government would take gradual steps to de-escalate
the tension in the area.
“The Unified Headquarters will review areas under the Disturbed Areas Act but don’t expect results after the
first meet, it will take time. We need to discuss how to reduce security forces’ footprint,” Mr. Abdullah said.
Opposition People’s Democratic Party’s senior leader Nizamuddin Bhat was cautious in responding to the
announcement. “To address the current situation in Kashmir is a complex issue. We will have a look at the
announcement and will discuss it within ourselves before making a response but one thing is clear that the
thrust is to be given to minimising the trust deficit,” he said.
Senior NC leader and Law Minister Ali Muhammad Sagar said it was a good initiative especially the one on
appointing interlocutors. “We hope that these interlocutors would meet separatist leadership and take forward
the dialogue process for the peaceful resolution of Kashmir issue. Other announcements are also positive in
nature,” he said.
Pradesh Congress Committee chief Saifuddin Soz too welcomed the appointment of interlocutors, saying it was
a good beginning. “I have heard about the release of all students, reviewing the laws, and a package to the
families who have lost their dear ones. This all has relieved me,” Professor Soz told.
Describing the eight-point package as mere ‘eye wash,’ Chairman of hard-line Hurriyat Syed Ali Shah Geelani
said India was buying time. “None of our demands has been discussed.” “This is mere time-buying tactics
adopted by India. We will not bow down to the economic packages by the New Delhi. Our youth did not
sacrifice their lives for the economic packages,” said Mr. Geelani. He said the protests would continue “till
India accepts Kashmir as an international dispute and other four conditions laid down by our party.”
On removing bunkers from Srinagar city, Mr. Geelani said this is was just a cosmetic measure which won’t
help. “We want complete demilitarisation of Jammu and Kashmir and not cosmetic measures.”
Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front chairman Yasin Malik said, “Our working committee will meet and
discuss it threadbare and comment.”
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

MBBS Doctors must clear ‘Exit Test’ to commence Practice

Saturday, September 18th, 2010
Nambi Arooran
Those intending to become doctors and treat patients may soon have to clear a common exit test after getting
the MBBS degree from medical colleges.
The regulating body, Medical Council of India (MCI), has given a statutory recommendation for a mandatory
exit test, which is under active consideration of the health ministry, the Supreme Court was informed on
17.08.2010.
Considering the sensitive nature of the profession — dealing with life and death — and keeping in mind
varying standards of education in medical colleges, MCI has proposed a common exit examination for MBBS
pass-outs intending to become doctors and treat patients, Solicitor General Gopal Subramaniam told a Bench of
Justices R V Raveendran and H L Gokhale.
This recommendation of the MCI was to standardise the skills of doctors, said the regulatory body’s counsel
senior advocate Amarendra Saran supplementing the arguments of the health ministry advanced through the
SG.
This is in line with the decision of the Bar Council of India (BCI) making it mandatory for law graduates to
clear a test to be able to practice in courts.
Importantly, both Subramaniam and MCI counsel, senior advocate Amarendra Saran, informed the Bench that
very soon a notification would be issued to put in place a single window admission test for filling post-
graduate course seats in all private and government medical colleges from the next academic session
(2011-12).
The Centre on Friday informed the Supreme Court that it supported the Medical Council of India’s proposal to
have a common entrance test (CET) for admission to post graduate medical courses and that it wanted to notify
it within a week.
This would ease the tension and trouble of thousands of students competing for few PG seats, for which they
have to travel to different places to appear in entrance examinations for PG courses of different colleges.
Clashing of the dates of examination used to add to the woes of the students. But, these will be a thing of past
from next year, thanks to the common entrance test for PG seats in all private and government medical
colleges.
However, the joint attempt of MCI and the government to push through the common admission test for MBBS
courses in private and government medical colleges did not get the stamp of approval from the apex court,
which said it could not do so without getting the responses from the state governments.
The reluctance of the Supreme Court stemmed from the fact that Tamil Nadu, which has a special law for the
purpose which has already received President’s assent, had strongly objected to the common admission test for
MBBS across the country.
The Bench said: “We do not know which all states will object to this and how the students, a volatile
community, would react to this proposal. So, let the Centre put before us the proposal and we will seek the
response of the state governments.”
The Solicitor General agreed and said though the health ministry was carrying out the task of achieving a
consensus among the states for a single window admission test for MBBS courses in all medical colleges, it
would be easier and expeditious if the apex court helped through the judicial process to achieve the goal that
would benefit the entire community of students aspiring to be doctors.
Giving the Centre a week to place the proposal before it for issuance of notices to the state governments to
elicit their response, the Bench said: “The courts have already contributed to a lot of problems and we do not
want to contribute to this by giving a go-bye to the settled procedure.”
Senior counsel Amrender Saran, appearing for the Medical Council of India, said new rules and regulations for
the CET had been put in place and they had been approved by the government. There would be centralised
counselling after the CET and at the end of the course there would an exit test for doctors. The Bench directed
the matter to be listed after a week.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

57th National Film Awards for 2009 announced

Thursday, September 16th, 2010
The National Film Awards is the most prominent film award ceremony in India. Established in 1954, it is
administrated by the Indian government’s Directorate of Film Festivals since 1973.
Every year, a national panel appointed by the government selects the winning entry, and the award ceremony is
held in New Delhi, where the President of India gives away the awards. This is followed by the inauguration of
the National Film Festival, where the award-winning films are screened for the public. Declared for films
produced in the previous year across the country, they hold the distinction of awarding merit to the best of
Indian cinema overall, as well as presenting awards for the best films in each region and language of the
country. Due to the national scale of the National Film Awards, it is considered to be the equivalent of the
American Academy Awards.
The 57th National Film Awards will be presented to the best of Indian cinema released during the year 2009.
The 57th National Film Awards 2009 was announced on 15th September, 2010. The 57th National Film
Awards is presented to the best of Indian Cinema released during the year 2009.
Eminent director Rituparno Ghosh was declared Best Director for Bengali film Abohomaan. The movie ‘Delhi
6? claimed the award for national integrity while Aamir Khan’s blockbuster ’3 Idiots’ won the national award
in the most popular category. Malayalam film ‘Kutty Srank’ was declared Best Film while Well Done Abba
clinched the award for Best film on social issues.
The awards has also been announced to the following:
Best Actor award Amitabh Bachchan adjudged as Best Actor for ‘Paa’
Best Actress award went in favour of Ananya Chatterjee for her role in Abohomaan.
Best Camerawork: Anjali Shukla.
Best Sound Engineer: Oscar winner Resul Pookutty
Best Supporting role (Male): Farooq Sheikh for the film Lahore
Best Supporting role (Female): Arundhati Naag for the film Paa
Best Playback singer (Male): Rupam Islam
Best Playback singer (Female): Niranjana Sarkar (Housefull)
Best Music: Dev D
Best lyrics: Swananad Kirkirey for the film 3 Idiots
Best Music Director: Amit Trivedi for the film Dev D
Best Child Film: Ottani Pati and Kesu
Best Child actor: Jiva and Anba Karasu
Best Music score: Illyaraza for Pazhassi Raja
Best Choreography: K Shivashankar for film Magadhira
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

United Nation’s single new agency ‘UN Women’ announced – 15.09.10

Wednesday, September 15th, 2010
Ambujam Ramanujam
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon Tuesday announced a new agency – UN Women – headed by former
Chilean president Michelle Bachelet, to oversee all programmes aimed at promoting equality for women.
‘Ms. Bachelet brings to this critical position a history of dynamic global leadership, highly honed political skills
and uncommon ability to create consensus and focus among UN agencies and many partners in both the public
and private sector,’ Ban said at the UN headquarters in New York.
‘I’m confident that under her strong leadership, we can improve the lives of millions of women and girls
throughout the world,’ Ban said of Chile’s first female head of state.
He said the creation of UN Women is the fruit of four years of effort to achieve one of his priorities as
secretary-general.
The process to select the head of UN Women began shortly after the General Assembly approved the plan for
the new agency in July 2009 and a 26-member selection committee proposed three candidates.
Ban chose Bachelet, who the committee unanimously endorsed, he said.
UN Women
UN Women, by amalgamating four United Nations agencies and offices, is to create a new single entity within
the Organization to promote the rights and well-being of women worldwide and to work towards gender
equality. It is set to become operational in January 2011 and will merge the UN Development Fund for Women,
the Division for the Advancement of Women, the Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues, and the UN
International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women.
The agency’s status will be comparable to that of Unicef and Bachelet will hold the rank of deputy secretary-
general.
The General Assembly adopted a resolution on 14.09.2010 on improving system-wide coherence within the
UN, and the text spells out the support of Member States for a new consolidated body – to be headed by an
under-secretary-general – to deal with issues concerning women.
The resolution means the UN Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), the Division for the Advancement of
Women, the Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and the UN International Research and Training
Institute for the Advancement of Women (UN-INSTRAW) will be merged.
In a statement issued today by his spokesperson, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said he was “particularly
gratified” that the Assembly had accepted his proposal for “a more robust promotion” of women’s rights under
the new entity.
“An important step has been made in strengthening the United Nations’ work in the area of gender equality and
empowerment of women, as well as in ensuring the effective delivery of its operational activities for
development, which constitutes the other key components of the resolution,” the statement noted.
Mr. Ban said in the statement that he had appointed more women to senior posts than at any other time in the
history of the UN, including nine women to the rank of under-secretary-general. The number of women in
senior posts has increased by 40 per cent under his tenure.
The Assembly’s resolution tasks Mr. Ban with providing Member States with a comprehensive proposal
outlining the mission statement, structure, funding and oversight of the new entity so that it can be created as
soon as possible.
The resolution also calls for greater measures to harmonize business practices within the UN development
system, ways to improve the funding system for such activities, and other steps to streamline practices within
the world body.
After the resolution, UNIFEM – which currently operates in autonomous association with the UN Development
Programme (UNDP) – issued a statement welcoming “the unanimous strong support” among Member States,
which follow three years of extensive consultations on the structure and operational details of the new body.
“UNIFEM trusts that deliberations can resume soon ensuring an informed and swift establishment of the
composite entity,” the statement said.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Kinds of Storms and five Most Destructive Storms

Wednesday, September 15th, 2010
Kinds of Storms and five Most Destructive Storms
Thomas George
A storm (from Proto-Germanic *sturmaz “noise, tumult”) is any disturbed state of an astronomical body’s
atmosphere, especially affecting its surface, and strongly implying severe weather. It may be marked by strong
wind, thunder and lightning (a thunderstorm), heavy precipitation, such as ice (ice storm), or wind transporting
some substance through the atmosphere (as in a dust storm, snowstorm, hailstorm, etc).
Storms are created when a center of low pressure develops, with a system of high pressure surrounding it. This
combination of opposing forces can create winds and result in the formation of storm clouds, such as the
cumulonimbus. Small, localized areas of low pressure can form from hot air rising off hot ground, resulting in
smaller disturbances such as dust devils and whirlwinds.
Storms are disturbances of the atmosphere, accompanied by strong winds and often by some form of
precipitation such as rain or snow. Violent storms include the following:
• Blizzard – a severe snowstorm accompanied by strong winds with a minimum speed of 35miles per
hour combined with either falling snow or snow on the ground to reduce visibilities to ¼ miles for at
least 3 hours.
• Dust Storm – also known as sandstorm is a common phenomenon in dry regions. It is characterized by
high winds which carry great clouds of dust, usually in an area that has undergone a long period of
drought. Dust storm cause soil loss from the dry lands and they can remove organic matter and the
nutrient-rich lightest particles, thereby affecting the agricultural productivity in that region.
• Hurricane – a tropical cyclone (wind that rotates round a calm central area) that originates over the
warmer areas. The cyclone is accompanied by thunderstorms and extremely high winds (74 mph) and
heavy rains that often inflict extensive damage in coastal areas.
• Ice Storm – is a type of winter storm characterized by freezing rain or freezing drizzle causes a glaze of
ice on all exposed objects. It happens when a warm cloud rains above a layer of colder air. This lowers
the temperature of the droplets to below zero; however it remains in liquid form. The super cooled
droplets freeze into ice on impact when they fall onto a surface.
• Squall – is a sudden, sharp increase in wind speed (18mph – 25mph) that is usually associated with
 brief (at least 1 minute) and heavy precipitation. This usually occurs in a squall line.
• Thunderstorm or Electric Storm – is a form of weather that is characterized by severe storm
accompanied by lightning and thunder, strong gusty winds, heavy rain, and occasionally hail.
Sometimes thunderstorms produce tornadoes and waterspouts (a tornado or lesser whirlwind occurring
over water and resulting in funnel-shape of rotating cloud-filled wind usually extending from the
cumulus cloud down to a cloud of spray torn up by the whirling wind from the surface of an ocean.
• Tornado – a violent, whirling storm of small size, it is usually very destructive. Tornado is formed
when huge masses of clouds moving in different directions meet. The air starts to spin in a spiral and a
funnel of twisting air, low pressure inside the funnel sucks up anything it touches. It can travel across
land at very high speeds and its roaring noise is heard up to 40km away.
• Typhoon – is a tropical cyclone that is similar to a hurricane, except that it occurs over the western
Pacific Ocean and its shores.
Storms are one of those incredible forces of nature that can change life in a single instant, but just how do we
measure how destructive a storm is? Is it by the number of lives lost? Is it having lasting impact on a
population? What are the financial costs of the destruction? Most violent storms produce a terrible and
terrifying combination of all three — the overall effects often leave people stunned and devastated that so much
chaos could happen on the whim of weather.
All circling weather patterns with low-pressure centers technically are called cyclones. So hurricanes and
tornadoes fall under the cyclone designation, but the term can be used to denote anything in the category that
fits the definition. For example, middle-latitude (or midlatitude) cyclones, huge weather systems of varying
strengths, are also in this category.
The term “hurricane” is used for a storm that begins east of the International Date Line. This type of storm is
called a typhoon if it’s spawned to the west. If you’re in the Indian Ocean, you call this same storm a cyclone.
Five Most Destructive Storms
1. Bhola Cyclone
A year before Bangladesh would become an independent nation by seceding from Pakistan, it was struck by a
raging cyclone. The cyclone caused chaos on the low-lying coastal delta, and according to some, was a
contributing factor in the fight for independence.
Although cyclones do not necessarily occur more often in and around Bangladesh, when cyclones strike they
cause immense devastation because of the country’s topography. The 1970 storm, nicknamed the Bhola
Cyclone, proved to be one of the greatest natural disasters in recorded history, even though it only made
landfall as a Category 3 storm. Fatality estimates range from 300,000 to one million people, although most
estimates put the tally at 500,000 people.
2. The Great Hurricane of 1780
No hurricane in the Atlantic had even come close to matching the death toll from this massive storm until
1998’s Hurricane Mitch, which struck Central America. That hurricane took the lives of 11,000 to 18,000
people, mostly from Nicaragua and Honduras.
However, the Great Hurricane of 1780 still overshoots that devastating statistic. An estimated 22,000 people
perished between October 10 and October 16 in the eastern Caribbean, mainly in the Lesser Antilles, with the
heaviest losses on the islands of Martinique, St. Eustatius and Barbados. Beyond these casualties, it’s estimated
that thousands of sailors, mostly French and British, who were campaigning in the region also perished in the
storm when the dramatic weather plowed into their vessels [source: NOAA].
3. The Galveston Storm
On Sept. 8, 1900, Galveston, Texas, braved a storm of biblical proportions. The island city, located just off the
Texas coast in the Gulf of Mexico, had a population of about 37,000 people and bright economic prospects
before that fateful day. But on September 9, the city had a population of about 30,000 and millions of dollars in
damage [source: The 1900 Storm].
So what brought this turn of events to the people of Galveston? A hurricane — estimated to be Category 4
strength — slammed into the unprotected, low-lying island, and the destruction it brought with it was immense.
Generally, researchers estimated the Galveston storm’s death tolls to be between 8,000 and 10,000 people
(wider estimates range from 6,000 to 12,000 people). However, remains were still washing ashore in February
of the following year. To this day, it’s the deadliest natural disaster to ever strike U.S. territory.
The hurricane’s 225 kilometer-per-hour (140-mile-per-hour) winds and 4.5-meter-high (15-foot-high) storm
surge demolished 3,600 buildings [source: The 1900 Storm]. The whole island was submerged, and when the
waters finally receded, 12 city blocks (nearly three-quarters of the city) were washed away [source: Zarrella]. In
the intervening hours, people struggled to stay alive, clinging to anything they could find above water.
After the hurricane and as the town moved to rebuild, efforts were made to provide some protection in the event
of a similar future disaster. The town propped up buildings — in some cases as high as five meters (17 feet)
above their original elevation — and the whole grade of the island was raised. The town also constructed a sea
wall five meters (17 feet) high and 16 kilometers (10 miles) long, which thankfully helped protect the city in
1961, when another hurricane hit.
4. Hurricane Katrina
Although the death toll from this furious storm wasn’t a record-breaker, Hurricane Katrina’s financial impact
was incomparable. Let’s take a look at the storm that changed New Orleans and the entire Gulf Coast region
forever.
In August 2005, trouble began brewing in the Atlantic. The storm first began to form in the vicinity of the
Bahamas and proceeded to travel across the southern end of the Florida peninsula. The hurricane was relatively
tame during its journey in Florida, compared to what was coming. Upon returning to open waters, Katrina
strengthened with a vengeance and grew into a Category 5 hurricane. In the 18 hours prior to landfall, it
mellowed into a Category 3 storm.
But what remained remarkable about Katrina was its enormous size. On August 27, Katrina’s expanse almost
doubled, with tropical storm-force winds felt 161 nautical miles from the eye of the storm in every direction.
When it slammed into the Gulf Coast on August 29, Katrina hovered in the upper reaches of a Category 3
storm, and the eye of the hurricane passed only 23 miles (37 kilometers) from downtown New Orleans [source:
Knabb].
Katrina’s storm surge towered almost 30 feet in some places, and its effects were registered throughout the Gulf
Coast region. The combination of extreme storm surges and time-weakened levees caused New Orleans and the
surrounding communities to sustain severe flooding. Eighty percent of New Orleans was underwater — up to
20 feet (6 meters) in some places — and it would be 43 days, in part because Hurricane Rita showed up about
a month later, before the last of the deluge could recede [source: Knabb].
Eventually, the world heard of Katrina’s lethal results. Hurricane Katrina spawned 43 tornadoes that traveled
across the southeastern United States. The storm directly caused the deaths of an estimated 1,500 people in four
states — the most fatalities occurred in Louisiana. Thousands of homes were destroyed and damaged. In
Louisiana and Mississippi, the storm surge was so severe in some places that it annihilated entire coastal
communities. The oil rigs and other facilities in the region that were hit spilled millions of gallons of oil. The
financial toll is nearly incalculable because of its complexity — lost jobs, missed revenue opportunities and
destroyed businesses all factor among the financial losses. Preliminary damage costs (mainly figured through
insured losses) were estimated to be about $81 billion [source: Knabb]. Hurricane Katrina’s total financial
impact was later estimated at approximately $200 billion, and some suspect that number will hit the $300
billion mark when the final totals are released [source: Galvin].
5. Tri-State Tornado
Many tornadoes leave death, injury and destruction in their wake, but one tornado stands in a class by itself. On
March 18, 1925, the Tri-State Tornado struck, and it still remains the deadliest tornado in U.S. history.
Sweeping out from southeastern Missouri, the Tri-State Tornado careened clear across the southern tip of
Illinois before finally dissipating in the lower regions of Indiana. What’s remarkable is that these three locales
are 352 kilometers (219 miles) apart, and the tornado traveled this distance in just three and a half hours
[source: SEMP].
To really understand how impressive the Tri-State Tornado was, let’s compare it to an average tornado.
Typically, tornadoes travel about 45 kilometers (30 miles) per hour and are between 150 to 600 meters (500 to
2,000 feet) wide. Generous estimates suggest they travel an average of 10 kilometers (6 miles) before
dissipating [source: Tarbuck]. The Tri-State Tornado, on the other hand, had an average speed of 100
kilometers (62 miles) per hour and a top speed of 117 kilometers (73 miles) per hour. It traveled more than 36
times an average tornado’s usual distance, and some eyewitnesses said its path was nearly a mile wide [source:
NOAA].
Scientists today wonder if the Tri-State Tornado was actually a family of tornadoes created from a massive
supercell storm, which could account for the extremity of its activity. The central argument against this theory
stems from the path of the tornado, which would have been very unusual had it been caused by multiple
twisters. For 183 of the 219 miles, it traveled to the same degree along a perfectly straight vector [source:
NOAA].
All told, the EF5 storm killed 695 people. Of that total, 234 lived in the town of Murphysboro — sadly setting
the record for the most fatalities incurred by a tornado in a single city in U.S. history. In total, 2,027 people
sustained injuries from the tornado’s passage, and 15,000 homes were destroyed. Some towns were completely
obliterated [source: SEMP].
The U.S Central plains — nicknamed Tornado Alley — have the highest frequency of tornadoes in the world
[source: Tarbuck].
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Australian Elections 2010 and Julia Gillard, the first elected woman PM
Tuesday, September 14th, 2010
Julie Richards
Australia’s incumbent Prime Minister Julia Gillard, who is the first woman to hold the position, was on
14.09.2010 sworn in along with her 19 cabinet ministers in Canberra, Australia.
The History
Conservative parties in virtually all western democracies have shifted to the right economically, and this
includes the Australian Liberal Party. But, in most countries a new generation of conservative leaders
displays eagerness to adopt more socially liberal policies in tandem with full-throttle free market (ie right wing)
economics. In the case of Tony Abbott’s Liberals, however, the party has not only moved right of the earlier
Turnbull leadership years, but it has also shifted to a more authoritarian position on the social scale.
The Labour Party reflects this drift, now occupying a space to the right of the 1980s Liberals. The debate
between the two main parties, however heated, is within narrowing parameters. The two parties are now closer
together than at any other time. The clash of economic vision of earlier campaigns is absent. It’s no longer
about whether the prevailing neoliberal orthodoxy is actually desirable, but merely a question of which party
can manage it best.
By contrast, the Greens, once pretty much a single issue party, have emerged with a comprehensive social
democratic manifesto, more in tune with an earlier Labor Party, and significantly more socially liberal than
either of the others.
The Australian federal elections, 2010
The Australian federal elections were held on Saturday, 21 August 2010 for members of the 43rd Parliament
of Australia. The incumbent centre-left Australian Labour Party led by Prime Minister Julia Gillard defeated
the opposition centre-right Liberal/National Coalition led by Opposition Leader Tony Abbott, forming a
minority government with the support of an Australian Greens MP and three independent MPs.
Labor and the Coalition each won 72 seats in the 150-seat House of Representatives, four short of the
requirement for majority government, resulting in the first hung parliament since the 1940 election. Six
crossbenchers hold the balance of power. Greens MP Adam Bandt and independent MPs Andrew Wilkie, Rob
Oakeshott and Tony Windsor declared their support for Labor on confidence and supply. After gaining the
support of four crossbenchers Labor will be able to form a minority government.
Crossbench is designed as below:
• Adam Bandt won the first seat for the Greens at a general election in the seat of Melbourne. He had
previously announced he would align with Labor in the event of a hung parliament. On 1 September the
Greens declared their support for Labor on confidence and supply.
• Andrew Wilkie, a former Greens candidate and now independent, was elected as the Member for
Denison. On 2 September he declared his support for Labor on confidence and supply.
• Tony Crook won the seat of O’Connor for the National Party of Western Australia, defeating Liberal
Party incumbent Wilson Tuckey. There was dispute over affiliation, with some classing Crook as a
member of the Coalition and including him in their Coalition totals. This was subsequently clarified by
the WA National Party: “The Nationals WA as an independent political party is not bound by the rules
of a coalition agreement”.Crook says, “In every news report and press report we see, my number is
being allocated in with the Coalition and it shouldn’t be”. There is no federal Coalition agreement in
Western Australia; Crook has stated he is a crossbencher, and he and the WA Nationals are open to
negotiating with either side to form government. On 6 September Crook declared his support for the
Coalition on confidence and supply, but would otherwise sit on the crossbench.
• Bob Katter, Tony Windsor and Rob Oakeshott, all independents, were re-elected. Both Katter and
Windsor were successful at previous elections, while Oakeshott was elected at the 2008 Lyne by-
election. All are former members of the National Party, a minor party in the Coalition. However, all
three said they would be open to negotiating with either side to form government. They said they would
engage in discussion as a bloc but vote individually. On 7 September Katter declared his support for the
Coalition on confidence and supply. Later that day, Windsor and Oakeshott declared their support for
Labor on confidence and supply.
Independent MP Bob Katter and National Party of Western Australia MP Tony Crook declared their support for
the Coalition on confidence and supply.
The resulting 76–74 margin allowed Labor to form a minority government. On 14 September 2010 Prime
Minister Julia Gillard, government ministers and parliamentary secretaries were sworn in by the Governor-
General Quentin Bryce.
In the Senate, the Greens will gain the balance of power on 1 July 2011 with nine seats after winning one seat
in each state.
More than 14 million Australians were enrolled to vote at the time of the election. Australia has compulsory
voting (since 1925) and uses preferential ballot (since 1919) in single-member seats for the House of
Representatives and single transferable vote (since 1949) with optional group voting tickets (since 1984) in the
proportionally represented Senate. The election was conducted by the Australian Electoral Commission (AEC).
Swearing in
Ms Julia Gillard was joined at the swearing-in by partner Tim Mathieson and frontbench colleagues including
Treasurer Wayne Swan and his wife Kim. Ms Gillard, now Australia’s first elected female prime
minister, signed a document and swore allegiance to Queen Elizabeth II.
It is the second time in just a few weeks that Ms Gillard has been sworn in as Prime Minister on 14.09.2010,
after she ousted Kevin Rudd from the top job on June 24. Her pledge of allegiance was followed by the
swearing in of 19 other cabinet ministers, 10 ministers and 12 parliamentary secretaries.
At a meeting of the federal executive council after Ms Gillard was appointed Prime Minister, a new department
was created, the names of two others were changed and provisions made for the legal basis of the new ministry.
Gillard’s cabinet includes Rudd, who is the new foreign minister, her deputy and treasurer Wayne Swan and
former pop star Peter Garrett, who switches from environment to education. Former foreign minister Stephen
Smith will now be the defence minister.
There are 19 cabinet ministers, 10 ministers and 12 Parliamentary Secretaries in the new government.
The wafer-thin majority of one seat in Parliament will force Gillard to negotiate issue-by-issue with the
opposition Liberals led by Tony Abbott, according to analysts.
SECOND JULIA GILLARD MINISTRY
TITLE MINISTER OTHER CHAMBER
Prime Minister The Hon Julia Gillard MP Senator the Hon Chris Evans

Minister for Regional Australia, The Hon Simon Crean MP Senator the Hon Nick Sherry
Regional Development and
Local Government Minister for The Hon Simon Crean MP Senator the Hon Mark Arbib
the Arts
The Hon Tanya Plibersek MP Senator the Hon Mark Arbib
Minister for Social Inclusion
The Hon Brendan O’Connor MP Senator the Hon Joe Ludwig
Minister for Privacy and Freedom
of Information Senator the Hon Mark Arbib The Hon Kate Ellis MP

Minister for Sport The Hon Gary Gray AO MP Senator the Hon Penny Wong

Special Minister of State for the The Hon Mark Dreyfus QC MP

Public Service and Integrity
Senator the Hon Kate Lundy
Cabinet Secretary

Parliamentary Secretary to the

Prime Minister

Treasurer (Deputy Prime The Hon Wayne Swan MP Senator the Hon Penny Wong
Minister)
The Hon Bill Shorten MP Senator the Hon Nick Sherry
Assistant Treasurer
The Hon Bill Shorten MP Senator the Hon Nick Sherry
Minister for Financial Services
and Superannuation The Hon David Bradbury MP

Parliamentary Secretary to the

Treasurer

Minister for Tertiary Senator the Hon Chris Evans The Hon Simon Crean MP
Education, Skills, Jobs and
Workplace Relations
(Leader of the Government in the
Senate)
The Hon Peter Garrett AM MP
The Hon Kate Ellis MP (Jobs and Workplace Relations)
Senator the Hon Mark Arbib The Hon Peter Garrett AM MP

Minister for School Education, Senator the Hon Jacinta Collins (Tertiary Education and Skills)
Early Childhood and Youth
Senator the Hon Chris Evans
Minister for Employment
Participation and Childcare Senator the Hon Chris Evans

Minister for Indigenous The Hon Jenny Macklin MP

Employment and Economic
Development

Parliamentary Secretary for

School Education and Workplace
Relations

Minister for Broadband, Senator the Hon Stephen Conroy The Hon Anthony Albanese MP
Communications and the
Digital Economy

(Deputy Leader of the

Government in the Senate)

Minister Assisting the Prime

Minister on Digital Productivity

Minister for Foreign Affairs The Hon Kevin Rudd MP Senator the Hon Stephen Conroy

Minister for Trade The Hon Dr Craig Emerson MP Senator the Hon Stephen Conroy

Parliamentary Secretary for The Hon Justine Elliot MP

Trade
The Hon Richard Marles MP
Parliamentary Secretary for
Pacific Island Affairs

Minister for Defence The Hon Stephen Smith MP Senator the Hon Chris Evans

(Deputy Leader of the House) The Hon Warren Snowdon MP Senator the Hon Chris Evans

Minister for Veterans’ Affairs The Hon Warren Snowdon MP Senator the Hon Chris Evans

Minister for Defence Science and The Hon Jason Clare MP Senator the Hon Chris Evans
Personnel
Senator the Hon David Feeney
Minister for Defence Materiel
Parliamentary Secretary for
Defence

Minister for Immigration and The Hon Chris Bowen MP Senator the Hon Kim Carr
Citizenship
Senator the Hon Kate Lundy
Parliamentary Secretary for
Immigration and Citizenship

Minister for Infrastructure and The Hon Anthony Albanese MP Senator the Hon Kim Carr
Transport
The Hon Catherine King MP
(Leader of the House)

Parliamentary Secretary for

Infrastructure and Transport

Minister for Health and Ageing The Hon Nicola Roxon MP Senator the Hon Joe Ludwig

Minister for Indigenous Health The Hon Warren Snowdon MP Senator the Hon Joe Ludwig

Minister for Mental Health and The Hon Mark Butler MP Senator the Hon Joe Ludwig
Ageing
The Hon Catherine King MP
Parliamentary Secretary for
Health and Ageing

Minister for Families, Housing, The Hon Jenny Macklin MP Senator the Hon Mark Arbib
Community Services and
Indigenous Affairs The Hon Kate Ellis MP Senator the Hon Penny Wong

Minister for the Status of Women Senator the Hon Mark Arbib The Hon Jenny Macklin MP

Minister for Social Housing and Senator the Hon Jan McLucas
Homelessness
The Hon Julie Collins MP
Parliamentary Secretary for
Disabilities and Carers

Parliamentary Secretary for

Community Services

Minister for Sustainability, The Hon Tony Burke MP Senator the Hon Stephen Conroy
Environment, Water,
Population and Communities Senator the Hon Don Farrell

Parliamentary Secretary for

Sustainability and Urban Water

Minister for Finance and Senator the Hon Penny Wong The Hon Wayne Swan MP
Deregulation Special Minister of The Hon Gary Gray AO MP
State
Senator the Hon Nick Sherry Senator the Hon Penny Wong
Minister Assisting on
Deregulation

Minister for Innovation, Senator the Hon Kim Carr The Hon Peter Garrett AM MP
Industry, Science and Research
Senator the Hon Nick Sherry The Hon Bill Shorten MP
Minister for Small Business

Attorney-General The Hon Robert McClelland MP Senator the Hon Joe Ludwig

(Vice President of the Executive The Hon Brendan O’Connor MP Senator the Hon Joe Ludwig
Council)
The Hon Brendan O’Connor MP Senator the Hon Joe Ludwig
Minister for Home Affairs

Minister for Justice

Minister for Agriculture, Senator the Hon Joe Ludwig The Hon Tony Burke MP
Fisheries and Forestry
The Hon Dr Mike Kelly AM MP
(Manager of Government
Business in the Senate)

Parliamentary Secretary for

Agriculture, Fisheries and
Forestry

Minister for Resources and
Energy
Minister for Tourism
Minister Assisting the Minister
for Tourism
The Hon Martin Ferguson AM Senator the Hon Nick Sherry
MP
Senator the Hon Nick Sherry
The Hon Martin Ferguson AM
MP
Senator the Hon Nick Sherry

Minister for Climate Change The Hon Greg Combet AM MP Senator the Hon Penny Wong
and Energy Efficiency The Hon Mark Dreyfus QC MP
Parliamentary Secretary for
Climate Change and Energy
Efficiency
Minister for Human Services The Hon Tanya Plibersek MP Senator the Hon Mark Arbib
Tony Abbott’s Stand
Tony Abbot has started ringing MPs to confirm his new frontbench team, dumping Queensland MP Alex
Somlyay as party whip. In the finely balanced hung Parliament the role of the whip to ensure MPs turn up to
crucial votes will be vital and Mr Abbott has handed the job to Queenslander Warren Entsch.
Mr Somlyay claimed that Tony wanted renewal and that he had announced before the last election that this
would be his last term. Mr Abbott could announce his frontbench amid rumblings in the ranks sparked by
finance spokesman Andrew Robb’s aborted leadership challenge for Julie Bishop’s deputy’s job.
His real target however was regarded as Joe Hockey, who holds the Treasury portfolio.
If Mr Robb had secured the deputy leadership he would have been able to request his portfolio of choice. Mr
Abbott is expected to elevate his predecessor Malcolm Turnbull to the frontbench and shadow cabinet under the
changes.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

All India Single Entrance Test for MBBS and MD from 2011?
Tuesday, September 14th, 2010
Come 2011 and there will be only one common entrance test each for over 30,000 MBBS seats and over 11,000
MD seats in all government and medical colleges in the country.
This important decision, taken by the Medical Council of India and accepted by the Union ministry of health,
was conveyed to the Supreme Court on 13.08.2010 bringing huge relief to lakhs of aspiring doctors.
Earlier, students wanting to take up courses in medicine had to appear in at least five to six entrance tests for
various colleges and worry about attendant problems like clash of exam dates as well as travel to distant places
for counselling for allotment of seats.
But from 2011, there will be just one entrance test each for MBBS and MD courses offered by all 271 medical
colleges, 138 government-run and 133 under private management. These colleges together offer over 31,000
seats for MBBS courses and another 11,000 for PG.
The confusion caused by multiple entrance tests and counselling saw hundreds of students rush to the Supreme
Court every year complaining about the system where they were left high and dry even for making a single
mistake in their choices.
One such petition filed by Simran Jain through advocate A D N Rao had sought a direction from the apex court
to MCI and the Centre for a single window system for admissions.
During hearing of the petition before a Bench comprising Justices R V Raveendran and H L Gokhale, the
decision for one common entrance test was conveyed by MCI counsel and senior advocate Amarendra Saran.
Additional solicitor generalP P Malhotra said the government had accepted MCI’s suggestion to amend the
regulation concerning admissions to medical colleges.
The state of affairs of private medical colleges and their admission process had come for some serious scrutiny
in the apex court, which said last year, “Every year, this is happening. We know how these tricks are played on
students every year.”
Interestingly, the malaise seems to have spread to government medical colleges too as the apex court had in
2009 asked Director General of Health Services Dr Mangla Kohli to look into allegations of malpractices in
admissions into some such colleges in various states.
Decision on All India Medical Common Entrance Test put on hold
Bowing to pressure from Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi, the Centre has put on hold the decision
by the Medical Council of India for conducting a common entrance test (CET) for MBBS courses from the next
2010 – 2011 academic session. The move has also been opposed by the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra
Kazhagam (AIADMK).
The decision comes just two days after the Medical Council of India (MCI) announced with much fanfare its
decision to hold an all-India entrance test for admission to medical colleges for undergraduate courses from
2011-2012. The MCI was awaiting formal approval of the notification to this effect. Mr. Karunanidhi had
written to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, urging him to “reconsider” its move to conduct a national-level
common entrance examination for MBBS courses and said that the State could not accept the move as it
amounted to an “infringement by the Union government on the autonomy of States.” A copy of the letter was
sent to Union Health and Family Welfare Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad
Mr. Karunanidhi wrote to the Prime Minister on 16.08.2010 referring to the submission made by the Centre in
the Supreme Court on the MCI recommendation to conduct a common entrance examination from next year.
The Board of Governors of the MCI formally announced the decision the following day, saying that a
notification would come in a day or two. According to Mr. Karunanidhi, Tamil Nadu had scrapped the entrance
examination for engineering and medical admissions in 2007-08 through legislation with the Presidential
assent. This had been done to safeguard the interests of the socially and economically disadvantaged students
from the rural areas. The move benefited many such students and also resulted in more doctors agreeing to
work in rural areas.
Tamil Nadu had also implemented 69 per cent reservation for socially disadvantaged sections, which would be
difficult to implement when there was a common entrance examination, Mr. Karunanidhi said in his letter.
On 19.08.2010, Tamil Nadu moved the Supreme Court seeking to implead itself in a pending matter on which
the Centre submitted that the MCI would come out with a notification for the CET for admission to medical
courses.
On the same day, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the AIADMK raised the matter in Parliament with the
members demanding that the common entrance examinations for medical and engineering admissions be done
away with, alleging infringement on the rights of the States.
TN State allowed to implead in All-India medical entrance test case – 10.09.10
The Supreme Court on 10.09.2010 permitted the Tamil Nadu government to implead itself in a case relating to
the proposal for introduction of a common all-India entrance test for medical courses in the country.
A Bench of Justices R.V. Raveendran and H.L. Gokhale, while allowing Tamil Nadu’s application, asked the
petitioner to file an application impleading all the States when it was pointed out that they had not been made
parties. It directed the matter to be listed for further hearing next week.
In its application, the State opposed the proposed Medical Council of India regulation for conducting a single
common entrance test. It sought permission to implead itself in a pending matter in which a submission had
been made on behalf of the Centre about the MCI’s proposal for amendment of the regulations relating to
graduate and postgraduate courses to pave the way for a CET.
The MCI decided to keep the proposal in abeyance following objection from Tamil Nadu.
The application stated that though the State was not a party in the pending matter any order passed by the court
in it would seriously prejudice its interests and hence it must be heard before any order was passed approving
the amendment and the CET.
It submitted that Tamil Nadu had abolished entrance tests for admissions to professional courses from 2007 and
the selection and admissions were being made as per the provisions of the Tamil Nadu Admission in
Professional Educational Institutions Act.
The entrance test was abolished on the recommendations of an expert committee, which found that CET was a
cumbersome process. “The CET causes mental agony to the students and parents especially from rural areas
and the persons hailing from lower strata of society,” it said.
Tamil Nadu said that it was found that rural students were unable to compete with urban students in the CET
since there was lack of training for rural students to undertake and face such competitive-level examination.
“The number of institutions and study materials that are available in the urban areas are not available in rural
areas and, therefore, students hailing from urban areas always have an edge over rural students.”The application
said the proposed MCI regulation for conducting a single entrance test for admission to medical courses would
be in contradiction to the State legislation and would affect the policy of the State government. Tamil Nadu also
made it clear that if there was any conflict between the basis of selection made by the Centre and the State
legislation, the State law would prevail.
MBBS Doctors must clear ‘Exit Test’ to commence Practice – 18.09.2010
Those intending to become doctors and treat patients may soon have to clear a common exit test after getting
the MBBS degree from medical colleges.
The regulating body, Medical Council of India (MCI), has given a statutory recommendation for a mandatory
exit test, which is under active consideration of the health ministry, the Supreme Court was informed on
17.08.2010.
Considering the sensitive nature of the profession — dealing with life and death — and keeping in mind
varying standards of education in medical colleges, MCI has proposed a common exit examination for MBBS
pass-outs intending to become doctors and treat patients, Solicitor General Gopal Subramaniam told a Bench of
Justices R V Raveendran and H L Gokhale.
This recommendation of the MCI was to standardise the skills of doctors, said the regulatory body’s counsel
senior advocate Amarendra Saran supplementing the arguments of the health ministry advanced through the
SG.
This is in line with the decision of the Bar Council of India (BCI) making it mandatory for law graduates to
clear a test to be able to practice in courts.
Importantly, both Subramaniam and MCI counsel, senior advocate Amarendra Saran, informed the Bench that
very soon a notification would be issued to put in place a single window admission test for filling post-
graduate course seats in all private and government medical colleges from the next academic session
(2011-12).
The Centre on Friday informed the Supreme Court that it supported the Medical Council of India’s proposal to
have a common entrance test (CET) for admission to post graduate medical courses and that it wanted to notify
it within a week.
This would ease the tension and trouble of thousands of students competing for few PG seats, for which they
have to travel to different places to appear in entrance examinations for PG courses of different colleges.
Clashing of the dates of examination used to add to the woes of the students. But, these will be a thing of past
from next year, thanks to the common entrance test for PG seats in all private and government medical
colleges.
However, the joint attempt of MCI and the government to push through the common admission test for MBBS
courses in private and government medical colleges did not get the stamp of approval from the apex court,
which said it could not do so without getting the responses from the state governments.
The reluctance of the Supreme Court stemmed from the fact that Tamil Nadu, which has a special law for the
purpose which has already received President’s assent, had strongly objected to the common admission test for
MBBS across the country.
The Bench said: “We do not know which all states will object to this and how the students, a volatile
community, would react to this proposal. So, let the Centre put before us the proposal and we will seek the
response of the state governments.”
The Solicitor General agreed and said though the health ministry was carrying out the task of achieving a
consensus among the states for a single window admission test for MBBS courses in all medical colleges, it
would be easier and expeditious if the apex court helped through the judicial process to achieve the goal that
would benefit the entire community of students aspiring to be doctors.
Giving the Centre a week to place the proposal before it for issuance of notices to the state governments to
elicit their response, the Bench said: “The courts have already contributed to a lot of problems and we do not
want to contribute to this by giving a go-bye to the settled procedure.”
Senior counsel Amrender Saran, appearing for the Medical Council of India, said new rules and regulations for
the CET had been put in place and they had been approved by the government. There would be centralised
counselling after the CET and at the end of the course there would an exit test for doctors. The Bench directed
the matter to be listed after a week.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Venice Film Festival – the History and 2010 Winners

Sunday, September 12th, 2010
Jennifer Thomas
The Venice Film Festival (Italian Mostra Internazionale d’Arte Cinematografica) is the oldest film festival in
the world and one of the most prestigious. Founded by Count Giuseppe Volpi in 1932 as the “Esposizione
Internazionale d’Arte Cinematografica”, the festival has since taken place every year in late August or early
September on the island of the Lido, Venice, Italy. Screenings take place in the historic Palazzo del Cinema on
the Lungomare Marconi. It is one of the world’s most prestigious film festivals and is part of the Venice
Biennale, a major biennial exhibition and festival for contemporary art.
The festival’s principal awards are the Leone d’Oro (Golden Lion), which is awarded to the best film screened
at the festival, and the Coppa Volpi (Volpi Cup), which is awarded to the best actor and actress. In 2002, the
San Marco Award was introduced for the best film of the Controcorrente (”Against the stream”) section.
The 67th annual (2010) Venice Film Festival held in Venice, Italy, took place from September 1 to September
11, 2010. American film director Quentin Tarantino was the head of the awards jury. John Woo was awarded
the Golden Lion for Lifetime Achievement prior to the festival starting.
Mani Ratnam honoured at Venice Film Festival
Mani Ratnam’s latest film Raavan in Hindi and Raaavan in Tamil might not have been received well in India
but the director has been honoured with the prestigious Jaeger-LeCoultre Glory to the Filmmaker Award, at the
67th Venice Film Festival on Monday. He’s the first Indian to be awarded and honoured with the award.
The award ceremony was followed by the screening of Raavanan at the end of which over 600 delegates gave a
standing ovation which lasted for 5 minutes.
2010 Venice Film Festival marked its 67th edition and saw 24 films in competition.
The following is the list of Venice Film Festival 2010 winners:
GOLDEN LION (Best Film)
Somewhere (Sofia Coppola, U.S.)
SILVER LION (Best Director)
Balada triste de trompeta (The Last CircusBalada triste de trompeta (Alex de la Iglesia, Spain, France)
SPECIAL JURY PRIZE
Essential Killing (Jerzy Skolimowski, Poland, Norway, Hungary, Ireland)
BEST ACTOR
Vincent Gallo, Essential Killing
BEST ACTRESS
Ariane Labed, Attenberg, Greece)
MARCELLO MASTROIANNI PRIZE FOR YOUNG PERFORMER
Mila Kunis (Black Swan, U.S.)
BEST SCREENPLAY
Alex de le Iglesia, Balada triste de trompeta (The Last Circus/Balada triste de trompeta)
American director Sofia Coppola’s “Somewhere,” her exploration of the relationship between a father and his
young daughter under the flashbulbs of movie celebrity, won the top prize Golden Prize at the Venice Film
Festival on 11.09.2010.
“Thanks to my dad for teaching me,” she said in her acceptance speech. “This film enchanted us from its first
screening,” said Quentin Tarantino, chairman of the jury which unanimously chose Copppola’s film as the
festival’s best. Coppola’s last film, Marie Antoinette, was booed at its premiere during the Cannes Film Festival
four years ago. Somewhere stars Stephen Dorff and Ella Fanning. She is best known for her 2003 film, Lost in
Translation, which starred Bill Murray and made her one of only a handful of women directors to be nominated
for a Best Picture Oscar. The 39-year-old Coppola, daughter of famed director Francis Ford Coppola, added the
coveted Golden Prize to a trophy shelf that already includes a Best Screenplay Oscar for her 2003 film “Lost in
Translation”, which, like “Somewhere,” was set mostly in hotel rooms. Both films premiered on Venice’s Lido
Island where the festival was held.
Announced during a gala ceremony in the Palazzo del Cinema, the Silver Lion prize for Best Director went to
Alex de la Iglesia for his Spanish civil war drama “A Sad Trumpet Ballad.” Jerzy Skolimowski’s “Essential
Killing,” about an Afghan prisoner who escapes in Europe, won the festival’s special jury prize.
Vincent Gallo, the protagonist in “Essential Killing,” won the Coppa Volpi for Best Actor, while “Attenberg”
star Ariane Labed won the Coppa Volpi for Best Actress.
Mikhail Krichman won the Best Photography prize for his work in Aleksei Fedorchenko’s “Silent Souls,”
about a man’s moving effort to return his dead wife to the area where she grew up, while de la Iglesia took
home his second prize, for Best Screenplay.
In other prizes announced on Saturday, Mila Kunis, who starred in Darren Aronofsky’s “Black Swan,” was
given the Mastroianni Prize for the best emerging actor in a film that screened on the Lido. Kunis and Natalie
Portman played rival ballet dancers in this opening night film at Venice.
“Majority,” from 35-year-old Turkish director Seren Yuce, won the Venice Days Lion of the Future award,
and “20 Cigarettes,” which screened in the Italian sidebar Controcampo Italiano, was given the prize from
Italian Film Journalists. The film is the first work from writer and director Aureliano Amadei.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Medicine to be taught at IIT and IIT entrance with 12th marks + aptitude test
Friday, September 10th, 2010
Union Human Resource and Development (HRD) Minister Kapil Sibal on 10.09.2010 said the Indian Institute
of Technology (IITs) across the country will soon introduce new courses in medicine and even enroll foreign
students as well as recruit foreign faculties at the post graduate level.
“The government has decided to seek the approval of the Medical Council of India (MCI) for the course. The
IIT council meeting decided to carry out appropriate amendment in the Institute of Technologies Act to enable
the IITs to offer the medicine programme,” said Sibal.
“We are making sure that wherever the instruction leads to a degree relating to any branch of medicine, then of
course clearances from Medical Council of India under the Act will have to be taken,” he added.
Sibal said the council has also decided to enable IITs to recruit foreign faculties, which should not be more than
10 per cent of the total faculty strength.
“In principle, we agreed that IITs are entitled to recruiting foreign faculties. A mechanism will be set up with
the help of the Home Ministry to ensure that there is no hiccup in the process and there is easy exit and entry of
people,” he added, after a meeting of the IIT council.
Crack IIT entrance with 12th marks, aptitude test
Excellent chance has come to the IIT aspiring students, who struggle a lot to crack IIT entrance. Just get good
marks and give aptitude test, you will get through IIT entrance soon.
Kapil Sibal, the Union Minister of Human Resource Development, announced major changes in the process of
getting admission in Indian Institutes of Technology (IIT) and other engineering colleges. Class 12 marks along
with an aptitude test would decide admissions into IITs, informed Sibal.
However, he also stated that modalities were still being worked out to make the changes in the admission
process and no timeframe has been set for implementing the new proposals.
The Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) entrance exams needs an overhaul to discourage coaching institutes,
Human Resource Development Minister Kapil Sibal said on 10.09.2010. “The present system of coaching must
go as it is detrimental to the quality of intake,” Sibal told reporters after a meeting of the council of IITs. The
changes in the pattern of engineering entrance exams had been proposed by the ministry earlier as well.
A committee was formed under IIT Kharagpur director Damodar Acharya which suggested including
weightage of the 12th Class result and a national level aptitude test for admission in engineering courses.
“The Acharya committee has given its report and it was widely agreed that the entrance exam system needs to
be changed but it is yet to finalize how,” Sibal said.
Though a consensus could not be built on the recommendations of the Acharya report, Sibal said all members
agreed on the need for a change. “There are two things. Firstly, the present system of coaching must go as it is
detrimental to quality of intake; secondly, the problem of children appearing for multiple entrance exams causes
financial and psychological pressure on the children and their family,” Sibal said.
The minister said there were suggestions that state-wise percentile given to students will be considered for the
entrance. “We should look at the 12th level performance… otherwise students from some states may get left
out,” he said.
“Weightage will be given to 12th exam marks, and that marks will be based on the performance through the
year. It will automatically discourage coaching,” he said.
The minister said a committee has been formed under Science and Technology Secretary T. Ramasami and it
will submit its report in three months. “After that we’ll involve all IITs and have a full discussion,” he said.
Sibal added that the IITs have said they wanted to continue with the joint entrance exam. ”The IITs don’t want
to do away with the JEE but they have said that if an alternative is provided they will discuss it with their
faculty,” he added.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Interlinking of Rivers in India – the Issues and Concerns

Friday, September 10th, 2010
Saraswathi Dey
Plans for parts of the Indian Rivers Interlink were mooted in the British period. In 1972 the then Minister for
Irrigation K. L. Rao proposed a 2640 kilometer long link between the Ganges and Cauvery rivers. In 1974 plans
were proposed for the Garland canal. In 1982 the National Water Development Agency was set up to carry out
surveys of the links and prepare feasibility studies.
The Project
The Interlink would consist of two parts, a northern Himalayan River Development component and a southern
Peninsular River Development component.
Himalayan development
The northern component would consist of a series of dams built along the Ganges and Brahmaputra rivers in
India, Nepal and Bhutan for the purposes of storage. Canals would be built to transfer surplus water from the
eastern tributaries of the Ganges to the west. The Brahmaputra and its tributaries would be linked with the
Ganges and the Ganges with the Mahanadi River. This part of the project would provide additional irrigation
for about 220,000 square kilometres and generate about 30 gigawatts of electricity. In theory it would provide
extra flood control in the Ganges and Brahmaputra river basins. It could also provide excess water for the
controversial Farakka Barrage which could be used to flush out the silt at the port of Calcutta.
Peninsular development
The main part of the project would send water from the eastern part of India to the south and west. The
southern development project would consist of four main parts. First, the Mahanadi, Godavari, Krishna and
Cauvery rivers would all be linked by canals. Extra water storage dams would be built along the course of these
rivers. The purpose of this would be to transfer surplus water from the Mahanadi and Godavari rivers to the
south of India. Second, those rivers that flow west to the north of Bombay and the south of Tapi would be
linked. Due to the irregular fluctuations in water levels in the region, as much storage capacity would be built as
possible. The water would be used by the urban areas of Bombay and also to provide irrigation in the coastal
areas of Maharashtra. Third the Ken and Chambal rivers would be linked in order to provide better water
facilities for Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. Finally a number of west-flowing rivers along the Western
Ghats simply discharge into the Arabian Sea. As many of these as possible would be diverted for irrigation
purposes. The Peninsular part of the project would provide additional irrigation to 130,000 square kilometres
and generation an additional 4 gigawatts of power.
History
Long-distance inter-basin transfer of water has been in practice in India for over five centuries. The Periyar
Project, Parambikulam-Aliyar Project, Kurnool-Cudappah Canal and the Telugu-Ganga Project are some of the
examples of inter-basin water transfers executed in south India in the 19th and 20th centuries.
The Periyar Project is the most notable endeavour of the last century in trans-basin diversion. A 47.28 metre
high gravity dam was constructed across a gorge on the west-flowing Periyar River. A 1740 metre long tunnel
with a discharge capacity of 40.75 cubic metres was drilled across the mountain barrier to convey the waters
eastwards to the Vaigai basin. The project was commissioned in 1895 and provided irrigation to 58 thousand
hectares initially. This has since been extended to 81 thousand hectares. There is also a power station of 140
MW capacities.
The Parambikulam-Aliyar Project is a complex multi-basin multipurpose project. Seven streams-five flowing
westward and two towards the east- have been dammed and their reservoirs interlinked by tunnels. The water is
ultimately delivered to the drought-prone areas in the Coimbatore district of Tamil Nadu and the Chittur area of
Kerala. The project has a command area of 1.62 lakh hectares with 185 MW of power generation capacity.
The Kurnool-Cuddappah canal is 304 km long with a capacity of 84.9 cubic metres extending from the Krishna
to the Pennar basin for irrigating an area of 53 thousand hectares of land. The Telugu-Ganga Project brings the
Krishna waters from the Srisailam reservoir through an open canal to Somasila reservoir in the Pennar valley.
From Somasila the water is taken through a 45 km long canal. By agreement among the riparian States 12
thousand metric cubic metres (TMC) of water will be delivered to Tamil Nadu to increase the water supply to
Chennai.
Similarly in Himachal Pradesh, inter sub-basin transfers in the Indus basin and the Rajasthan Canal is some of
the projects executed in the 19th and 20th centuries. A diversion dam, Pandoh, 140 km upstream of Pong on the
Beas River enables the diversion of its water to the Bhakra reservoir and generates 165 MW of power on the
way. The Beas-Sutlej link is 37.25 km long. Of this, 25.45 km passes in tunnel through difficult rock
formations. The Rajasthan Canal Project diverts water from the Himalayas to the deserts of Rajasthan. The
project comprises of a huge multipurpose project constructed across the Beas River at Pong, a barrage at Harike
and a Grand Canal system. Executed both in the southern and northern parts of our country these projects have
been highly beneficial and have not caused any noticeable environmental damage.
The USA, which is water-rich and scarcely populated, is transferring 45 billion cubic metres (BCM) of water
through inter-basin transfer and plans to add 376 BCM. In Canada the existing schemes are designed to transfer
268 BCM. In comparison, India is transferring 10 BCM through the existing schemes and has plans to add
about 200 BCM. China has a scheme under implementation which will transfer about 45 BCM. This indicates
that India is already late in implementing the water transfer links.
Present Proposals
In India 30 links have been identified as technically feasible and economically viable on the basis of pre-
feasibility studies. These are: Mahanadi (Manibhadra – Godavari (Dowlaiswaram) link, Godavari (Inchampalli
Low Dam) – Krishna link, Godavari (Inchampalli) – Krishna (Nagarjunasagar) link, Godavari (Polavaram) –
Krishna (Vijayawada) link, Krishna (Almatti) – Pennar link, Krishna (Srisailam)- Pennar link, Krishna
(Nagarjunasagar) – Pennar (Somasila) link, Pennar (Somasila) –Cauvery (Grand Anicut) link, Cauvery
(Kattalsi)- Vaigai-Gundar link, Ken-Belwa link, Parbati-Kalisindh-Chambal link, Par-Tapti-Narmada link,
Damanganga-Pinjal link, Bedti-Varda link, Netravati-Hemavati link and Pamba-Achankovil-Vaippar link.
Similarly, based on various water balance studies carried out for the Himalayan component, the link proposals
identified for preparation of feasibility reports include the Manas-Sankosh-Tista-Ganga link, Kosi-Ghagra link,
Ghagra-Yamuna link, Sarda-Yamuna link, Yamuna-Rajasthan link, Rajastan-Sabarmati link, Chunar-Sone
Barrage link, Sone Dam – Southern Tributaries of Ganga link, Ganga-Damodar-Subernarekha link,
Subernarekha-Mahanadi link, Kosi-Mechi link, Farakka-Sunderbans link, and Jogigopa-Tista-Farakka link.
Advantages of Interlinking
Interlinking of rivers in India is expected to greatly reduce the regional imbalance in the availability of water in
different river basins. Surplus water which flows waste to the sea would be fruitfully utilized. It is assessed that
the inter-linking of rivers will provide additional irrigation benefits to 35 million hectares (Mha) -25 Mha from
surface water and an additional 10 Mha from increased ground water recharge- which will be over and above
the ultimate irrigation potential of 140 Mha envisaged from the conventional irrigation projects.
Construction of storage dams as proposed will considerably reduce the severity of floods and the resultant
damages. The flood peaks are estimated to come down by about 20 to 30 per cent in the Ganga and
Brahmaputra basins.
The benefits of drought mitigation from inter-basin water transfers will accrue to an area of about 25 lakh
hectares in West Bengal, Bihar, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat,
Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu.
Hydro power could also be generated on a massive scale by the storage dams proposed under the interlinking of
rivers. Hydro power development has not kept pace with the potential and requirement in our country. Against
a potential of 84,000 MW, only about 22,000 MW capacity for hydro power generation has been developed so
far. For an efficient working of electrical energy generating system, the mix of thermal to hydro should be
about 60:40. In our country it is about 75:25. The storage dams proposed under interlinking of rivers will
greatly improve this situation. The total hydro power potential of the interlinking systems is estimated to be
34,000 MW.
Most of the mega cities and urban centres in our country are already suffering from water shortages. Many of
the metropolitan cities depend upon long-distance inter-basin transfer of water for their domestic and industrial
water supply. Delhi gets parts of its water supplies from the Ganga and Sutlej, while Mumbai gets water from
Vaitama and Batsai, over 100 km away. Water supply in Chennai is being increased from Srisailam on the
Krishna river which is 500 km away. A major part of the future requirements of big cities will have to be met
from long-distance inter-basin transfer of water. In the link proposals under study, water supply to Mumbai and
Delhi and many other villages and habitations enroute the link canals are proposed to be raised.
Perspective
India, with its geographical area of 329 million hectares but consisting of only 2.45 per cent of the earth’s land
mass, supports a population of about 1027 million as per the 2001 census. This is about 16 per cent of the
global population. The renewable fresh water resources of India at 1869 billion cubic metres (BCM) per year is
only about 4 per cent of the earth’s fresh water resources. Thus the average Indian has hardly one-sixth of land
and one-fourth of water as compared to the world average. In view of the severe disparity in regard to water and
land, its optimal use is essential to ensure a comfortable living for the people of India.
There are more inequities in the distribution of the water resources. The total renewable water resources as of
the year 2001 correspond to about 1820 kilo litres (KL) of water per person per year. The population of India is
expected to stabilize at around 1500-1800 million by 2050 when the per capita availability of water would
further come down to nearly 60 per cent of the availability as in 2001. At that time, the per capita availability in
the Brahmaputra basin would still be around 9000 KL and in the Sabarmati basin below 200 KL. This is against
the minimum requirement of 1000 KL per person per year.
In view of the large variations in rainfall over space and time, the country experiences frequent floods in some
parts and severe droughts in some others. Floods are a recurring feature particularly in the Brahmaputra and
Ganga rivers which carry 60 per cent of the water resources of our country. Flood damages, which were of the
order of Rs. 52 crore in 1953, went up to Rs. 5846 crore in 1998 with an annual average of Rs. 1343 crore,
affecting Assam, Bihar, West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh besides causing untold human sufferings. On the other
hand, large areas in Rajasthan, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu face recurring droughts.
It is expected that by 2050, India would need about 450 million tonnes of food grains. In order to attain this
target, it would be necessary to increase the irrigation potential under all-food crops by 2050.
Most of the link canals will be 50 to 100 metres wide and more than 6 metres deep. That would greatly
facilitate inland navigation from the north to down south. A boost to fresh water fisheries is also expected as a
result of the programme. Apart from these benefits, guaranteed minimum flows in the rivers will enhance
ecology and environment.
Benefits and Pitfalls in all areas
Agriculture:
The projected benefit in terms of agriculture include 25 million hectares of irrigation from surface water, 10
million hectares by increased use of ground water, totaling to 35million hectares which will be over and above
the ultimate irrigation potential of 140 million hectares. India has one of the lowest yields of cereals at
2134kg/hectare of land. Hence expanding the irrigated land area is only one way of increasing food production.
Another way may be changes in farming technology, the kind of crops grown (generally hybrid varieties use
more water than the indigenous varieties), better management of available land and water. Indiscriminate
irrigation over a period of time can also lead to problems like water logging and rise in salinity in soil. Hence,
besides increasing the area under irrigation, implementation of mixed agriculture and other such techniques of
sustainable agriculture need to be emphasized on.
Power
It is estimated that net 34,000 MW of hydro-power will be generated as a result of this project. But this figure is
a little hard to believe because in most cases of inter basin transfer, it is understood that the requirement for
pumping water across basins exceeds that produced by tapping the potential energy of the water. The pumping
energy requirement is exceptionally high in this case as water will be pumped across the entire length and
breadth of the country.
Flood Control and Drought Mitigation
While flood control is one of the major motivations behind this idea, it is now generally acknowledged that big
dams play only a modest role in flood moderation. Flood cushion tends to get eaten into by the more powerful
demands of irrigation and power generation. The safety of structures sometimes necessitates the release of
waters causing ‘man-made’ floods downstream. Reliance needs to shift from structural to non structural
measures for the purpose of flood control. Floods in moderation have certain benefits too. They are a free
source of minerals for the land, help in recharging groundwater resources, help in conservation of biological
diversity, give bumper harvests, flush out silt from riverbeds to deltas, prevent intrusion of saline water from
the Sea and most importantly wash out saline deposits on the top soil. So what has been termed as ‘surplus’ is
not really surplus? It is performing salient functions which are extremely important for the preservation of
ecological balance and is helpful for the farmers.
The project aims at mitigating drought by transferring water from ‘surpluses to ‘deficit’ areas. The problem of
drought is something that we have a solution to already in the form of rainwater harvesting structures. The
success stories are numerous and so are the solutions implemented. Also, even if the Linking of rivers project is
implemented, it will take water to only a fraction of the drought prone areas, large parts of rain fed areas will
remain unaffected.
Inland Navigation
It has been proposed that some of the canals will be opened for inland navigation. It will not only connect the
North with the South but will also lead to multiple economic benefits and substantial saving in terms of
imported fossil fuel. The cost of this set up will amount to about 24 billion usd.
Cost
The national water development agency has estimated a budget of 112 billion usd at 2002 prices for the entire
project. However, it is estimated and accepted widely that the cost may go up to 200 billion usd. Other sources
cite that large projects have had cost overruns in the region of 400-500%. Apart from estimated cost, recurring
expenditure would be incurred in maintenance of dams, de silting reservoirs, relining canals and creating
artificial drainage where needed. External costs like those arising from harm done to the environment, ecology,
wildlife and social costs have not been taken into account.
The estimated cost itself represents 20% of India’s Gross Domestic Product, 2.5 times the annual tax collection,
2 times the foreign exchange reserves and equals the amount spent on irrigation in the last 44 years. According
to the Government’s Economic Survey for 2001-02, this amount is higher than the Gross domestic savings, and
also the total outstanding external debt of the country. The total pending cost for incomplete major, medium
and minor irrigation projects sum up to 30 billion usd.
The above numbers imply that the cost of the project is huge and the burden arising from it will have to be
borne by the government and the people for a very long time. Starting a project of this magnitude, when there
are so many incomplete projects trying to solve the same purpose are pending, seems impractical.
Criticism of Interlinking
The idea of interlinking the rivers of India was actually cited by President Kalam in 2002 and pushed by Chief
Justice Kirpal. River basin management in the context of gigantic water planning is discussed in national and
international laws. Inter river transfer has come under criticism since the Irrigation Commission of British days,
and plans such as Captain Dastur’s “garland canal” rejected decades ago, even when big dams were in full
swing. Interlinking rivers was rejected in the nineties by the centre, on advice of experts and bureaucrats such
as Dr. M.S. Reddy.
The basic aspects of each river basin, including catchment area treatment, command area development,
benchmark survey of the affected population, impacts of the reservoir and canal system on farmers, and
fisheries, and public health should be studied. Environmental Impact Assessment will be inevitable.
Compensatory and mitigatory plans must be rationally conceived. The River Valley Guidelines (1983) discuss
environmental and social impacts due to transfer of water and people beyond suitability. Unless these become
part of the project planning, they are neither considered nor dealt with.
Struggles in the Narmada Valley and on other projects pushed due to political expediency without complete
appraisal, have brought out the seriousness of large scale displacement as well as impacts on and injustice to the
proposed beneficiaries. Basic questions demand investigation. Will such a linking of rivers actually prevent
drought? Or merely transfer drought? What will be the extent of displacement, and provisions for
rehabilitation? Canals also displace. In the Sardar Sarovar project, 1,50,000 landholders stand to lose land due
to the canal network, of whom 23,500 will lose more than 25% of their land, and 2,000 will become landless.
None is considered project-affected nor eligible for rehabilitation.
For intra-river basin transfers, the principle of subsidiarity requires that water be harnessed from where it first
drops. The whole crisis of water management today is due to total neglect of water harvesting, either because it
is considered peripheral or to be a non-replicable, non-profitable micro-level experiment.
Therefore we see the destruction of cultures, communities, and ecosystems, creating conflicts between states, as
in Cauvery, and between state and people, as in Narmada. Conflicts are dealt with more politically than
scientifically.
As our national highways have become conveyor belts for enormously polluting noxious emissions, the huge
interlink threatens to become an open sewage garlanding India. The canals, designed for carrying irrigation
waters rather than large peak flows, will not be sufficient to control or divert floods in the northern states but
will transfer silt. Several large dams built to provide the head and storage required to supply the canals will
permanently submerge fertile lands, forests, village communities and towns, leaving millions of people
displaced or dispossessed. Any attempt to obtain full information, question impacts and demand just
compensation requires sacrifice by communities living on the natural resources.
Political Consensus
This project will involve coordination between not just States but also countries. Dams will need to be built in
Nepal and Bhutan, in order to store the surplus water and later divert it to deficit regions. Water that flows into
Bangladesh will now be diverted from upstream by India. Both Nepal and Bangladesh have not been taken into
confidence regarding the project as of now. This has the potential of future conflict with these countries. This
could also lead to a conflict between India and China in the future as China controls the flow of water in the
Brahmaputra, Indus and Sutlej Rivers. China is considering a proposal to build a dam on Yarlung Tsangpo
(which becomes Brahma putra in India) which will generate 40000 megawatts of energy (more than twice
generated by the Three Gorges dam). If this project goes through, the entire equation of ‘surplus’ and ‘deficit’
in India will change. This project and other similar grand projects being planned by China have the capacity to
completely throw India’s plans off the mark.
Within India, a number of interstate conflicts over water, remain unresolved for decades now (for example the
Cauvery Tribunal). The Interlinking project, which runs canal from almost every state of India, could become a
major source of contention between the Sates rather than uniting them.
Concept of Surplus and Deficit and unknowns in the study of environmental impact
Looking at this project from a reductionist view, the concept of transferring water from surplus to deficit
regions and creating a win-win situation sounds perfect. But if we look at it from a holistic point of view, every
drop of water performs some ecological service at all times. The ecosystems have evolved over a period of
thousands of years to make optimum use of the water available. Hence, any amount of water diverted from or to
a region will cause damage proportional to the amount diverted. There is no thing as ‘surplus’ water from the
holistic point of view.
Water from rivers flowing into the Aral Sea, which was seemingly going waste, was diverted on a large scale
from these rivers for irrigation purposes. This led to a boom in the agricultural sector and prosperity in the
region in the short term, but in the long run, the salinity of the sea increased manifold, making the water unfit
for any kind of human use, also effecting the aquatic flora and fauna. This has led to the collapse of the
economies in the area.
It is estimated that this project will upgrade the ecology due to minimum flow guarantee in rivers. The forest
cover is expected to increase from 13% to 33%. At the same time, the dams that will need to be built will cause
submergence of thousands of hectares of virgin forests.
Rehabilitation
From a humanitarian perspective, millions of people will be forcibly displaced by this project. A sound
rehabilitation and resettlement program for these people needs to be put in place. It has been estimated that 21-
56 million people have been displaced by large dams over the past 50 years in India, 40% of them tribal people.
Less than 50% of those displaced were rehabilitated. The submergence of land has been 2 to 3 times of that
originally estimated in these projects. The displaced are people who had lived in rural areas or forests all their
lives and that is the way of living they have known. Even if they are rehabilitated, will they be ever able to
resettle? They are the ones, who are paying the price, are they the ones who are benefiting from the project?
The 9th plan document laments that against the national per capita (based on 1991 census) annual availability
of 2214 cubic metres of water, the average availability in Brahmaputra river basin is as high as 18470 cu.m
while it is as low as 383 cu.m in the east flowing rivers between Pennar and Kanyakumari transfer of river
waters. NDA in its manifesto promised interlinking of rivers.
Thereafter in 1974 Captain Dastur suggested a canal known as Garland canal. In July 1982 National Water
Development Agency was created to carry out surveys and prepare feasibility reports. In September 1987 the
National Water Policy stated that its prime goal is to interlink national rivers. Over all these years none of the
feasibility report is made public nor the interlinking of rivers has been undertaken even in a phased manner
The national Water Development agency is only collecting the data offered by various state governments and
compiling them into reports. Even to do that the agency seems to be having 2010 as the time frame to complete
all feasibility studies. Moreover like previous proposals this may also be jettisoned citing similar reasons or
fresh excuses. Thereafter after 2010, India is expected to go for global tenders to make a study of this project
and all will be back to square one in 21st century too.
The project prepared by the National Water Development Agency has two components namely Himalayan
Rivers Development Component and Peninsular Rivers Development component. Himalayan Rivers
Development envisages construction of storage reservoirs on the principal tributaries of the Ganga and the
Brahmaputra in India, Nepal, and Bhutan, along with interlinking canal systems to transfer surplus flows of the
eastern tributaries of the Ganga to the West, apart from linking of the main Brahmaputra and its tributaries with
the Ganga and Ganga with Mahanadi. The Himalayan component would provide additional irrigation of about
22 million hectare and generation of about 30 million KW of hydropower, besides providing substantial flood
control in the Ganga & Brahmaputra basins. It would also provide the necessary discharge for augmentation of
flows at Farakka required interalia to flush the Calcutta port and the inland navigation facilities across the
country.
Peninsular Rivers Development
This component is divided into four major parts.
Interlinking of Mahanadi-Godavari-Krishna-Cauvery Rivers and building storages at potential sites in
these basins.
This is the major interlinking of the river systems where surpluses from the Mahanadi and the Godavari are
intended to be transferred to the needy areas in the South.
Interlinking of west flowing rivers, north of Bombay and south of Tapi
This scheme envisages construction of as much optimal storage as possible on these streams and interlinking
them to make available appreciable quantum of water for transfer to areas where additional water is needed.
The scheme provides for taking water supply canal to the metropolitan areas of Bombay; it also provides
irrigation to the coastal areas in Maharashtra.
Interlinking of Ken-Chambal Rivers
The scheme provides for a water grid for Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh and interlinking canal backed by
as much storage as possible.
Diversion of other west flowing rivers
Heavy rainfall on the western side of the Western Ghats runs down numerous streams, which empty, into the
Arabian Sea.
Construction of an interlinking canal system backed up by adequate storages could be planned to meet all
requirements of Kerala as also for transfer of some waters towards east to meet the needs of drought affected
areas. The peninsular Component is expected to provide additional irrigation of about 13 million hectare and is
expected to generate about 4 million KW of power.
While rivers that flow through different countries had benefited such countries with mutual agreements on
water sharing, some Indian states prefer waters to be emptied in oceans instead of benefiting fellow Indians.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Shiney Ahuja Controversy and volte face by the maid

Friday, September 10th, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
Shiney Ahuja (born 15 May 1973) is an Indian actor, who won Filmfare Best Debut Award for Hazaaron
Khwaishein Aisi in 2006. Shiney Ahuja was born in New Delhi. His father was in the Indian army. His early
schooling was at St. Xavier’s School, Ranchi. He then studied at The Army Public School, Dhaula Kuan, New
Delhi. His initial plans were to join the armed forces. While studying at Hansraj College University of Delhi
from 1992-1996, he was attracted to Theater and joined the Barry Johns Acting School in Delhi. Sometime
after 1996, he moved to Mumbai.
The film won Shiney Ahuja rave reviews and was viewed as one of the best films of that year. In 2006 Ahuja
was awarded Best male debut by Filmfare Awards, Screen Awards, IIFA Awards, Zee Cine Awards and
Stardust Awards for his performance. He however grew more familiar with mainstream audiences with Karam
(2005), where he starred alongside John Abraham and Priyanka Chopra. He played lead role in the popular
movie Mahesh Bhatt’s Gangster. He acted in the filmed life story of Parveen Babi and Mahesh Bhatt “Woh
Lamhe” in the year 2006 opposite Kangana Ranaut. The film was appreciated for its screenplay, Kangana’s
acting and the music by Pritam.
Shiney Ahuja is married to Anupam Ahuja. They have a daughter named Arshiya, born in 2007.
Case against Shiney Ahuja
On 15th June 2009, the Oshiwara police on Sunday evening detained Bollywood actor Shiney Ahuja for
questioning in connection with a rape case. Ahuja’s teenaged domestic maid lodged an FIR against the actor
alleging that he had raped her while they were alone at the actor’s flat.
The 18-year-old maid (name withheld), said police sources, had been working with Ahuja for the last one-and-
a-half months since she made the complaint. The complainant told the police that she had come for domestic
work to Ahuja’s flat. The actor’s wife was not at home. She claimed that at that time the actor had molested
her. The complainant told the police that she was traumatised after the incident and went to her relatives’ place
who along with the girl then approached the police station. This was stated by the DCP Niket Kaushik.
Soon after the complaint was registered, the girl was sent to the Nagpada police hospital for a medical
examination. A preliminary medical check-up hours after the alleged rape showed she had been sexually
violated. A detailed medical report from Nagpada Hospital showed injuries. And a DNA test confirmed the
accusation. A police team went to Ahuja’s flat and called him for inquiry.
While he initially maintained that whatever had happened was consensual, Shiney Ahuja finally confessed to
committing the horrendous act of raping his 18-year-old domestic help. The actor completely broke down after
the medical reports confirmed that the maid has been raped; seeing no way out he then confessed to his crime.
He said that he told her to stay mum. He was confident that she would tell none of the incident and he was
ready to give her whatever she wanted to make sure that she would keep quiet. He claimed that he had made a
grave mistake.
In custody, Shiney was said to be in a remorseful state. Shockingly, Ahuja during the interrogation reportedly
told police that it never occurred to him that the crime he was committing was “so much serious”.
His wife Anupam claimed that her husband was being framed as she came out in his defence yesterday.
The actor spent three months in jail and was granted bail in October 2009. Throughout the case, there have also
been rumours that Shiney has been framed and was a victim of blackmail himself.
September 2010
But in a shocking turn-around, the woman who worked as domestic help for actor Shiney Ahuja has denied in
court that the actor raped her. The 18-year-old says her aunt bullied her into accusing Ahuja of rape in June,
2009. The domestic help has told the court that she lodged the police complaint against Shiney after the
woman who got her the job with the Ahujas asked her to do so.
The police say that the domestic help’s latest statement contradicts what investigations have revealed. A
preliminary medical check-up hours after the alleged rape showed she had been sexually violated.
The public prosecutor says that the domestic help has been declared a hostile witness, and the trial will
continue. Medical reports and the statements of other witnesses will serve as evidence.
Ahuja’s wife has argued consistently that the actor has been framed and that the rape case was an extortion
attempt.
Following media reports about the complainant who accused actor Shiney Ahuja of raping her turning hostile,
lawyers say she is liable to be prosecuted for perjury. The victim has made a statement before the magistrate
under section 164 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC), which is admissible in court unless proven
involuntary.
The trial is being conducted in-camera before the Sewri fast track court. In-camera trial refers to a case where
the court bars the media from reporting about the case as per section 327 of the CrPC, applicable in sensitive
cases like rape.
Advocate Majeed Memon said that the victim’s statement under oath has been recorded under section 164 of
the CrPC at the investigation stage. That would mean two versions on oath from the same witness diagonally
opposite. Both can never be true. One is bound to be false. Hence, she is liable for prosecution under perjury.
Police officers, however, claim that their case against Ahuja is watertight, despite the complainant’s alleged
retraction from her earlier statement. Deputy Commissioner of police (zone IX) KMM Prasanna said the
victim’s statement was recorded under section 164 of the CrPC, along with at least four other witnesses.
The witnesses then reportedly encouraged her to lodge a complaint with the police.
Lawyers, however, are cynical. Memon said the victim’s deposition before the court will hold more weight
than the one before the magistrate.
The maid’s volte-face came during trial last month when the ‘victim’ who was being cross-examined for a day
identified Ahuja in the court and said she worked at his residence as a domestic help. But when asked about the
incident, she said it never happened and that she was never raped.
However, the prosecution is confident that this will not be a major setback given the strong medical evidence
supporting her initial allegations. Ahuja’s defence, too, asserted it was unlikely that the case would end based
solely on the maid’s statement. Even legal experts are of the opinion that the prosecution can move forward
with the case by providing other evidence.
After the victim’s cross-examination, Ahuja’s neighbour who accompanied the maid to lodge a police
complaint gave a testimony in court. The prosecution will now continue presenting other evidence.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
 *****

UPSC Civil Service Aspirants stage protest

Wednesday, September 8th, 2010
Scores of civil service aspirants on 08.09.2010 staged a protest outside UPSC office in New Delhi demanding
that cut-off marks for the preliminary examinations be made public.
Some protesters also continued their indefinite hunger strike at Jantar Mantar on the same issue, which began
on four days ago.
The aspirants marched towards UPSC building near India Gate on the afternoon of 8.9.2010 and pasted posters
there demanding transparency in the functioning of UPSC with regard to civil services examinations. “We
demand that the cut-off marks be made public for the preliminary examinations, the results of which were
published recently,” Anay Mishra, one of the protesters, said.
Dissatisfied with the evaluation process of the Union Public Service Commission, members of a student body,
Youth for Justice, held a protest outside the commission on 8.09.2010. They demanded more transparency in
the evaluation process of the UPSC.
The protesters submitted an RTI application to know the process through which “scaling” of a candidate is done
— through scaling marks of students are reduced or increased arbitrarily.
Around 75 students, who took part in the protest, complained that the UPSC never reveals the process of
scaling, unlike in some state level civil services exams. The state level exams, the students said, are more
transparent.
The Youth for Justice has been demanding more transparency in the UPSC evaluation process since 2006.
Today’s protest was planned after some 200 UPSC aspirants expressed concern over the schedule of the
interviews, to be held later this month.
A student Vishal Vasvani said candidates who did well and were selected for various posts were given below
average feedback in their interviews in the previous years.
Another member of the group, Ashwini, said he has names of over 40 students who haven’t got the interview
calls despite making it to the interview last year. “People who have taken the exam more than 2-3 times are not
getting any call, though they are the ones preparing since years,” he said.
Ashwini said the UPSC is “trying to escape from revealing information under the Right to Information Act”.
“But we will seek justice not only for us, but for those who may appear in the exam in the coming years,” he
said.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Cauvery River Dispute – Is it a threat to National Integrity?

Monday, September 6th, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
History
This is not a dispute which has arisen recently. The sharing of waters of the river Cauvery has been the bone of
contention of a serious conflict between Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. The Cauvery River originates in the
Brahmagiri ranges of Kodagu district flows through large parts of Tamil Nadu and also some parts of Kerala
and Pondicherry. No attempt was made to utilise its waters for irrigation until 1883 when the Diwan of the
princely state of Mysore launched a scheme. His primary aim was to increase the revenue to the King’s coffers.
This move was resented by the Madras presidency under the British Raj. Thus began the Cauvery dispute
which is yet to be solved.
Mysore’s plans to revive the irrigation projects met with resistance from the Madras Presidency. Mysore state
made a representation to the then British government as a result of which, a conference was held in 1890 with
the objective of agreeing “…on the principles of a modus vivendi, which would on the one hand allow to
Mysore reasonable freedom in dealing with her irrigation works, and on the other, give to Madras practical
security against injury to her interests” and eventually the Agreement of 1892 was signed There was some
respite after two rounds of talks between the Mysore state and Madras presidency in 1892 and 1924. Mysore
was permitted to construct a dam in Kannambadi village to impound 44.8 thousand million cubic feet of water.
The dam was planned to be built in two stages. In the first stage a capacity of 11 TMC was envisioned, while in
the second stage the full capacity was set to be realized. Madras however, refused to give its consent for this
move as it had its own plans to build a storage dam at Mettur with a capacity of 80 TMC.
Madras had what is called prescriptive rights over the upper riparian state of Mysore. Malabar district was then
part of the Madras presidency. Malabar is now part of Kerala, and Kerala too has joined the Cauvery fray. As
per this agreement, Mysore was required to obtain Madras’ consent for any new irrigation reservoirs across any
of the main rivers it wished to utilize and share information on any new irrigation scheme it wished to
undertake to utilize the waters
After a reference to the Government of India, permission was accorded to Mysore, but for a reduced storage of
11TMC. During construction, however, the foundation was laid to suit the earlier desired full storage. This
raised Madras’ hackles and the dispute continued. As a result, the then British Government of India referred the
matter to arbitration under Rule IV of the 1892 Agreement. The Cauvery dispute thus had come up for
arbitration for the first time
The agreement also stipulated that Mysore was not to increase its area under irrigation more than 110,000
beyond what was already existing acres while the same cap for Madras Presidency was pegged at 301000|acre|
km2. Nonetheless, Madras still appealed against the award and negotiations continued. Finally an agreement
was arrived at in 1924 and a couple of minor agreements were also signed in 1929 and 1933. The 1924
agreement was set to lapse after a run of 50 years. As a result of these agreements, Karnataka claims that
Mysore was forced to give up rights
The 1924 Agreement
The 1924 agreement was valid for 50 years, after which there was to be a review. It stipulated that Mysore
could undertake any extension of irrigation by impounding Cauvery waters only with the prior consent of the
Madras presidency. Twelve years after Independence and 15 years before the expiry of the pact, Mysore, by
then rechristened Karnataka, wrote to Tamil Nadu, inviting its attention to several clauses, and suggesting
changes. Tamil Nadu turned down the plea. Changes, it said, would be contemplated only after the expiry of the
pact in 1974.
The central government began an initiative soon after, but the entire issue was given the appearance of a
bilateral dispute between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka, the other two riparian states, namely Kerala and
Pondicherry, having been left out until the 1970s.
Meanwhile, Tamil Nadu had expanded its irrigation by leaps and bounds against the letter and spirit of the
agreement. Its acreage increased from 1.665 million in 1924 to 2.82 million by 1971. Karnataka’s score showed
a rise from 314,000 to 682,000 acres. The agreement had stipulated that Madras was entitled to increase its
irrigation land to only 300,000 acres. Mysore’s quota was 110,000 acres. Both had violated the agreement.
What the dispute is all about
The state of Karnataka feels that it has not got its due share of water utilization as against Tamil Nadu.
Karnataka claims that agreements between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka were skewed heavily in favour of the
Madras Presidency, and has since demanded a renegotiated settlement based on “equitable sharing of the
waters”. Tamil Nadu on the other hand, pleads that it has already developed almost 3,000,000 acres (12,000
km2) of land and as a result has come to depend very heavily on the existing pattern of usage. Any change in
this pattern, it says, will adversely affect the livelihood of millions of farmers in the state.
Countless rounds of talks have taken place to resolve the issue, without any success.
According to a study conducted by the central government in 1972, the utilisation of water from Cauvery in
Tamil Nadu was 489 tmc ft against Karnataka’s 177 tmc ft. Now Karnataka wants to utilise 465 tmc ft, against
its present usage of 312.32 tmc ft. It is against this background that Tamil Nadu went to the Supreme Court.
The Cauvery Water Tribunal, in its interim award of June 1991, ordered that Karnataka release 205 tmc of
water to Tamil Nadu during one water year, that is from May to June. It also stipulated a weekly quantum of
flow, much to the chagrin of Karnataka. This led to large-scale violence on Tamils living in Karnataka.
Karnataka has followed the interim order and has released much more than 205 tmc ft of water every year
except during the year 1995-96. This led to the Supreme Court coming down heavily on Karnataka.
Effect of Negotiations
When decades of negotiations between the parties involved bore no fruit, the Government of India finally
constituted a tribunal in 1990 to look into the matter. The tribunal after hearing arguments of all the parties
involved for the last 16 years delivered its final verdict on 5 February 2007. In its verdict, the tribunal allocated
419 billion ft³ (12 km³) of water annually to Tamil Nadu and 270 billion ft³ (7.6 km³) to Karnataka; 30 billion
ft³ (0.8 km³) of Cauvery river water to Kerala and 7 billion ft³ (0.2 km³) to Puducherry. The dispute however,
seems far from over with all four states deciding to file review petitions seeking clarifications and possible
renegotiation of the order.
Post independence developments
After independence, the equations changed drastically. Tamil Nadu was carved out of Madras Presidency and
Mysore province became a state. Coorg (the birthplace of the Cauvery), became a part of Mysore state. Huge
parts of erstwhile Hyderabad state and Bombay Presidency joined with Mysore state.
All these changes further changed the equations as Kerala and Pondicherry also jumped into the fray. Kerala
staked its claim as one of the major tributaries of the Cauvery, the Kabini, now originated in Kerala. Karaikal
region of Pondicherry at the tail end of the river demanded the waters that it had always used for drinking and
some minimal agriculture. While these additional claims complicated matters greatly at a technical level,
Mysore state and Tamil Nadu still remained the major parties to the dispute.
During the 70s, a Cauvery Fact Finding Committee (CFFC) was constituted, in order to inspect the ‘ground’
realities and come up with a report. Finally in 1974, a draft agreement which also provided for the creation of a
Cauvery Valley Authority was prepared by the Ministry of Irrigation. This draft however, was not ratified.
While all these discussions went on, Tamil Nadu’s irrigated lands had grown from a pre-Mettur command area
of 1,440,000 acres (5,800 km2) to 2,580,000 acres (10,400 km2) while Karnataka’s irrigated area stood at
680,000 acres (2,800 km²). Karnataka maintains that these figures demonstrate the lop-sided nature of the
agreement.
In 1976, after a series of discussions between the two states and the Central government, a final draft was
prepared based on findings of the CFFC. This draft was accepted by all states and the Government also made
an announcement to that effect in Parliament. Tamil Nadu came under President’s rule soon after that and the
agreement was put on the backburner. When President’s rule was lifted, the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra
Kazhagam (AIADMK) with M. G. Ramachandran at the helm came to power for the first time in Tamil Nadu
and the dispute took a new turn.
The Tamil Nadu government now rejected the draft agreement and started insisting that the 1924 agreement
had only provided for an extension and not a review. It began insisting that status quo be restored and everyone
go back to the agreements of 1892 and 1924. This however, did not cut ice with Karnataka which had
throughout maintained that those agreements were partisan and had been signed between unequal partners.
When Karnataka began construction of the Harangi dam in Kodagu, it was once again met with resistance from
Tamil Nadu. Tamil Nadu went to court demanding the constitution of a Tribunal under the Inter State Water
Disputes Act (ISWD) of 1956. It also demanded the immediate stoppage of construction work at the dam site.
As a result of Tamil Nadu’s protests, Karnataka had to fund the construction under the non-plan head and this
led to a severe strain on its finances.
Several rounds of discussions were held in the 80s. The result was still, a stalemate
The constitution of the tribunal
The Supreme Court then directed the government headed by Prime Minister V. P. Singh to constitute a tribunal
and refer all disputes to it. A three man tribunal was thus constituted on 2 June 1990.
The four states presented their demands to the tribunal as under
Karnataka – claimed 465 billion ft³ (13 km³) as its share
Kerala – wants 99.8 billion ft³ (2.83 km³) as its share
Pondicherry – claims 9.3 billion ft³ (0.3 km³)
Tamil Nadu – wants the flows to be ensured in accordance with the terms of the agreements of 1892 and 1924
(ie., 566 billion ft³ (16 km³) for Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry; 177 billion ft³ (5 km³) for Karnataka and 5 billion
ft³ (0.1 km³) for Kerala).
Once the tribunal was set up, Tamil Nadu demanded a mandatory injunction on Karnataka for the immediate
release of water and other reliefs. The tribunal dismissed this. Tamil Nadu now went back to the Supreme Court
which directed the tribunal to reconsider Tamil Nadu’s plea.
An interim award was given on 25 June 1991, in which the tribunal calculated the average inflows into Tamil
Nadu over a period of 10 years between 1980–81 and 1989–90. The extreme years were ignored for this
calculation. The average worked out to 205 billion ft³ (5.8 km³) which Karnataka had to ensure reached Tamil
Nadu in a water year. The award also stipulated the weekly and monthly flows to be ensured by Karnataka for
each month of the water year. The tribunal further directed Karnataka not to increase it irrigated land area from
the existing 1,120,000 acres
Karnataka could not digest this award and issued an ordinance seeking to annul the tribunal’s award. The
Supreme Court now stepped in at the President’s instance and struck down the Ordinance issued by Karnataka.
It upheld the tribunal’s award which was subsequently gazetted by the Government of India on 11 December
1991.
In 1995, the monsoons failed badly in Karnataka and Karnataka found itself hard pressed to fulfill the interim
order. Tamil Nadu approached the Supreme Court demanding the immediate release of at least 30 billion ft³.
The Supreme Court refused to entertain Tamil Nadu’s petition and asked it to approach the tribunal. The
tribunal examined the case and recommended that Karnataka release 11 billion ft³. Karnataka pleaded that 11
billion ft³ cannot be implemented in the circumstances that existed then. Tamil Nadu now went back to the
Supreme Court demanding that Karnataka be forced to obey the tribunal’s order. The Supreme Court this time
recommended that the then Prime Minister, Mr. P. V. Narasimha Rao intervene and find a political solution.
The Prime Minister convened a meeting with the Chief Ministers of the two states and recommended that
Karnataka release 6 billion ft³ instead of the 11 billion ft³ that the tribunal ordered.
Karnataka complied with the decision of the Prime Minister and the issue blew over.
Constitution of the CRA
In 1997, the Government proposed the setting up of a Cauvery River Authority which would be vested with far
reaching powers to ensure the implementation of the Interim Order. These powers included the power to take
over the control of dams in the event of the Interim Order not being honoured. Karnataka, which had always
maintained that the interim order had no scientific basis and was intrinsically flawed, strongly protested the
proposal to set up such an authority.
Under a new proposal, the Government set up two new bodies, viz., Cauvery River Authority, which would
consist of the Prime Minister and the Chief Ministers of all four States (Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Pondicherry,
Kerala) and was headquartered in New Delhi and Cauvery Monitoring Committee, which would be an expert
body which consisted of engineers, technocrats and other officers who would take stock of the ‘ground
realities’ and report to the Central Government.
In 2002, reservoirs in both states fell to record low levels and inevitably tempers rose. The dispute point yet
again, as in 1995–96 was how the distress would be shared between the two states. Tamil Nadu demanded that
Karnataka honour the interim award and release to Tamil Nadu its proportionate share. Karnataka on the other
hand stated that the water levels were hardly enough to meet its own demands and ruled out releasing any water
in the circumstances that prevailed.
The Supreme Court ordered Karnataka to release 1.25 billion ft³ of water every day unless CRA revised it.
Karnataka started the release of water but pressed for another meeting of the CRA which was fixed later. The
CRA revised the Court’s order from 1.25 billion ft³ to 0.8 billion ft³ per day.
This time however, the Karnataka government in open defiance of the order of the CRA, refused to release any
water succumbing to the large scale protests that had mounted in the Cauvery districts of the state. When Tamil
Nadu approached the Supreme Court, Karnataka now resumed the release of water for a few days, but stopped
it again on 18 September as a protesting farmer committed suicide by jumping into the reservoir and the
protests threatened to take a dangerous turn.
The centre now stepped in and asked Karnataka to release the water. While the CRA inspected the reservoirs in
Karnataka, Tamil Nadu flatly refused to grant them permission to inspect its reservoirs. On 30 September 2002
the Supreme Court ordered Tamil Nadu to co-operate with the CRA and Tamil Nadu gave in.
Demonstrations
Things took an ugly turn and there were accusations and counter accusations being thrown all around in both
states. The opposition parties in Tamil Nadu too had jumped into the fray and at the same time joining the then
Chief Minister Ms Jayalalitha in stinging rebukes of both the Centre and the CRA.
To add to all this, the dispute had already spilled onto the streets in the district of Mandya in Karnataka and was
threatening to spread to other parts of the state too. Precipitating the matters on the streets, the SC ordered
Karnataka to comply with the CRA and resume the release of water.
Karnataka once again refused to obey the orders of SC. Tamil Nadu slapped another contempt petition on
Karnataka and soon the issue degenerated into a ‘free for all’ with all and sundry from both states joining the
protests. Soon, film actors and various other cross sections of society from both states were on the streets. The
belligerence soon hit a crescendo and even as some groups in Tamil Nadu called for a stoppage of power from
the Neyveli Power stat ion to Karnataka as a tit-for-tat measure, a Pan-Tamil militant outfit (a month or so
later) went ahead and blasted a major power transformer supplying power to the neighbouring states of
Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh.
In the meanwhile, Tamil Nadu’s contempt suit on Karnataka came up for hearing. The Karnataka government,
by now saw the gravity of the situation, and in a bid to salvage the situation, decided to resume the release of
water; while at the same time compensating its own farmers for the loss. The Supreme Court censured the
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister for attacking the CRA and the Prime Minister and ordered Tamil Nadu to tender an
unqualified apology. Tamil Nadu complied with it and tendered the apology.
2003–2006
The last four years haven’t seen any major flare up in the dispute even though the summer of 2003 saw a dry
spell in both states. The monsoons in 2004, 2005 and 2006 were quite copious and this helped a great deal in
keeping the tempers calm. While the last 3 or 4 years have been relatively quiet as far as jingoistic voices are
concerned, a flurry of development has been afoot in the courts.
The extension for the term of the tribunal was granted and the tribunal’s term was extended for another year
until September 2006. Early in 2006, a major controversy erupted over the ‘Assessor’s report’ that was
apparently ‘leaked’ to the press. The report had suggested a decision which Karnataka summarily rejected.
Another major controversy erupted when just a couple of months before the September 2006 deadline, the
tribunal recommended the formation of another expert committee to study the ‘ground realities’ yet again. This
was unanimously and vehemently opposed by all the four states party to the dispute.
Judgment
The Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal announced its final verdict on 5 February 2007. According to its verdict,
Tamil Nadu gets 419 billion ft³ (12 km³) of Cauvery water while Karnataka gets 270 billion ft³ (7.6 km³). The
actual release of water by Karnataka to Tamil Nadu is to be 192 billion ft³ (5.4 km³) annually. Further, Kerala
will get 30 billion ft³ and Puducherry 7 billion ft³. Tamil Nadu appears to have been accepting the verdict while
the government of Karnataka, unhappy with the decision, filed a revision petition before the tribunal seeking a
review.
Is it going to be a never-ending dispute or a dispute to test National Integrity?
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Emmy Awards – the History, Statuette and 2010 Winners

Wednesday, September 1st, 2010
Rosaline Marry
The Emmy Award, often referred to simply as the Emmy, is a television production award, similar in nature to
the Peabody Awards but more focused on entertainment, and is considered the television equivalent to the
Academy Awards (for film), Grammy Awards (for music) and Tony Awards (for stage).
They are presented in various sectors of the television industry, including entertainment programming, news
and documentary shows, and sports programming. As such, the awards are presented in various area-specific
ceremonies held annually throughout the year.
Originally there was only one Emmy Awards ceremony held per year to honor shows nationally broadcast in
the United States. That changed when the Daytime Emmy Awards, a separate awards show specifically just for
daytime programming, was first held in 1974. Other area-specific Emmy Awards ceremonies soon followed.
Also, the International Emmy Awards, honoring television programs produced and initially aired outside the
U.S., was established in the early 1970s. Meanwhile, all Emmys awarded prior to the emergence of these
separate, area-specific ceremonies are listed along with the Primetime Emmy Awards in the ATAS’ official
records.
In 1977, due to various conflicts, the ATAS and the NATAS agreed to split ties. However, they also agreed to
share ownership of the Emmy statue and trademark, with each responsible for administering a specific set of
award shows.
The best known of these ceremonies are the Primetime Emmy Awards, honoring excellence in American
primetime television programming (excluding sports), and the Daytime Emmy Awards, honoring excellence
in American daytime television programming.
The first Emmy Awards were presented on January 25, 1949 at the Hollywood Athletic Club, but solely to
honor shows produced and aired locally in the Los Angeles area. Shirley Dinsdale has the distinction of
receiving the very first Emmy, for Most Outstanding Television Personality, during that first awards ceremony.
In the 1950s, the ATAS expanded the Emmys into a national event, presenting the awards to shows broadcast
nationwide. In 1955, the National Academy of Television Arts and Sciences (NATAS) was formed in New
York as a sister organization to serve members on the East Coast, and help to also supervise the Emmys. The
NATAS also established regional chapters throughout the United States, with each one developing their own
local Emmy awards show for local programming.
History of Emmy Statuette
The Los Angeles-based Academy of Television Arts & Sciences (ATAS) established the Emmy Awards as part
of an image-building and public relations opportunity. The name “Emmy” was chosen as a feminization of
“immy“, a nickname used for the image orthicon tubes that were common in early television cameras. To
complement the name, the statuette was designed to depict a winged woman holding an atom, which “has since
become the symbol of the TV Academy’s goal of supporting and uplifting the art and science of television: The
wings represent the muse of art; the atom the electron of science.”
After rejecting 47 proposals for what was to become the Emmy® statuette, Academy members in 1948 selected
a design that television engineer Louis McManus had created using his wife as a model.
The statuette of a winged woman holding an atom has since become the symbol of the Television Academy’s
goal of supporting and uplifting the arts and science of television: The wings represent the muse of art; the atom
the electron of science.
Academy founder Syd Cassyd suggested “Ike,” the nickname for the television iconoscope tube. But with a
national war hero named Dwight D. “Ike” Eisenhower, Academy members thought they needed a less well-
known name. Harry Lubcke, a pioneer television engineer and the third Academy president, suggested “Immy,”
a term commonly used for the early image orthicon camera. The name stuck and was later modified to Emmy,
which members thought was more appropriate for a female symbol.
The statuettes weigh four and three-quarter pounds and are made of copper, nickel, silver, and gold. Each one
takes five and one-half hours to make and is handled with white gloves so as to leave no fingerprints.
62nd Annual Primetime Emmy Awards
The 62nd Annual Primetime Emmy Awards, presented by the Academy of Television Arts and Sciences, took
place on August 29, 2010. NBC broadcasted the event, which took place at Nokia Theatre in Los Angeles,
California. Late Night host Jimmy Fallon hosted the telecast. This was the first telecast to be televised live
coast-to-coast since the 34th ceremony held in 1976.
Primetime Emmy Awards
The Primetime Emmy Awards are awards presented by the Academy of Television Arts & Sciences in
recognition of excellence in American primetime television programming. First awarded in 1949, they were
originally referred to as just the “Emmy Awards” until the first Daytime Emmy Award ceremonies were held in
the 1970s, and the word “primetime” was added to disambiguate between the two.
The Primetime Emmys generally air in mid-September, on the Sunday before the official start of the fall
television season. They are currently seen in rotation among the four major networks (CBS, ABC, NBC, and
FOX). Because of NBC’s coverage of Sunday Night NFL Football beginning in September, when NBC has had
the rotation in 2006 and again in 2010, the Emmys move to late August for those years only.
2010 Emmy Prime Time Award Winners
Drama Series: Mad Men
Comedy Series: Modern Family
Acting
Lead Actor in a Drama Series: Bryan Cranston, Breaking Bad
Lead Actress in a Drama Series: Kyra Sedgwick, The Closer
Lead Actor in a Comedy Series: Jim Parsons, The Big Bang Theory
Lead Actress in a Comedy Series: Edie Falco, Nurse Jackie
Supporting Actor in a Drama Series: Aaron Paul, Breaking Bad
Supporting Actress in a Drama Series: Archie Panjabi, The Good Wife
Supporting Actor in a Comedy Series: Eric Stonestreet, Modern Family
Supporting Actress in a Comedy Series: Jane Lynch, Glee
Lead Actor in a Miniseries or a Movie: Al Pacino, You Don’t Know Jack
Lead Actress in a Miniseries or a Movie: Claire Danes, Temple Grandin
Supporting Actor in a Miniseries or a Movie: David Strathairn, Temple Grandin
Supporting Actress in a Miniseries or a Movie: Julia Ormond, Temple Grandin
Directing
Drama Series: Steve Shill, Dexter
Comedy Series: Ryan Murphy, Glee
Variety, Music or Comedy Special: Bucky Gunts, Vancouver 2010: XXI Olympic Winter Games
Miniseries, Movie or a Dramatic Special: Mick Jackson, Temple Grandin
Writing
Drama Series: Matthew Weiner and Erin Levy, Mad Men
Comedy Series: Steven Levitan and Christopher Lloyd, Modern Family
Variety, Music or Comedy Special: 63rd Annual Tony Awards
Miniseries, Movie or a Dramatic Special: Adam Mazer, You Don’t Know Jack
Made for Television Movie: Temple Grandin
Miniseries: The Pacific
Reality Competition Program: Top Chef
Variety, Music or Comedy Series: The Daily Show With Jon Stewart
Bob Hope Humanitarian Award: George Clooney
Daytime Emmy Awards
The Daytime Emmy Awards are awards presented by the New York-based National Academy of Television
Arts and Sciences and the Los Angeles-based Academy of Television Arts & Sciences in recognition of
excellence in American daytime television programming. Ceremonies generally are held in May or June. The
first daytime-themed Emmy Awards were given out at the primetime ceremony in 1972, when The Doctors and
General Hospital were nominated for Outstanding Achievement in a Daytime Drama.
2010 Daytime Emmy Award winners
The 2010 Daytime Emmy Award winners were announced at the Las Vegas Hiltion on June 27, 2010. Regis
Philbin, Live With Regis and Kelly, hosted the awards, which featured a special tribute to TV icon Dick Clark.
Outstanding Drama Series
• The Bold and the Beautiful
The Bold and the Beautiful won for the second year in the row. It has now won this category twice.
Outstanding Lead Actress
• Maura West as Carly Tenney Snyder on As the World Turns
Maura West was nominated last year. The award went to Susan Haskell from One Life to Live.
Outstanding Lead Actor
• Michael Park as Jack Snyder on As the World Turns
Christian LeBlanc won in this category last year. He also won in 2007 and 2005.
Outstanding Supporting Actress
• Julie Pinson as Janet Ciccone on As the World Turns
Julie Pinson was nominated last year, but lost to Tamara Braun. She won for her stint on Days of Our Lives.
Outstanding Supporting Actor
• Billy Miller as Billy Abbott on The Young and the Restless
There was a tie in this category last year, with both Vincent Irizarry and Jeff Branson winning. Billy Miller
wasn’t nominated.
Outstanding Younger Actress
• Julie Marie Berman as Lulu Spencer on General Hospital
This is the second year in a row that Julie Marie Berman has won an Emmy in this category. She was pre-
nominated in the category with fellow General Hospital star Kirsten Storms.
Outstanding Younger Actor
• Drew Tyler Bell as Thomas Forrester on The Bold and the Beautiful
Darin Brooks from Days of Our Lives won last year. This is the first Emmy for Bell.
Outstanding Writing Team
• The Bold and the Beautiful
General Hospital won last year.
Outstanding Directing Team
• General Hospital
One Life to Live won last year.
Outstanding Entertainment Talk Show
• The Ellen DeGeneres Show
Rachael Ray won last year. The Ellen DeGeneres Show started in 2003.
Outstanding Informative Talk Show
• The Doctors
The Doctors started in 2008. The Tyra Banks Show won this last year.
Outstanding Talk Show Host
• Dr. Mehmet Oz on The Dr. Oz Show
The women of The View won this award last year. The View started in 1997.
Outstanding Morning Program
• The Today Show (NBC)
Good Morning America won last year. The popular morning show started in 1975.
Outstanding Game/Audience Participation Show
• Cash Cab
Cash Cab won last year and in 2008 as well. The show started in 2005.
Outstanding Legal/Courtroom Program
• Cristina’s Court
Cristina’s Court won last year as well. The show started in 2006.
Outstanding Game Show Host
• Ben Bailey, Cash Cab
Meredith Viera, Who Wants To Be A Millionaire, won this award last year. This is Bailey’s first Emmy as host.
Outstanding Children’s Animated Program
• Curious George
Word World won this award last year. It started in 2007.
Lifetime Achievement Award
• Agnes Nixon
Nixon created All My Children and One Life to Live. Sesame Street received the Lifetime Achievement Award
last year.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Israel and Palestine conflict and the current scenario

Wednesday, September 1st, 2010
Ambujam Kishore
Palestine
It extends east to the Jordan River, north to the border between Israel and Lebanon, west to the Mediterranean,
and south to the Negev desert, reaching the Gulf of Aqaba. The political status and geographic area designated
by the term have changed considerably over the course of three millennia. The eastern boundary has been
particularly fluid, often understood as lying east of the Jordan and extending at times to the edge of the Arabian
Desert.
A land of sharp contrasts, Palestine includes the Dead Sea, the lowest natural point of elevation on Earth, and
mountain peaks higher than 2,000 ft (610 m) above sea level. In the 20th and 21st centuries it has been the
object of conflicting claims by Jewish and Arab national movements.
The region is sacred to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Settled since early prehistoric times, mainly by
Semitic groups, it was occupied in biblical times by the kingdoms of Israel, Judah, and Judaea. It was
subsequently held by virtually every power of the Middle East, including the Assyrians, Persians, Romans,
Byzantines, Crusaders, and Ottomans.
It was governed by Britain after the end of World War I (1914–18)—from 1922, under a League of Nations
mandate—until 1948, when the State of Israel was proclaimed. Armies from Egypt, Transjordan, Syria, and
Iraq attacked the next day. They were defeated by the Israeli army.
Geographical Locations of Palestine
The land variously called Israel and Palestine is a small, (10,000 square miles at present) land at the eastern end
of the Mediterranean Sea. During its long history, its area, population and ownership varied greatly. The
present state of Israel occupies all the land from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean ocean, bounded by
Egypt in the south, Lebanon in the north, and Jordan in the East. The recognized borders of Israel constitute
about 78% of the land. The remainder is divided between land occupied by Israel since the 1967 6-day war and
the autonomous regions under the control of the Palestinian autonomy. The Gaza strip occupies an
additional 141 square miles south of Israel, and is under the control of the Palestinian authority.
Palestine has been settled continuously for tens of thousands of years. Fossil remains have been found of Homo
Erectus, Neanderthal and transitional types between Neanderthal and modern man. Archeologists have found
hybrid Emmer wheat at Jericho dating from before 8,000 B.C., making it one of the oldest sites of agricultural
activity in the world. Amorites, Canaanites, and other Semitic peoples related to the Phoenicians of Tyre
entered the area about 2000 B.C. The area became known as the Land of Canaan
Israel
This country is officially known as State of Israel, Hebrew Medinat Yisraʾel, Arabic Isrāʾīl.
Area: 8,357 sq mi (21,643 sq km). Population (2009 est.): 7,128,000 (includes population of Golan Heights and
east Jerusalem; excludes population of the West Bank). Capital (proclaimed): Jerusalem.
Jews constitute some four-fifths of the population and Arabs about one-fifth. Languages: Hebrew, Arabic (both
official). Religions: Judaism; also Islam, Christianity. Currency: new Israeli sheqel (NIS).
Geographical Locations of Israel
It is a country in the Middle East, located at the eastern end of the Mediterranean Sea. It is bounded to the north
by Lebanon, to the northeast by Syria, to the east and southeast by Jordan, to the southwest by Egypt, and to the
west by the Mediterranean Sea. Jerusalem is the seat of government and the proclaimed capital, although the
latter status has not received wide international recognition.
Israel can be divided into four major regions: the Mediterranean coastal plain in the west; a hill region
extending from the northern border into central Israel; the Great Rift Valley, containing the Jordan River, in the
east; and the arid Negev, occupying nearly the entire southern half of the country. Its major drainage system is
the interior basin formed by the Jordan River; Lake Tiberias (Sea of Galilee) provides water to much of the
country’s agricultural land.
Israel has a mixed economy based largely on services and manufacturing; exports include machinery and
electronics, diamonds, chemicals, citrus fruits, vegetables, and textiles. Its population is nine-tenths urban and
is concentrated largely in the Mediterranean coastal plain and around Jerusalem. It is a multiparty republic with
one legislative house, the Knesset; its head of state is the president, and the head of government is the prime
minister. The record of human habitation in Israel dates to the Paleolithic Period. Efforts by Jews to establish a
national state there began in the late 19th century.
Britain supported Zionism and in 1923 assumed political responsibility for what was then called Palestine.
Migration of Jews to Palestine, which increased during the period of Nazi persecution, led to deteriorating
relations with Arabs. In 1947 the UN voted to partition the region into separate Jewish and Arab states.
The State of Israel was proclaimed in 1948, and Egypt, Transjordan (later Jordan), Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq
immediately declared war on it. Israel won that war as well as the 1967 Six-Day War, in which it occupied the
West Bank, Gaza Strip, Golan Heights, and east Jerusalem.
Another war with its Arab neighbours followed in 1973, but the Camp David Accords led to a peace treaty
between Israel and Egypt in 1979. Israel invaded Lebanon in 1982 to expel the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO) from that country, and in late 1987 an uprising broke out among Palestinians of the
occupied territories of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Peace negotiations between Israel and the Arab states and
Palestinians began in 1991. Israel and the PLO agreed in 1993 to a five-year plan to extend self-government to
the Palestinians of the occupied territories. Israel signed a peace treaty with Jordan in 1994. Israeli soldiers and
a Lebanese militia, Hezbollah, clashed throughout the 1990s. Israeli troops withdrew from Lebanon in 2000,
and negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians broke down amid violence that claimed hundreds of lives.
In an effort to stem the fighting, Israel in 2005 withdrew its soldiers and settlers from parts of the West Bank
and from all of the Gaza Strip, which came under Palestinian control.
The Israeli–Palestinian conflict
The Israeli–Palestinian conflict is the ongoing dispute between Israelis and Palestinians, an enduring and
explosive conflict. The conflict is wide-ranging, and the term is also used in reference to the earlier phases of
the same conflict, between Jewish and Zionist yishuv and the Arab population living in Palestine under
Ottoman or British rule. It forms part of the wider, and generally earlier, Arab–Israeli conflict. The remaining
key issues are: mutual recognition, borders, security, water rights, control of Jerusalem, Israeli settlements,
Palestinian freedom of movement and legalities concerning refugees. The violence resulting from the conflict
has prompted international actions, as well as other security and human rights concerns, both within and
between both sides, and internationally.
Zionism
In the late 1800s a group in Europe decided to colonize this land. Known as Zionists, they represented an
extremist minority of the Jewish population. Their goal was to create a Jewish homeland, and they considered
locations in Africa and the Americas, before settling on Palestine.
Initially, this immigration created no problems. However, as more and more Zionists immigrated to Palestine –
many with the express wish of taking over the land for a Jewish state – the indigenous population became
increasingly alarmed. Eventually, fighting broke out, with escalating waves of violence. Hitler’s rise to power,
combined with Zionist activities to sabotage efforts to place Jewish refugees in western countries, led to
increased Jewish immigration to Palestine, and conflict grew.
UN Partition Plan
In 1947 the United Nations decided to intervene. However, rather than adhering to the principle of “self-
determination of peoples,” in which the people themselves create their own state and system of government, the
UN chose to revert to the medieval strategy whereby an outside power divides up other people’s land.
Under considerable Zionist pressure, the UN recommended giving away 55% of Palestine to a Jewish state –
despite the fact that this group represented only about 30% of the total population, and owned under 7% of the
land.
1947 – 1949 War
Throughout this war, Zionist forces outnumbered all Arab and Palestinian combatants combined – often by a
factor of two to three. Moreover, Arab armies did not invade Israel – virtually all battles were fought on land
that was to have been the Palestinian state.
Finally, Arab armies entered the conflict only after Zionist forces had committed 16 massacres, including the
grisly massacre of over 100 men, women, and children at Deir Yassin. Future Israeli Prime Minister Menachem
Begin, head of one of the Jewish terrorist groups, described this as “splendid,” and stated: “As in Deir Yassin,
so everywhere, we will attack and smite the enemy. God, God, Thou has chosen us for conquest.” Zionist
forces committed 33 massacres altogether.
By the end of the war, Israel had conquered 78 percent of Palestine; three-quarters of a million Palestinians had
been made refugees; over 500 towns and villages had been obliterated; and a new map was drawn up, in which
every city, river and hillock received a new, Hebrew name, as all vestiges of the Palestinian culture were to be
erased. For decades Israel denied the existence of this population.
1967 War & USS Liberty
In 1967, Israel conquered still more land. Following the Six Day War, in which Israeli forces launched a highly
successful surprise attack on Egypt, Israel occupied the final 22% of Palestine that had eluded it in 1948 – the
West Bank and Gaza Strip. Since, according to international law it is inadmissible to acquire territory by war,
these are occupied territories and do not belong to Israel. It also occupied parts of Egypt (since returned) and
Syria (which remain under occupation).
Also during the Six Day War, Israel attacked a US Navy ship, the USS Liberty, killing and injuring over 200
American servicemen. President Lyndon Johnson recalled rescue flights, saying that he did not want to
“embarrass an ally.
Current Conflict
There are two primary issues at the core of this continuing conflict. First, there is the inevitably destabilizing
effect of trying to maintain an ethnically preferential state, particularly when it is largely of foreign origin. The
original population of what is now Israel was 96 percent Muslim and Christian, yet, these refugees are
prohibited from returning to their homes in the self-described Jewish state (and those within Israel are subjected
to systematic discrimination).
Second, Israel’s continued military occupation and confiscation of privately owned land in the West Bank, and
control over Gaza, are extremely oppressive, with Palestinians having minimal control over their lives. Over
10,000 Palestinian men, women, and children are held in Israeli prisons. Few of them have had a legitimate
trial; Physical abuse and torture are frequent. Palestinian borders (even internal ones) are controlled by Israeli
forces. Periodically men, women, and children are strip searched; people are beaten; women in labor are
prevented from reaching hospitals (at times resulting in death); food and medicine are blocked from entering
Gaza, producing an escalating humanitarian crisis. Israeli forces invade almost daily, injuring, kidnapping, and
sometimes killing inhabitants.
According to the Oslo peace accords of 1993, these territories were supposed to finally become a Palestinian
state. However, after years of Israel continuing to confiscate land and conditions steadily worsening, the
Palestinian population rebelled. (The Barak offer, widely reputed to be generous, was anything but.) This
uprising, called the “Intifada” (Arabic for “shaking off”) began at the end of September 2000.
Quite a few attempts have been made to broker a two-state solution, which would mean the creation of an
independent Palestinian state alongside an independent Jewish state or next to the State of Israel (after Israel’s
establishment in 1948). In 2007, a majority of both Israelis and Palestinians, according to a number of polls,
stated a preference for the two-state solution over any other solution as a means of resolving the conflict.
Also, a majority of the Jewish public sees the Palestinians’ demand for an independent state as just, and thinks
Israel can agree to the establishment of such a state. A majority of Palestinians and Israelis view the West Bank
and Gaza Strip as an acceptable location of the hypothetical Palestinian state in a two-state solution. However,
there are significant areas of disagreement over the shape of any final agreement and also regarding the level of
credibility each side sees in the other in upholding basic commitments. An alternative is the one-state or
binational solution, whereby all of Israel, the Gaza Strip, and West Bank would become a bi-national state with
equal rights for all.
Within Israeli and Palestinian society, the conflict generates a wide variety of views and opinions. This
highlights the deep divisions which exist not only between Israelis and Palestinians, but also within each
society.
There are prominent international actors involved in the conflict. The two parties engaged in direct negotiation
are the Israeli government, currently led by Benjamin Netanyahu, and the Palestine Liberation Organization
(PLO), currently headed by Mahmoud Abbas. The official negotiations are mediated by an international
contingent known as the Quartet on the Middle East (the Quartet) represented by a special envoy that consists
of the United States, Russia, the European Union, and the United Nations. The Arab League is another
important actor, which has proposed an alternative peace plan. Egypt, a founding member of the Arab League,
has historically been a key participant.
Since 2003, the Palestinian side has been fractured by conflict between the two major factions: Fatah, the
traditionally dominant party, and its later electoral challenger, Hamas. Following Hamas’ seizure of power in
the Gaza Strip in June 2007, the territory controlled by the Palestinian National Authority (the Palestinian
interim government) is split between Fatah in the West Bank, and Hamas in the Gaza Strip. The division of
governance between the parties has effectively resulted in the collapse of bipartisan governance of the
Palestinian National Authority (PA).
A round of peace negotiations commenced at Annapolis, Maryland, United States, in November 2007. These
talks were aimed at having a final resolution by the end of 2008. The parties agree there are six cores, or ‘final
status,’ issues which still need to be resolved.
Palestinians sceptical of talks – 1.09.2010
The stage is set for the revival of peace talks on 1.09.2010 in Washington between Israel and the
Palestinians amid scepticism in the Palestinian territories that the latest round of international diplomacy
that seeks to establish an independent Palestinian state will make much headway.
U. S. President Barack Obama will preside over the relaunch of talks on 1.09.2010 attended by
Palestinian Authority ( PA) President Mahmoud Abbas and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
The 22- nation Arab League backs these talks.
However, Israel’s refusal so far to extend its moratorium on fresh construction in occupied Palestinian
territories, which expires on September 26, 2010 threatens to disrupt Washington’s new initiative. The
international “ Quartet” group, which also includes Russia, the European Union ( EU) and the United
Nations as members, backs the resumption of negotiations. The Palestinians have threatened to walk out
of direct talks, unless Israel extends the freeze on new housing, which can impact on the nature of
the future Palestinian State. The Palestinians want that the West Bank and Gaza Strip should comprise
their future state with East Jerusalem as its capital.
The Palestinian Hamas which runs the Gaza Strip has strongly rejected the talks. However, imparting a
positive spin to the prospects of talks, U. S. State Department spokesman P. J. Crowley said the Obama
administration visualised that negotiations could achieve success “ within a one- year time frame”. “That
is what our goal is,” he said on 30.08.2010.
Israel-Palestine: Are the talks meant to fail?
Held in Washington at the instigation of President Obama, the first direct talks between Israel, represented by
Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, and the Palestinians, represented by President Mahmoud Abbas, for 20
months were presaged with much fanfare.
The rhetoric before the meeting was certainly ambitious, with the main stated aim being the establishment of an
independent Palestinian state alongside a secure Israel. The only substantive result so far, however, is that the
two sides will meet again on September 14, 2010 in the Egyptian resort of Sharm el Sheikh, and every fortnight
thereafter. The U.S. Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, will attend on September 14, 2010 as will former
Senator George Mitchell, who is now Mr. Obama’s special peace envoy to the Middle East.
The first key issue for the Palestinians is an end to the Israeli construction of settlements on the West Bank of
the Jordan, which Israel occupied in the 1967 war. Another is the right of return for millions of displaced
Palestinians, both the victims of that war and those expelled by Israel in 1948; huge numbers still languish in
camps around the region and in Gaza. A third point is the status of Jerusalem, which the Palestinians want as a
shared capital with Israel.
For his part, Mr. Netanyahu has said bluntly that the legitimacy and security of Israel are paramount. According
to him, the demand for a nation-state for the Palestinian people must be matched by a Palestinian recognition
that Israel is the nation-state for the Jewish people, though he adds that the million or more non-Jews living in
Israel have full civil rights.
A major problem is that Israel is not even dealing with Hamas, the elected majority representatives of the
Palestinians. It may be trying to pretend that Hamas does not exist, though it is prepared to go to war with it;
Israel has also imposed an economic stranglehold upon Gaza which amounts to nothing less than the collective
punishment of 1.5 million Palestinians, and it continues to bomb supply tunnels in southern Gaza. The physical
departure of Israeli settlers and Israeli forces from Gaza over the last few years is therefore almost an
irrelevance, and ordinary Palestinians’ hostility to the reopening of talks is entirely unsurprising.
There is therefore virtually no prospect that the reopened contacts between Mr. Netanyahu and Mr. Abbas can
succeed. If Israel shows any willingness to make concessions, the Palestinian President will be under severe
international pressure to accept, but will alienate his own supporters even further; if the talks break down for
any reason, Mr. Netanyahu can blame the Palestinians.
All the evidence is that that is exactly what Israel wants. The next Israeli chief of military staff is to be Major-
General Yoav Galant, who led the 2008-09 offensive in Gaza, during which 1,400 Palestinians and 13 Israelis
were killed, and in respect of which the U.N. fact finding report said there had been war crimes on both sides.
Israeli rights groups have called for an examination of Galant’s actions in Gaza, but, as is so often the case in
such matters, those at the top can be sure they will escape, however tainted they are. In effect, Israel is ruling
out any possibility that its own security could be ensured by a fair, just, and equitable settlement with all
Palestinians. It clearly will not accept a tenable two-state solution, but a one-state solution would annul its
claim to being a Jewish state. So Israel may well be moving towards the creation of a permanently demonised
and subjugated other, which may be essential for the very preservation of the idea of a Jewish, or in more
extreme terms Zionist.
Israel must be recognised as Jewish state: Netanyahu -13.09.2010
Israel’s Prime Minister says peace will be possible only if the Palestinian leadership agrees to recognise Israel
as a Jewish state — a demand the Palestinians have long rejected. Benjamin Netanyahu says such recognition
will be the “real basis” for peace and that he regrets the Palestinians have not agreed.
He spoke on 12.09.2010 at his Cabinet’s weekly meeting, ahead of talks in the coming week with Palestinian
President Mahmoud Abbas.
Mr. Netanyahu has made recognition of Israel’s Jewish character a central demand, suggesting the Palestinians’
failure to do so means they have not come to terms with Israel’s existence.
The Palestinians say they will not extend such recognition because it would compromise the rights of
Palestinian refugees and Israel’s Arab minority.
The battle goes on……
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
******

Vedanta Mining Project in Orissa and Environmental Concerns

Monday, August 30th, 2010
Rajam Krishnan
Vedanta Resources Plc is a London Stock Exchange -listed diversified FTSE 100 metals and mining
company. It is India’s largest non-ferrous metals and mining company based on revenues. With assets and
operations in India, Zambia and Australia, it is primarily engaged in copper, zinc, aluminium and iron ore
businesses. Recently, it has ventured into commercial power generation business. It is the first Indian
manufacturing company to be listed on the London Stock Exchange. It is well on its way to become a million-
tonne per annum producer at the lowest decile costs in aluminum, copper and zinc by 2010.
It has experienced significant growth in recent years through various expansion projects for copper, zinc and
aluminium businesses and acquisition of Sesa Goa in April 2007, which enabled it to enter the iron ore
business. Revenue from businesses increased from $3,701.8 million in fiscal 2006 to $7,930.5 million in fiscal
2010, representing a compound annual growth rate of 21%.
Vedanta has been criticised by human rights and activist groups, including Survival International and Amnesty
International, due to their operations in Niyamgiri Hills in Orissa, India that are said to threaten the lives of the
Dongria Kondh that populate this region. The Niyamgiri hills are also claimed to be an important wildlife
habitat in Eastern Ghats of India as per a report by the Wildlife Institute of India as well as independent
reports/studies carried out by civil society groups. In January 2009, thousands of locals formed a human chain
around the hill in protest at the plans to start bauxite mining in the area.
Vedanta’s Alumina Refinery in Lanjigarh was criticised by the Orissa State Pollution Control Board (the
statutory environmental regulation body) for air pollution and water pollution in the area. According to
Amnesty International, local people reported dust from the plant settling on clothes, crops and food. An
environmental impact assessment by the government found dust pollution was within acceptable limits.
Vedanta officials claimed there was no dust pollution from the plant at all. An environmental inspection of the
plant reported water pollution by the plant including increasing the pH value of the river Vamshadhara below
the refinery and a high level of SPM in the stack emissions. In October 2009 it was reported that the British
Government has criticised Vedanta for its treatment of the Dongria Kondh tribe in Orissa, India. The company
refused to co-operate with the British Government and with an OECD investigation. They have rejected
charges of environmental damage, saying it may be related to the increased use of fertiliser by farmers.
In 2007 unsafe mining operations led to 1,246 injuries and 26 deaths involving the group’s employees and
contractors.
In respect of bauxite mines at Lanjigarh, Orissa, public interest litigations were filed in 2004 by Indian non-
government organisations led by the Peoples Union for Civil Liberties to the Supreme Court sub-committee
regarding the potential environmental impact of the mines. The Ministry of Environment and Forests received
reports from expert organisations and has submitted its recommendations to the Supreme Court.
The sub-committee has found “blatant violations” of environmental regulations and grave concerns about the
impact of the Niyamgiri mine on both the environment and the local tribal population. The committee
recommended to the Court that mining in such an ecologically sensitive area should not be permitted.
Ministry’s negative response to Vedanta Project
After a long drawn-out consultation process, the Union government has finally pronounced its verdict against
Vedanta Alumina’s $1.7-billion plan to mine bauxite in the Niyamgiri Hills of Orissa on 24th August 2010.
The Minister for Environment and Forests Jairam Ramesh said that there has been a very serious violation of
the Environment Protection Act, the Forest Conservation Act and the Forest Rights Act. He blamed Vedanta,
the Orissa Mining Corporation, and State officials for the violations. The clearance stands rejected.
Mr. Ramesh accepted the recommendation of the Forest Advisory Committee (FAC) to withdraw the Stage I
forest clearance, granted in 2008, and reject the Stage II clearance that the promoters had applied for. In the
light of this, the environmental clearance will also become invalid. (See also Articles on ‘Environmental Issues’
in jeywin.com).
In a further blow to Vedanta’s plans in the region, the Ministry will investigate the allegation that bauxite for
Vedanta’s Orissa refinery is being sourced from 14 Jharkhand mines, of which at least 11 do not have a valid
environmental clearance.
The Ministry is also issuing a show-cause notice, threatening cancellation of the licence given to the refinery
itself, which has illegally grabbed village forest lands and carrying out a six-fold expansion without permission.
The appraisal process of the expansion has been suspended.
The FAC’s recommendation was based on the N.C. Saxena Committee report that detailed the violations and
the adverse impact of the project on the local Dongria Kondh tribal community and biodiversity in the region.
The Orissa Forest Secretary met Mr. Ramesh on 24th August 2010 to voice the State Government’s objections
to the report. He also reiterated the argument put forth by Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik that the Supreme
Court’s August 2008 ruling in favour of an in-principle clearance made the final clearance a fait accompli.
He claims that his Ministry cannot function on the basis of fait accomplis. Since August 2008, a lot of new
information has come to light. He says that it is on the basis of this incriminating new evidence that the decision
has been taken.
Among the new information is the State government’s failure to implement the Forest Rights Act, which
protects the community rights of forest-dwellers, especially tribals.
Instead, the Saxena Committee found that district administration officials deliberately submitted documents
faking the consent of gram sabhas.
26 August 2010
After the bold action taken by the Union Environment and Forest Ministry against Vedanta’s plans to mine
bauxite in Orissa, the clutch of bauxite and alumina projects in Visakhapatnam district in Andhra Pradesh may
now feel the heat. Already, there is lurking fear in the bauxite mining and alumina refining industry that their
projects could be next in the firing line by the Ministry as the issues were akin to those raised in the case of
Vedanta. These include impact on indigenous tribal communities, ecologically sensitive region, rich flora and
fauna and water sources, besides violations of Forest laws.
Union Mines Minister B. K. Handique, acting on a representation by Congress MP from Araku and chairman of
Committee on Pubic Undertakings V. Kishore Chandra Deo, made it clear that the commencement of bauxite
mining operations in Visakhapatnam will be kept on hold till issues raised by the latter were addressed.
The Environmental Impact Assessment report for Araku region would be re-evaluated.
The Minister made specific mention of the Jindal South West Holdings Limited, Ras-al Khaimah and three
projects of National Aluminium Company Limited, all joint ventures with Andhra Pradesh Mineral
Development Corporation (APMDC).
He informed the MP that a committee of the Union Ministry of Environment and Forests will look into the
issues regarding the impact of bauxite mining on water table, catchments, reservoirs, forest cover etc.
Reactions of the Tribals
The Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi has backed the tribals’ cause in Orissa’s Niyamgiri hills, which is
the hotbed of the Vedanta controversy. Rahul’s visit comes two days after the Centre refused to give an
environment clearance to Vedanta’s bauxite mining project. The Gandhi scion said development is important
but it should be done after listening to the poor and the tribals.
He claims that does not mean curbing the poor, the tribals and the backward. Rahul said the tribals of Niyamgiri
were being crushed. He reiterated the promise made in 2004 that the government of the poor and the common
man would come at the Centre and they had shown that.
In March 2008, Rahul visited Lanjigarh and expressed his solidarity with the Dongriya Kondhs who have been
opposing the Vedanta mines. He is back in 2010.
The timing of Rahul’s visit, just two days after Jairam Ramesh’s ban on Vedanta’s mining, has prompted the
Orissa government to cry foul.
In the past 10 years, the tribal vote bank of the Congress has eroded in favour of the BJD. Many believe
Rahul’s visit to Langigarh is to revive this tribal vote bank. The Congress, of course, denies the allegation.
As for the tribals of Lanjigarh, who have been opposing the mine for almost five years, the environment
ministry’s order is a welcome reprieve. To counter Rahul’s tribal rally, the BJD is planning to organise a
similar rally at the same place next week. It’s clear no political party wants to alienate the tribals in order to
please Vedanta.
Vedanta has made it very clear that it has already invested $ 5.4 billion in the aluminum project in Orissa and
there is no question of the company pulling out of the State.
But the big question is if Vedanta does not get its bauxite from the controversial Niyamgiri hills, will the Orissa
government oblige to provide alternate source of bauxite to the company.
30th august 2010 – the current scenario
The government is planning to put in place a more transparent mining policy by designating parts of mineral-
rich regions as out of bounds for industry because of environmental concerns, a move that can avoid episodes
such as the recent ban on mining at Niyamgiri in Orissa but could hurt expansion plans of companies located in
such areas.
The plan is to divide the country’s mineral-rich regions into so-called ‘go’ and ‘no-go’ areas, replicating a
similar exercise carried out by the environment ministry for the coal sector. The exercise, spelt out by the
ministry of mines in a note prepared a few days ago, is to identify areas where mining could be carried out
without causing serious environmental damage. The nub of the exercise is to identify areas of dense forest
cover where mining will not be allowed.
The note, which was prepared last week and has been seen by ET, will be reviewed by a group of ministers.
The group, consisting of those with a stake in mining policy, includes BK Handique, the minister in charge of
mining, finance minister Pranab Mukherjee, minister of state for coal SP Jaiswal, as well as minister of state for
environment Jairam Ramesh, whose activism has provoked the policy review.
Once cleared by this group, the policy will be notified. The demarcation between mining and no-mining areas
covers metallic minerals such as iron ore, bauxite and zinc, according to the note. Mr Handique could not be
reached for comments.
While such proposals have been mooted earlier, efforts to bring in greater transparency into India’s notoriously
opaque mining policy gained momentum after the environment ministry on August 24 denied permission to
Orissa Mining Corp to mine bauxite on the Niyamgiri hills. The Niyamgiri bauxite was intended for Vedanta
Aluminium, a joint venture partner of Orissa Mining Corp. However, the project faced stiff opposition from the
local tribal population and from environmentalists who drummed up local and international support that
resulted in the shelving of the project.
The proposal has the backing of the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), which has been taking an active interest in
matters concerning mining and its impact on the environment. The PMO recently asked the group of ministers
to prepare a national policy that will also spell out areas that can be allowed for mining.
The mapping exercise proposed by the mines ministry will use data collected by the Indian Bureau of Mines, a
body controlled by the ministry which is involved in the development of mineral resources and in protecting the
environment in mining areas.
The bureau is currently engaged in developing overlays or mining areas overlapping with thick forest cover.
This could be used as the basic input for adopting the ‘go’ and ‘no-go’ concept. The mines ministry exercise
will support the initiative proposed by the environment ministry to collate the density data of forest areas and
put it on its website. This will enable organisations, including the Geological Survey of India, to prioritise areas
for exploration for minerals.
For existing mining operations, the government official quoted earlier said, the categorisation will only have
minimal impact though some portion of expansion of existing mining operations may get impacted.
A recent study by global research body BMO, that backs higher investment in mining-rich countries like India,
says that among industrial commodities, copper, iron ore and metallurgical coal are the top picks because of
expectations of strong demand in China.
Of the 89 minerals produced in the country, four are fuel minerals, 11 metallic, 52 non-metallic and 22 minor
minerals. India is the largest producer of mica blocks and mica splitting; it ranks third in the production of coal
and lignite, barytes and chromite. It is the fourth-largest producer of iron ore the sixth-largest of bauxite and
manganese ore and the tenth-largest producer of aluminium.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Asia’s biggest Hi-tech Saket Court Complex inaugurated

Sunday, August 29th, 2010
Touted as Asia’s biggest Court Complex, the New Delhi’s sixth District Court came up in Saket and became
operational from August 28, 2010.
Spread over 16 hectares, using a budget of Rs 313 crore,, the seven-story centrally air-conditioned Saket Court
complex has 81 courts catering to the south and southeast districts of New Delhi, 700 lawyers’ chambers and
128 residential houses for judicial officers. Each floor is supported by a large central litigant waiting space with
public amenities like toilets, drinking water and information display panels among others. Two bar rooms and a
library for the judges and lawyers have also been provided. A temporary lock-up has been made for the
undertrials till a permanent judicial lock-up is constructed.
Apart from having the best infrastructure in place, Saket court complex has also focused on security
arrangements. Around 50 CCTV cameras have been placed in and out of the complex with a recording capacity
of three days. The daily recordings will be monitored by the staff and all the entrances will be strictly
monitored.
With its functioning, the litigants of south Delhi will not have to travel to the Patiala House Court complex to
attend their cases. Earlier, 42 civil and criminal trial courts of New Delhi, south and south-east districts were
located in the Patiala House courts. The Patiala House court complex houses a total of 5,000 lawyers and over
40 courts. At present, Patiala House Court has south district, south-east district and New Delhi district under its
jurisdiction. As per the plans, only New Delhi district will stay in the Patiala House complex and other two
districts will be transferred to Saket court.
From judges holding courts in the “space under the staircase” to “centrally airconditioned” courtrooms, the new
swanky court complex at Saket is now a Model Court complex for other States. Sharing his experience of
seeing judges working in “pathetic conditions” for the last 20 years, Chief Justice of India S H Kapadia on
28.08.2010 said that after opening of Saket court complex, which has the best infrastructural facilities, the
subordinate courts will work with “dignity”.
“Can you have a judicial delivery system or justice delivery mechanism without proper infrastructure? The
answer is no,” CJI Kapadia said at the inauguration of the sixth district court complex in New Delhil. CJI
Kapadia said he had gone through the statistical data of the last 10 years regarding budget allocation for the
judiciary and while other states had below 1% of their GDP being allocated to the judiciary, Delhi topped the
chart with 1.6%. CJI Kapadia’s remarks were seconded by Delhi chief minister Sheila Dikshit also present at
the inauguration who hinted that Saket was not going to be the last of the many district courts in the capital.”
We are opening the sixth district court complex. Two more will come as and when the need arises. We can give
whatever is required for the judicial system,” she said.
*****

Khap Panchayats and Honour Killings in India

Friday, August 27th, 2010
Kamalalini
Khap Panchayats are self styled setups that have gained notoriety for resorting to honor killings of young
couples or social boycott of their families for a simple reason that they chose to marry by choice. Right to
freedom of life and liberty are the basic fundamental rights enshrined in our constitution. Rarely has anyone
spoken against the Khaps in spite of their brutal misdeeds let alone anyone coming forward to register a case
against them. The Court must set a precedent and uphold the prosecutions plea by ordering death sentence to
guilty members of the Khap, which run as parallel Kangaroo Courts in our country.
Khap Panchayats in India
Khap is a cluster of villages united by caste and geography. It is as old as 14th century started by upper caste
jats to consolidate their power and position. The main rule is that all boys and girls within a khap are considered
siblings.
Khap Panchayat governs the khap formed by same gotra (clan) families from several neighbouring villages.
Khap panchayats are prevalent in Haryana, western Uttar Pradesh and Parts of Rajasthan. Love marriages are
considered taboo in areas governed by Khap panchayats. Those living in a Khap are not allowed to marry in the
same gotra or even in any gotra from the same village. Many young couples have been killed in the past
defying khap rules.
Khap Panchayat imposes its writ through social boycotts and fines and in most cases end up either killing or
forcing the victims to commit suicide. All this is done in the name of brotherhood and its honour. It is due to
the inherent weakness of democratically elected Panchayati Raj institutions, Khap panchayats have been
powerful.
The 10-15 men who constitute a Khap settle disputes and control the lives of young people. Many village
people also defend these caste panchayats as they deliver the verdict in one sitting whereas court cases drag for
years. According to them, in many cases innocent people get harassed in the court and by police. Here as
everyone is known so they cross check everything to ensure neutrality.
In some Haryana villages, the young girls are routinely threatened, abused and killed all under Khap verdicts. It
is acceptable for the families to feed pesticide pills to the teenage girls and then dispose off their bodies by
burning them without any police records. The entire onus of siblinghood rests on the girl. She is the keeper of
village honor. Sometimes rules are bend for the boys but a girl is never allowed to bend the rules. If couples run
away then, the families risk the boycott and hefty fines in lakhs of rupees. Even the other women of the house
can suffer abuse.
In keeping with the khap rules, older villages try to keep the young people apart. Some schools are also forced
to have separate timings for the boys and girls. Fearing their daughters would go astray, many parents marry
them off at an early age. People have unquestionable faith in the justice of khap. The question of rights for
women does not exist any where in the territories ruled by Khap panchayats.
Horror killings ordered by Khap Courts
Recently, Honour Killing also reported from the Shivaganga district of South Indian state Tamil Nadu. The
horrific cycle of honor killings to protect the honour of a family or a caste has now spread its tentacles to entire
India.
In Shivganga, 20 year-old Megala and 24-year-old Sivakumar, were told that they could not marry as they were
related. Despite Megala’s love, her family married her off in June. She eloped with Sivakumar ten days after
the wedding. Her family traced the couple and killed Sivakumar with sickles.
The killers included Megala’s father and brother. Megala says that everyone in her village, including her
mother, justified the killing of her lover as she fetched shame to her community and village.
For the cause of loving a person in the same caste, the cultureless caste fanatics, in the name of honour,
subjected the girl Monica (18) and her lover Rinku to brutal inhuman laws as both belonged to same Jat
community of Haryana’s Nimriwali village.
The father of Monica, her brother, uncle and cousins are suspected to be behind the crime and are absconding.
They had done this under the guidance and protection of Khap Panchayats, the apex body of caste based
council.
The main function of Khap Panchayat is murdering couples of the same gotra or sub caste in the villages of
rural India.
The murder of Monica and Rinku forced the Supreme Court of India to interfere in the issue. On June 21, 2010,
the Supreme Court issued notices to the Centre, Haryana government and six other states to take action against
the killing of young couples.
Nirupama, a 22-year-old journalist was found murdered at her home in Jharkand. Nirupama, hails from a
Brahmin family, was in love with a boy from another caste.
In May 2009, a Court in Haryana awarded capital punishment to five persons and life sentence to one for
murdering a couple for marrying against the societal norms. After the verdict, the Khap Panchayat openly
challenged it. They collected money to file appeal against the court verdict and demanded change in the
constitution of India.
Government plans to tighten noose on Khap Panchayats
In a bid to stop the murder of young couples and their family members in the name of tradition and honour,
especially under the instruction of Khap panchayats in North India, the Union home ministry has come up with
a stringent law.
The proposed law will make all Khap members accomplice in the crime, besides bringing all such cases under
the purview of murder (section 300 of the Indian Penal Code).
The ministry has circulated the draft of the ‘Indian Penal Code and Certain Other Laws (Amendment) Bill,
2010’, to bring changes in the IPC, Indian Evidence Act, 1872, and the Special Marriage Act, 1954, and put a
leash on the spate of honour killings in recent times.
The Supreme Court had issued notices to the Centre and the Haryana, UP, Punjab, Rajasthan, Jharkhand, Bihar,
Himachal Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh governments seeking information on steps taken to stop honour
killings.
The home ministry wants such killings to be brought under the purview of murder and have in place a proper
definition of dishonour or perceived dishonour. The new IPC provision will make Khap members accomplice
in the crime and prosecute leading members of caste panchayats.
During the trial, the burden of proof will be on the accused instead of the victims. For this, a new section —
105A — will be inserted in the Indian Evidence Act.
Besides, to ensure the safety of couples marrying against the wishes of families, communities and caste
panchayats, the government proposes to do away with the present compulsory 30-day notice period in the
courts under section 5 of the Special Marriage Act.
This means a couple will be able to tie the knot in courts immediately after giving an application for marriage.
It was felt that the present notice period, during which the photographs of the couples were pasted on the notice
board of the court, was leading to easy identification of the couples. They were being harassed and even killed
by the families later.
As for the IPC amendment, the ministry feels that since caste panchayats are informal bodies with no legal
status, the members of caste and clan have to be treated as accomplices in the crime. The new law will view all
members of the caste panchayat ordering the killing deemed guilty by virtue of their association with such a
body, whether or not they supported the act.
In the new law, “dishonour” has been explained as acts such as adopting a dress code unacceptable to family,
caste, clan, community or caste panchayat; choosing to marry within or outside gotra, caste, clan, community
and engaging in sexual relations unacceptable to family, caste, clan, community or caste panchayat.
The National Commission for Women has sought severe punishment for people who give provocative
statements favouring such killings.
The proposed amendments IPC section 300: Inserting a new (fifth) clause indicating that culpable homicide is
murder if the act by which death is caused is done with the intention of causing death or if it is done by any
person or persons acting in concert with, or at the behest of a member of a family or a member of a body or
group of caste or clan/community/caste panchayat (by whatever name called) in the belief that the victim has
brought dishonour upon the family/caste/clan/community or caste panchayat.
Indian Evidence Act: A new section 105A will be inserted, which says when death of a member of a family
occurs and a person or a group of persons is accused of acts falling within the fifth clause of section 300 of the
IPC, then, the burden of proving that the case does not fall within that section shall be upon such person or
persons.
Special Marriage Act: In the Section 5, the words notice “for a period of not less than 30 days” shall be omitted.
Khap Panchayats seek legal claws
Irked at being equated with the Taliban and kangaroo courts, khap panchayats in Haryana are now determined
to get some legal sanction. Soon, they will draw up a set of recommendations for making “suitable”
amendments to the Hindu Marriage Act (1955) at the state level so that their rulings become valid under law.
At a two-day meeting in Rohtak, the Sarv Khap Panchayat, a conglomerate of various khaps, decided to set up
a core committee to suggest amendments to the Act to disallow same-gotra and same-village marriages as per
Jat tradition.
Lt Col (retd) Chander Singh Dalal, an advocate in Rohtak who organized the “seminar”, said: “After elections,
I plan to send the draft recommendations to each of the 90 MLAs and persuade them to bring a Bill in the
assembly. I am sure it won’t be opposed. Once the amendments are brought in, there’ll be no place for dispute.”
Justice (retd) Devi Singh Teotia, a former judge of the Punjab & Haryana HC, who actively participated in the
Sarv Khap Panchayat, said: ”Khap leaders are keepers of Jat tradition and they have lately been facing flak for
it. If the amendments come through, there will be no more clashes between tradition and the law, and they (the
khap leaders) won’t be maligned.”
He said the amendments will be sought at the state level, so that they apply to any marriage taking place in
Haryana. ”One of the sections of the Hindu Marriage Act says that you can’t marry your brother or sister,
unless custom permits. This exception clause was added for some south Indian customs where sibling
marriages are allowed under extreme circumstances. “Since Jat custom doesn’t permit marriage within the same
gotra and in the gotra of one’s parents, we can seek a similar clause.
Similarly, certain other sections need small alterations,” he said. The meeting, attended by more than 150 khap
leaders besides intellectuals, doctors and social activists from the community, also debated ways to improve the
khaps’ image in the media. Teotia said he suggested that a handful of educated people from the community
should be nominated to assist khap leaders in taking decisions and help them in media management.
Divorce granted by Khap Panchayats not valid: SC – 26.08.2010
Divorce between estranged couple approved by Khap Panchayats (caste council) will have no legal sanctity, the
Supreme Court has ruled on 26.08.2010.
A Bench of Justices P Sathasivam and B S Chauhan upheld an Allahabad High Court judgement that had
quashed a Varanasi Family Court’s ruling that divorce between Mahendra Nath Yadav and Sheela Devi had
become effective since it had been approved by the khap panchayat.
“The High Court has rightly held that dissolution of marriage through Panchayat as per custom prevailing in
that area and in that community cannot be a ground for granting divorce under Section 13 (desertion or cruelty)
of the Act, 1955.
*****

UPSC Civil Services Aptitude Test, 2011 – Confirmed

Thursday, August 26th, 2010
In a significant move, the Government of India has agreed to a proposal to introduce Civil Services Aptitude
Test (CSAT) in place of Civil Services (Preliminary) Examination.
“The government has approved the proposal for the introduction of Civil Services Aptitude Test (CSAT) in
place of Civil Services (Preliminary) Examination,” Minister of State for Personnel, Public Grievances and
Pensions Prithviraj Chavan informed the Rajya Sabha, on 26.08.2010.
In CSAT, one of the optional subjects which a candidate could have chosen out of 23 optionals has been
replaced with a common paper on aptitude test, he said, adding the syllabus of CSAT is being worked out.
The government will shortly notify the new scheme of examination giving details of the syllabus, the Minister
said in a written reply in Rajya Sabha on 26.08.2010.

Garima-II buffalo calf cloned through ‘hand-guided cloning technique’

Tuesday, August 24th, 2010
A cloned buffalo calf was born at the Karnal-based National Dairy Research Institute (NDRI) on 22.08.2010,
where two calves were cloned a year ago, the Indian Council of Agriculture Research (ICAR) announced here
on 23.08.2010.
The buffalo calf, named Garima-II, was born through the new and advanced ‘hand-guided cloning technique’.
It weighs 32 kg and is apparently normal and healthy. “This cloned buffalo calf is different from the earlier
clone calf because, in this case, the used donor cell was an embryonic cell,” said NDRI Director A.K.
Srivastava in a press statement.
Faster multiplication
According to him, the technology could go a long way in facilitating faster multiplication of superior milch
buffaloes in the country. “There is an acute shortage of good bulls in the country. The technology of cloning
will decrease the gap between supply and demand by breeding the bulls in the shortest possible time,” he said.
Dr. Srivastava said that although the world’s largest population of buffaloes was in India, and it contributed
about 55 per cent to the total milk production in the country, the percentage of elite buffaloes was low.
Dr. Srivastava and his team of scientists, including M.S. Chauhan, S.K. Singla, R.S. Manik, Shiv Prasad and
Aman George, feel that embryonic stem cells have a better cloning ability as compared to somatic cells (used in
earlier cloning) that are lineage committed.
The world’s first buffalo calf through the ‘hand-guided cloning technique’ developed by the NDRI was born on
February 6, 2010 but it could not survive beyond five days. The second cloned calf, Garima-I, was born on June
6, 2009. It survived and is reportedly healthy.
The new calf was developed from embryos that were cultured and grown in a laboratory and then transferred to
recipient buffalo. It was born in a Caesarean operation carried out by a team of doctors from the NDRI and
Chaudhary Charan Singh Agricultural University, Hisar.
New era
Congratulating the team, ICAR Director-General S. Ayyappan said the new technology of hand-guided cloning
of buffaloes may lead to a “new era in faster multiplication of elite germplasm to face the challenges of
increasing demands of milk in view of the ever-growing human population”.
*****

Fight against Child Marriage in India

Sunday, August 22nd, 2010
Thangai VS Annan
Marriage is a celebration in India, but unfortunately so is child marriage. Although we have a statute since 1929
to restrain the same, the power of that legislation in controlling this social evil is dismal. Interestingly, in the era
of Chandrayan, we repeatedly hear cases of Child Marriages. Child marriage is a stigma on the forehead of our
society. In a recent case, a widow and mother of six children married her 12-year-old daughter to a 35-year-old
man in Channa Bakhar village of Jodhpur
The marriage took place clandestinely in the village in the presence of a few relatives and was kept hidden from
other villagers. But when the news leaked, the village Panchayat and Sen Samaj declared the marriage illegal.
The villagers worked together to save the girl. The Balika Vadhu has purportedly gone into hiding even as her
husband Gajendra Sen and his parents were running away.
Child-marriage originated in the medieval age and was born from the same compulsions that perpetuated Sati.
It was not prevalent in ancient India. The most popular form of marriage was Swayamvara where grooms
assembled at the bride’s house and the bride selected her spouse. Svayam-vara can be translated as self
selection of one’s husband, Svayam = self, Vara = husband. Instances of Swayamvara ceremony are found in
our national epics, the Ramayana and Mahabharata. Various types of marriages were prevalent in ancient India
Gandharva Vivaha (love marriage), Asura Viviha (marriage by abduction) etc., But among these Bal-Viviha
(Child marriage) is conspicuous in its absence.
Origin and Causes of child marriages
In the medieval ages, law and order was not yet a universal phenomenon and arbitrary powers were
concentrated in the hands of a hierarchy led by a despotic monarch. In India the Sultans of Delhi who held the
place of the despotic monarch, came from a different type of culture. Orthodox in their beliefs with a fanatical
commitment to their religion there was a ruthless method in its propagation. Intolerant as they were to all forms
of worship other than their own, they also exercised contempt for members of other faiths.
As usual, women were the victims during any war, arson, plunder, etc. During the reign of the Delhi Sultans,
these were the order of the day and the worst sufferers were Hindu women. During these dark days were
spawned customs like child-marriage and selection of women from the rest of the society, wearing of the
Ghungat (veil). This age also perpetuated customs like Sati and looking upon the birth of a female baby as an ill
omen, even killing newly born baby girls by drowning them in a tub of milk. Amidst the feeling of insecurity,
the presence of young unmarried girls was a potential invitation for disaster.
The predatory Sarasenic feudal lords and princes of Sarasenic origins who stalked all over India in the middle
ages were a source of constant threat. A girl at home was an invitation for disaster. As such, parents would seek
to get over with the responsibilities of their daughters by getting the custom of child marriages with the ‘bride’
and ‘groom’ still in their cradles was a culmination of this tendency. This way the danger to a growing girl’s
modesty was somewhat reduced.
Along with this principal reason, there were a few other reasons arising from the nature of the feudal society
which were conducive for the prevalence of this practice. In a feudal society, qualities like rivalry, personal
honour, hereditary friendship or enmity are rated very highly. Because of this, military alliances play a very
important role in preserving or destroying the balance of power between the various kingdoms and fiefdoms.
To ensure that the military alliances entered into were observed by both parties, practices like exchanging
juvenile members of the respective families who were educated and brought up at each other’s palaces were
followed.
They were considered to be captives who were held to ensure that the military alliances between the two
kingdoms or clans were honoured. But, a more lasting bond that could back up military alliances was
matrimonial alliances between members of the two families. But such matrimonial alliances could be worked
out smoothly only if the bride and groom were ready to accept each other. Young men and women of
marriageable age are bound to be choosy. This difficulty could be avoided when the marriage was between two
children or babies where there was no question of their having any sense of choice as to who their partners in
life should be.
The caste hierarchy also perhaps had its role to play in perpetuating such a system. Caste which is based on
birth and heredity does not allow marriages between members of different castes. But as youngsters whose
emotions and passions could be ruled by other considerations might violate this injunction. Out of the necessity
to preserve itself, the hereditary caste system could have helped in nourishing the practice of child-marriage.
Among other subsidiary considerations which could have helped to preserve this custom might be the belief
that adults (or adolescent) boys and girls would indulge in unhealthy moral practices. This consideration would
have been more relevant in the context of the puritanical and orthodox environment of the bygone ages. The
practice could also have been perpetuated, especially among- the economically weaker sections, by the
consideration of keeping marriage expenses to a minimum. A child-marriage need not have been as grand an
affair as adult marriages.
The Current Scenario
The legal age for marriage in India is 18 years for a female and 21 for a male as per Section 6 of the Hindu
Marriages Act, 1956. Any marriage of a person younger than this is banned and punishable in India under the
Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006.
But child marriages still take place in India, particularly around the Hindu holy day of Akshya Tritiya.
Normally Hindus decide the date for marriages based on horoscopes interpreted by pundits. Some dates
however are considered so auspicious that no pundit needs to be consulted. One such day is Akshya Tritiya
(also knows as Akha Teej), the third day of Baishakh, the month of the Hindu calendar generally falling in
May. During this time lots of marriages take place. Unfortunately, many of them are child marriages. It is a
religious tradition in many places in India and therefore quite difficult to change.
And that is really the crux of the problem — child marriages are a reflection that, like sati, women and girls are
seen as property that ‘belongs’ to someone: her family, her husband, her in-laws. If her marriage is left too late,
she is considered a burden to her own family. In some communities where child marriage takes place, instead
of dowry there is a system of ‘bride price’ where, when the girl gets married, the husband’s family has to pay a
sum of money in exchange for the bride. Instead of making things better, this system also means that families
are eager to get their daughters married off so they can bring in money.
In any case, child marriages are worse for girls than for boys, since the girls are usually younger than the boys.
Marriage also puts an end to any education girls may have been receiving. And if they get pregnant while still
young, their health gets much worse since their bodies are often not ready to bear children. According to the
United Nations, maternal mortality i(which indicates the number of women dying in childbirth or from
pregnancy-related causes) is 25 times higher for girls under 15, and two times higher for 15-19-year-olds.
Interestingly enough, around the same time as Akshya Tritiya in 2010, the United Nations had just concluded a
special session on children where they adopted 21 child welfare goals for the next decade. One of these was to
end “harmful traditional or customary practices such as early and forced marriage”.
Consequences of Child Marriage
All children have a right to care and protection; to develop and grow into a complete and full individual,
regardless of their social and economic situation. Child marriage is a blatant violation of all these rights.
Child marriage denies children their basic rights to good health, nutrition, education, and freedom from
violence, abuse and exploitation.
When the persons in the marriage are children, their body and mind are put to grave and heinous danger. Most
often the child is not even aware of what really awaits her/him as a consequence. Marriage by its very
institution imposes certain social responsibilities on the persons in it. It also provides the legal sanction for
engaging in sexual activity and procreation. This amounts to sanction for child sexual abuse and rape.
For girls early marriage is the beginning of frequent and unprotected them to early motherhood, reproductive
tract infections and sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDS. It also means frequent pregnancies and
abortions.
Early marriage resulting in early motherhood means placing both the young mother and her baby at risk. It
leads to increase in the rate of infant mortality and maternal mortality and birth of babies who have low birth
weight, malnutrition and anaemia.
Early child marriage violates the child’s right to education. Children remain illiterate and unskilled, which in
turn limits their opportunities for economic employment and economic independence as an adult.
Child brides often experience a sudden decline in their social networks, leaving them with few friends and
peers if any. Such social isolation pose a host of other challenges that limit their ability to promote their health,
development and well-being.
Parents justify early marriage as a way to protect the girl child from violence. However, parents do not
understand that child marriage actually opens the door to an endless and vicious cycle of domestic violence and
abuse. Marriage is also often used as the first step to trafficking for commercial sexual exploitation, forced
labour or any other purpose.
Preference for sons leads to female foeticide adding to the woes of the girl child. It results in fall in the number
of girls available for marriage and hence buying of young brides, particularly in states with a skewed sex ratio.
Some girl children are victims of “fake marriages” after which they are trafficked for sexual exploitation or as
labour. Reports from Haryana, Punjab, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan bear testimony
to this.
The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006
The basic premise of the law is:
1. To make a child go through a marriage is an offence.
2. Child or minor is a person up to 18 years in the case of girls and 21 years in the case of boys.
Voidability of Marriage at the Option of Child
Unlike the earlier legislation, wherein there was no provision for the voidability of the marriage, the new
legislation makes the child marriage voidable at the option of contracting party who was a child at the time of
marriage i.e. the child who has been married off has the option to go to the court of appropriate jurisdiction
(district court or family court, as the case may be) and get his/her marriage declared cancelled. Further, there
were only punishments prescribed for individuals getting into child marriage i.e. for the male adult, for the
guardians who solemnized the marriage and for individuals who conduct or perform the marriage in any
manner. However, the punishment was a meager simple imprisonment upto three months and fine.
However, under the new Act, the child can get the marriage cancelled if he/she so desires. If she does not
exercise this option then the marriage remains valid. At the same time, if one spouse is not a child, he cannot
get his marriage cancelled and he has to fulfill all the marital obligations of a husband like sustaining the wife,
maintenance etc.
This option can be exercised by the child who has been married off and not by anybody else. If the child is still
a minor at the time of filing the petition, the guardian can file the petition along with the Child Marriage
Prohibition officer for him.
Further, a limitation period of two years from the date of attaining majority has been imposed.
While granting a decree of nullity under this section, the district court shall make an order directing both the
parties to the marriage and their parents or their guardians to return to the other party, his or her parents or
guardian, as the case may be, the money, valuables, ornaments and other gifts received on the occasion of the
marriage by them from the other side, or an amount equal to the value of such valuables, ornaments, other gifts
and money. Further, no order for nullity shall be passed unless the concerned parties have been given notices to
appear before the district court and show cause why such order should not be passed.
Maintenance and Residence for the Female Child
Section 4 of the Act makes a provision for maintenance and residence to female contracting party to child
marriage. If the child marriage is cancelled or nullified, then the district court may also make an interim or final
order directing the male contracting party to the child marriage, and in case the male contracting party to such
marriage is a minor, his parent or guardian to pay maintenance to the female contracting party to the marriage
until her remarriage.
Looking at the social conditions in India, it can be imagined that it would be difficult for the girl to find a good
residential place for herself. Therefore, the law along with making provision for maintenance also gives the
power to court to make a suitable order as to her residence.
Children of Child Marriage – Their Custody, Legitimacy and Maintenance
The law also makes provision for custody and maintenance of children of child marriages. It gives the
discretion to make a suitable order for the custody of such children. Undoubtedly, while making an order for
the custody of a child under this section, the welfare and best interests of the child shall be the paramount
consideration to be given by the district court.
An order for custody of a child may also include appropriate directions for giving to the other party access to
the child in such a manner as may best serve the interests of the child, and such other orders as the district court
may, in the interest of the child, deem proper. The district court may also make an appropriate order for
providing maintenance to the child by a party to the marriage or their parents or guardians.
To dive further into the problems and consequences of child marriage, another issue that could arise, would be
the legitimacy of the children born under a child marriage where such marriage has been declared to be null.
Punishments
Originally, Child Marriage was dealt with by the Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1929 (Act 19 of 1929). In 2006,
it was repealed and replaced by The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006. It contains 21 Sections.
Sections 9, 10, 11 and 13 of The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006 deal with punishments for various
contraventions.
Section 9: The punishments for a male adult marrying a child shall be rigorous imprisonment upto two years or
fine upto one lakh rupees or both.
Section 10: The punishment for solemnising a child marriage in the form of performing the child marriage or
abetting in any form shall be punishable with rigorous imprisonment which may extend to two years and shall
be liable to fine which may extend to one lakh rupees unless he proves that he had reasons to believe that the
marriage was not a child marriage.
Section 11: The law makes provision for the punishment of any person having charge of the child, whether as
parent or guardian or any other person or in any other capacity, lawful or unlawful, including any member of an
organization or association of persons who does any act to promote the marriage or permits it to be solemnised,
or negligently fails to prevent it from being solemnised, including attending or participating in a child marriage.
The quantum of punishment has been laid down as rigorous imprisonment which may extend to two years and
shall also be liable to fine which may extend up to one lakh rupees. The Act makes an exception in case of
women and provides that no woman shall be punishable with imprisonment.
Section 13: Prescribes punishment for performing child marriage by disobeying the injunction granted by any
competent Court and the punishment is imprisonment of either description which may extend to two years or
with fine which may extend up to one lakh rupees or with both.
Further, the action also makes a presumption against the accused (which is again a deference from the normal
law that the accused is always presumed innocent till proven guilty). It is presumed, unless and until the
contrary is proved, that where a minor child has contracted a marriage, the person having charge of such minor
child has negligently failed to prevent the marriage from being solemnised.
Marriages to be void in certain cases
The law further lays down the few cases in which the marriage of a minor child is to be void, i.e. where the
child,
• is taken or enticed out of the keeping of the lawful guardian; or
• by force compelled, or by any deceitful means induced to go from any place; or
• is sold for the purpose of marriage; and made to go through a form of marriage or if the minor is married
after which the minor is sold or trafficked or used for immoral purposes,
• such marriage shall be null and void.
A complaint regarding a possible child marriage may be made by any person having personal knowledge or
reason to believe, and a non-governmental organisation having reasonable information, relating to the
likelihood of taking place of solemnisation of a child marriage or child marriages.
It is also provided that the Court of the Judicial Magistrate of the first class or the Metropolitan Magistrate may
also take suo motu cognizance on the basis of any reliable report or information.
The mass marriages conducted on the day of akshay trutiya are not unknown. For the purposes of preventing
solemnisation of mass child marriages on certain days such as Akshaya Trutiya, the District Magistrate shall be
deemed to be the Child Marriage Prohibition Officer with all powers as are conferred on a Child Marriage
Prohibition Officer by or under this Act. The District Magistrate shall also have additional powers to stop or
prevent solemnisation of child marriages and for this purpose, he may take all appropriate measures and use the
minimum force required.
Offences to be cognizable and non-bailable
Notwithstanding anything contained in the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973, an offence punishable under The
Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 206 shall be cognizable and non-bailable.
Child Marriage Prohibition Officers
This statute also introduced the concept of special Child Marriage Prohibition Officers.
With the coming into force of the Act, the State Government shall, by notification in the Official Gazette,
appoint for the whole State or such part thereof as may be specified in that notification, an officer or officers to
be known as the Child Marriage Prohibition Officer having jurisdiction over the area or areas specified in the
notification. The State Government may also request a respectable member of the locality with a record of
social service or an officer of the Gram Panchayat or Municipality or an officer of the Government or any
public sector undertaking or an office bearer of any non-governmental organisation to assist the Child Marriage
Prohibition Officer and such member, officer or office bearer, as the case may be, shall be bound to act
accordingly.
The duties of the CMPO are:
• to prevent solemnisation of child marriages by taking such action as he may deem fit;
• to collect evidence for the effective prosecution of persons contravening the provisions of this Act;
• to advise either individual cases or counsel the residents of the locality generally not to indulge in
promoting, helping, aiding or allowing the solemnisation of child marriages;
 • to create awareness of the evil which results from child marriages;
• to sensitize the community on the issue of child marriages;
• to furnish such periodical returns and statistics as the State Government may direct; and
• to discharge such other functions and duties as may be assigned to him by the State Government.
The State Government may invest the Child Marriage Prohibition Officer with such powers of a police officer
as may be needed and issue a notification in such respect. The Child Marriage Prohibition Officer shall have
the power to move the Court for an order under sections 4, 5 and 13 and along with the child under section 3.
The Child Marriage Prohibition Officers shall be deemed to be public servants.
This Act is not in force as of now, i.e. sometimes after a statute receives the assent of the parliament, the state
needs to develop the necessary machinery to actually put the Act and its provisions into action. It shall come
into force on such date as the Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, appoint; and
different dates may be appointed for different States.
To stop such child marriages, governments and civil society organisations are trying to get laws against child
marriage made stronger, since it does not seem to be working in its present state. Right now the police cannot
make arrests without applying for a magistrate’s order, which may take days. The punishment, a maximum of
three months in prison, and a fine is not enough to stop people. Proposed changes include more punishment, a
compulsory registration of all marriages rather than just religious rites, the appointment of anti-child marriage
officers in every state, and making it a law that anyone who attends a child marriage has to report it.
40% child marriages in India: UNICEF
Forty per cent of the world’s child marriages take place in India, resulting in a vicious cycle of gender
discrimination, illiteracy and high infant and maternal mortality rates.
According to the UNICEF’s latest “State of the World’s Children-2009” report, discrimination on the basis of
gender has a direct impact on maternal health. It can deny girls and women access to education, prevent them
from receiving or seeking adequate health care and bar them from making critical decisions that can affect their
health and that of the newborn.
Saving the lives of mothers and their newborns require more than just medical intervention. To be truly
effective, these interventions must exist within an environment supportive of women’s rights. This, the report
suggests, requires respect for the rights of women and children, quality education, a decent standard of living,
protection from abuse, exploitation, discrimination and violence and empowerment of women.
Educating girls and women is not only pivotal to improving maternal and neonatal health, but it also has
tangible benefits for families and societies.
Educated women are more likely to delay marriages, ensure their children are immunised, be better informed
about nutrition for themselves and their children, and choose safer birth spacing practices. Their children have
higher survival rates than those of uneducated women and tend to be better nourished.
Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh top list of child marriages
Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh have topped in the list of child marriages in India, a government data released on,
Mar 30, 2010 said.
According to National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) report, the national capital has recorded one such
incident in the year 2008.
This is only the second case reported from Delhi in this decade. It had recorded one such incident in 2003.
The report noted that 23 cases have been reported from Gujarat and 19 cases were reported in Andhra Pradesh.
The other states which reported child marriage cases in 2008 are Karnataka (9), Bihar (8), Punjab and West
Bengal (6 each), Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra (5 each), Haryana, Kerala and Tamil Nadu (4 each), Rajasthan
(3), Himachal and Madhya Pradesh (2 each) and Assam, Goa and Orissa (one each).
The Child Marriages that took place in India are 99 in 2006, 96 in 2007 and 104 in 2008 as per Crime in India
2008, a publication of National Crimes Records Bureau in India. This is only a tip of the iceberg but in reality
most of the Child Marriages go unreported in India as the Child Marriages are sloemnised willingly by the
family members and they feel that it is not a crime and hence no report comes against it. It can be prevented
only when the society is educated, especially the girls.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
******

300% Pay rise for Members of Parliament in India

Saturday, August 21st, 2010
Hours after the Union Cabinet on 19.08.2010 cleared a 300 per cent salary hike, from Rs. 16,000 to Rs. 50,000,
for members of Parliament and doubled their perks, they appeared to be a dissatisfied lot and stalled the Lok
Sabha proceedings thrice during the day, demanding more money.
Though the Cabinet, which met in Delhi under the chairmanship of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, approved
the Bill seeking a three-fold increase in the basic salary of MPs, it fell short of the Rs. 80,001 recommended by
a joint parliamentary committee, which stated that an MP should get at least Re. 1 more than the top Central
government bureaucrats.
Besides salary, an MP gets an allowance of Rs.1,000 for each day the Parliament is in session or for taking part
in House committee meetings. This has been doubled. A member is also entitled to a constituency allowance of
Rs.20,000 a month and an office expense allowance of Rs.20,000 a month. These perks have also been doubled.
The increase will be given with retrospective effect from May 2009, when the 15th Lok Sabha was constituted.
However, the increase will be implemented when the Bill seeking amendment to the Salaries and Allowances
of Members of Parliament Act, 1954, is brought in Parliament and passed by both the Houses.
The deadlock over MPs’ salary hike ended on 20.08.2010 after the government’s trouble-shooter Pranab
Mukherjee met agitating parliamentarians who are unhappy with the three-fold increase and are demanding a
500 per cent raise. The government is likely to consider marginally increasing the hike, official sources said.
How much an MP will now get?
The following is the summary of monetary benefits MPs are entitled to as salary and other perks which were on
19.08.2010 proposed to be hiked manifold.
Each MP gets:
1. Basic salary of Rs 16,000. The salary has been hiked by 300 percent as proposed by the cabinet.
2. Daily allowance of Rs 1,000 for each day when parliament is in session or taking part in house
committee meetings. This has been doubled.
3. Constituency allowance of Rs 20,000 a month. This has been doubled.
4. Office expense allowance of Rs 20,000 each month. Also doubled.
5. Conveyance allowance of Rs 1 lakh, which has gone up to Rs 4 lakh now.
6. Spouses of MPs get free train travel from their place of residence to Delhi. They also get up to eight free
plane tickets from their place of residence to Delhi.
With pay hike, an MP to cost Rs 37 Lakh a year
Not satisfied with a three-fold hike in their basic salary, many MPs stalled Parliament proceedings on
19.08.2010, saying that the “low” hike was an insult to the country’s legislators. But do these MPs have a case?
Times of India did some calculations to help our MPs do a reality check on how their pay packet compares with
countries around the world.
In comparison with legislators from the developed world, Indian MPs may appear to be poorly paid when we
compare basic salaries at normal forex rates. However, this can be misleading.
It’s well known that basic salary is only a small part of the overall compensation given to an MP. Hence we did
some calculations to get a rough estimate of the overall cost of an MP to his or her country by finding out the
approximate monetary values of various perks and allowances. Converting this into international dollars in
terms of purchasing power parity (the same benchmark that makes India the world’s fourth largest economy), it
works out that Indian MPs cost more to the country than their counterparts in Singapore, Japan and Italy —
nations globally known for their highly paid politicians.
Without including accommodation, travel, medical facilities and water charges, and taking 151 Parliament
session days (from June 1, 2009 to June 1, 2010) as the annual average, it works out that the new salaries and
allowances (constituency allowance, office, telephone, internet, furniture, electricity, daily allowances) given to
an MP is worth more than Rs 20 lakh annually.
Now, consider the accommodation provided free or at nominal rates to MPs at some of the most upscale
localities in the country — places like Lodhi Estate, Aurangzeb Road, Tughlak Lane, Akbar Road and
Ferozeshah Road in Lutyens Delhi — where rent for a two or three BHK flat can go up to Rs 2 lakh a month.
We can safely assume that an MP living at these places gets an additional perk of Rs 1 lakh per month by way
of saving rent.
To calculate the average cost of air travel of an MP, we considered Kolkata as a point of reference (some
constituencies may be farther or nearer) and assumed that an MP travels by Air India booking the ticket one
week in advance. By that count, the 34 single air journeys that each MP is entitled to in a year, costs Rs 5 lakh.
This brings an MP’s compensation to more than Rs 37 lakh annually.
When converted to PPP dollars, each MP’s pay and perks work out to 2.2 lakh PPP dollars — higher than the
salary plus perks of MPs in Singapore (2.1 lakh) Japan (1.9 lakh) and Italy (1.9 lakh). In comparison, the cost to
country of an MP in Pakistan — at 46,000 PPP dollars — makes legislators in that country appear positively
poor.
There’s another way of looking at the pay packets of our MPs — by comparing it with the people they claim to
represent. India’s per capita GDP being $ 3,176 (PPP), it works out that after the hikes our MPs will cost the
country 68 times more than what an average Indian earns annually. That makes the disparity in India between
the citizen’s average income and an MP’s cost to country, among the highest in the world. Kenya is an example
of an even higher disparity, with its MPs earning 180 times the average population. The ratio is 35 for the US
while for most of Western Europe and Japan, the cost of an MP doesn’t exceed 10 times the country’s per
capita income.
MPs may get Rs.10,000 more – 21.08.2010
The government appears to have achieved a compromise with the Opposition parties on the issue of increasing
the salary and allowances of members of Parliament. The constituency allowance will be hiked by Rs. 5,000
and the secretarial allowance by Rs. 5,000, adding up to Rs. 10,000 a month.
Courtesy: The Hindu and Times of India
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com

Menace of Kangaroo Courts or Katta Panchayats in India

Saturday, August 21st, 2010
Thangai VS Annan
Kangaroo Court or Katta Panchayat is one where there is an unfair trial in which the rights of the accused and
precepts of justice are ignored and the outcome is usually known beforehand.
The origins of the term are obscure. Oddly, it does not seem to have originated in Australia; the first uses of the
term are found in the American West in the 1850’s. None of the theories of its origin are particularly plausible.
The most appealing version has it that “kangaroo courts” initially tried “claim jumpers”, and the name arose
from associative wordplay.
It is a self-appointed or mob-operated tribunal that disregards or parodies existing principles of law or human
rights, esp. one in a frontier area or among criminals in prison. It is also a crudely or irregularly operated court,
esp. one so controlled as to render a fair trial impossible.
A kangaroo court or kangaroo trial, sometimes likened to a drumhead court-martial, refers to a sham legal
proceeding or court. The colloquial phrase “kangaroo court” is used to describe judicial proceedings that deny
due process rights in the name of expediency. Such rights include the right to summon witnesses,
• the right of cross-examination,
• the right not to incriminate oneself,
• the right not to be tried on secret evidence,
• the right to control one’s own defense,
• the right to exclude evidence that is improperly obtained, irrelevant or inherently inadmissible, e.g.,
hearsay, the right to exclude judges or jurors on the grounds of partiality or conflict of interest, and
• the right of appeal.
The outcome of a trial by “kangaroo court” is essentially determined in advance, usually for the purpose of
providing a conviction, either by going through the motions of manipulated procedure or by allowing no
defense at all.
July 13 2010- Katihar, Bihar
A 35-year-old woman was allegedly stripped and whipped after she defied the diktat of a kangaroo court in
Bihar’s Katihar district to remarry her second husband. The illegal court at the Gwaltoli-Kalyannagar village
summoned the woman on July 8 2010 and directed her to remarry her second husband from whom she had
divorced earlier claimed SP P Kanan, quoting the FIR lodged by her.
Kanan said the woman’s first husband died four years after their marriage and then she married Mohammad
Islam of the same village and the couple had a son. But, the marriage did not work and the couple divorced.
Subsequently, when her five-year-old son was down with fever, she had to call her divorced husband as she
was living in penury. After the son recovered, Islam left. Kanan said Islam and his brother Samsuddin later
connived in summoning the kangaroo court which was headed by a former mukhiya, Akalu.
The kangaroo court first asked her to pay money equivalent to that required for construction of a house, besides
wheat and rice to the former mukhiya. As she refused she was dragged to a mangrove on the outskirts of the
village, stripped and whipped.
This incident raises a question regarding India’s so-called democracy. Kangaroo courts have been the bane of
India. What is a kangaroo court and how is it reigning supremacy in India?
Kangaroo Courts in Tamil Nadu
In India, despite repeated court directives to end the practice, the system of dispensing ‘justice’ through
kangaroo courts continues in rural and urban places like Tamil Nadu, Haryana etc. Interaction with leaders of
political parties, activists of human rights organisations, lawyers and police officials reveal that the illegal
system has its pervasive influence in almost all sectors and in rural and urban areas.
A. Manoharan and his wife, Vanitha, who, along with their two daughters, have been ostracised from their
hamlet, Panaiyur Periakuppam in Kancheepuram district, by the “meenavar” panchayat, a kangaroo court, over
a land dispute. The Madras High Court ordered police protection to the family, but they continue to live in fear.
The Madras High Court has again come down heavily on the katta panchayats (kangaroo courts) operating in
different parts of Tamil Nadu. Through an order on December 19, 2008, it directed the authorities concerned to
take effective steps to curb the activities of these extrajudicial bodies.
The High Court, in its latest order, chastised the (fishermen’s) panchayat of Panaiyur Periakuppam hamlet in
Kancheepuram district for issuing a fiat excommunicating a family following a land dispute. As per the court’s
direction to provide protection to the “excommunicated” family, the police entered the hamlet inhabited by 255
fishermen’s families on December 20, 2008.
A. Manoharan, head of the ostracised family, claims that he lived in perpetual fear though the
kattapanchayatdars were lying low owing to the police presence in the hamlet. He said that even on the day
after the High Court passed its order, a gang instigated by the panchayat stormed his residence, forcing them to
put up a grill door to protect themselves.
According to him, Krishnan was not only prevented from entering the village but also asked to hand over
possession of a portion of the disputed land to the panchayat. They had sought an apology from Manoharan’s
wife, Vanitha, for lodging a complaint with the police alleging that functionaries of the panchayat were
threatening her family with excommunication if a solution was not found to the land issue. She was also barred
from meeting her father.
As Manoharan and his wife did not budge, the panchayat made a public announcement to residents of the
hamlet that no one should communicate with or help the family, including the children. Those who violated the
decision would be excommunicated and a fine of Rs.10,000 would be imposed on them, it said. Close on the
heels of the announcement, miscreants went on the rampage at the coconut grove owned by Manoharan,
destroying coconuts.
Pervasive influence
With economic and social relations in the rural areas undergoing a transformation, even the traditional oor
(community) panchayats in several villages have started losing their importance. In some other villages, the
composition of such panchayats has changed drastically and they have been reduced to kangaroo courts
controlled by self-styled village heads assisted by their henchmen. In certain places they control the village’s
resources too. They continue to award punishments while settling family, civil and monetary disputes.
Functionaries of the Tamil Nadu Village Panchayat Presidents’ Federation pointed out that the katta panchayat
system existed in 30 per cent of the 12,618 villages in the State.
These panchayats are strikingly similar to the khap panchayats of Haryana insofar as issuing fatwas and
awarding punishments such as fines and social boycotts. Both courts mean to silence the new social forces that
have risen from among the deprived sections of society, women and Dalits and are challenging status quoist
forces. Predictably, women are kept away from these kangaroo courts.
Certain judges have observed that many actions taken by the katta panchayat result in deprivation of social
status, access to basic facilities like food, water and shelter, denial of cultural facilities like common worship,
access to religious events, etc., and denial of economic opportunities like employment, finances, etc. As such,
these would constitute violation of human rights guaranteed.
In a particular case recently, an employee of the Telecom Department, along with her mother, was summoned
by six panchayatdars of Valayapatti village in Tiruchi district and ordered to pay a fine of Rs.50, 000 for not
complying with their direction to her to join her husband. The panchayatdars also made the victims prostrate
before them repeatedly from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. to reduce the quantum of fine.
The shrinking area under cultivation owing to the non-profitability of agriculture against the backdrop of
globalisation, the lack of alternative jobs and the escalating problem of unemployment in rural areas have
contributed in a big way to the flourishing of katta panchayats.
R. Nallakannu, veteran leader of the Communist Party of India and chairman of the central control commission
of the party, is of the view that the erstwhile oor panchayats in villages have given way to katta panchayats run
by persons who have close links with “dadas” and certain political bigwigs operating in cities and towns. Police
intervention is totally absent whenever the kattapanchayatdars indulge in out-of-court arbitration, he says, and
adds that the illegal system has percolated from the district and taluk headquarters to the villages now.
Katta panchayats in rural areas are run by a combination of the rural rich, contractors and anti-social elements.
The katta panchayat is used against people’s movements even as the law-enforcing authority turns a blind eye
to it. In many cases, officials have been hand in glove with those running katta panchayats.
As in any other conflict, women and the weaker sections, including Dalits, bear the brunt of the onslaught of
the katta panchayat.
In urban areas, the katta panchayat has assumed an entirely different role fostered by the politician-anti-social
nexus, particularly in the wake of the real estate boom in recent years. In Chennai and other cities and major
towns, they are run by underworld dons, who adopt strategies such as the forging of documents to resort to
illegal arbitration and the intimidation and abduction of victims to deal with cases relating to property disputes,
business rivalries and money transactions.
In Madurai and its suburbs, the menace has reached a level where property deals worth more than Rs.2 crore
cannot be registered unless they are cleared by certain politically influential persons, claims S. Selva Gomathi,
secretary of the human rights wing of the Society for Community Organisation Trust.
In certain areas katta panchayats are also run by political functionaries, mostly belonging to the ruling party
because it is they who are powerful, have the protection of political godfathers, and have the tacit assistance of
officials of the law-enforcing agencies, says Anita Tiphagne, a functionary of People’s Watch. According to
her, “the katta panchayat does not follow any principle of the rule of law. It is, therefore, a system of justice
delivery by the powerful using their power and very often silencing the powerless.”
The most dangerous aspect of the katta panchayat relates to caste discrimination, more particularly in villages
in Madurai, Ramanthapuram, Pudukottai and Sivaganga districts, according to T. Lajapathiroy, joint secretary
of the Madurai unit of the Lawyers for Human Rights. Persons belonging to traditionally powerful families of
the dominant communities, who run the katta panchayat, issue fatwas prohibiting Dalits from purchasing land
in some areas while in some other areas tenants are forced to leave the land they cultivate.
Citing an example in a village at Melur taluk in Madurai district, he says Dalits have been prevented from
participating in the auction of temple land. “If any person violates the ‘fatwa’, his/her entire family will be
excommunicated.”
He claims two Dalits of Thennagarampatti village were murdered in July 1992 for violating the panchayat’s
order, and the Karur Sessions Court awarded double life imprisonment against 26 persons in the case in August
2008. According to a study done by Thamizmurasu, from 1983 to 2007 a total of 27 Dalits were murdered in
Madurai district alone for not honouring katta panchayat’s decisions.
The cumbersome process of disposal of cases by courts is said to be a major factor contributing to the
mushrooming of katta panchayats, which yield instant results. According to official sources, as many as 3.9
lakh civil cases and 36,000 criminal cases were pending in the Madras High Court. In the subordinate courts,
the numbers as on December 31, 2007, were nearly five lakh civil cases and 4.30 lakh criminal cases.
Opinions differ on the question of adequacy of the laws to curb the katta panchayat menace. Justice
Karpagavinayagam, in his judgment on April 8, 2004, said that having regard to the alarming situation, which
has become uncontrollable, the court found it proper to suggest to the government that it would be advisable to
issue an ordinance exclusively for eradicating the evil of katta panchayats.
As the persons associated with the katta panchayat more often than not were officials of the State/local
administration/police, they must be made aware of the provisions under which action can be taken against katta
panchayats and that even a private party could not violate Articles 21, 23 and 25 of the Constitution and all
were bound by Article 51-A, she had submitted then.
Officials feel that amendments are needed to the property registration and rent control laws to prevent the
registration of forged documents. Director General of Police K.P. Jain recently sent a circular to police officers
listing 14 guidelines to be followed while dealing with disputes relating to land and money matters. The
circular made it clear that katta panchayats should be dealt with severely.
As per the court’s direction, the then Chief Secretary to the Tamil Nadu government had sent separate letters to
all departments in November 2003 stating that government servants should not be allowed to involve
themselves in katta panchayats. In pursuance of that, the then Director General of Police sent letters to
subordinate officers to take effective steps against katta panchayats by registering first information reports
(FIRs).
A Division Bench of the High Court said in 2005 that in its opinion, katta panchayats could not flourish in the
first place without the collusion of the police and other authorities, or by their turning a blind eye to these
unlawful activities. If such unlawful, extra-constitutional activities are not put down with an iron hand, there
will gradually be a collapse of law and order and democracy in the State. Hence the division directed all the
State authorities to take strong action in accordance with the law to put down these unlawful, hooligan activities
which have mushroomed in several areas of the State of Tamil Nadu and institute criminal prosecution against
those who are involved.
Katta panchayats are unofficially run, and are in fact usurped powers by rowdies, who rule and run parallel
governance in India. While such kangaroo courts are present elsewhere also they are more common in India
than elsewhere. In the case of Kangaroo courts practiced in India, the rowdies who pass these judgments,
always award the punishments to innocent people and free the actual cultprits/criminals. Or if they punish a
person, that would be for such a silly reason that it does not warrant even a reprimand or a few abuses. But in
Kangaroo courts the punishments will be rapes or amputations of men´s legs. Very rarely the actual culprits or
criminals would get the punishment through kangaroo courts.
Interestingly all the law enforcing agencies including police, intelligence, judiciary and the officialdom know
about the operation of these kangaroo courts but none of them can do any thing to stop them. The main reason
is all the government agencies are passive or active associates of these kangaroo courts and the associated
criminals. For any problem, crime, issue that are small or big, constitutionally valid laws or courts are not given
importance as the law enforcing agencies are there to mediate and investigate the cases.
Now the most unfortunate situation is since the highly educated experts in the legal system were of no
use/could help the innocent victims, if and when they prefer to go through the proper channel (legal process)
the case is much worse. Because most of the people who sit in the kangaroo courts passing the judgments do
not know a,b,c,ds of the language or even the vernacular languages let alone the law. Now one can imagine
what kind of judgments such people pass on the innocent people. Without going into the correctness of the
judgments, the public silently absorb all the atrocities, lest their heads will roll if they protest or argue against
the judgments. Who is the final authority to give these judgments? The one who passes the street-fight
successfully showing strength in a fist of fury. This is the basis to become the person who can pass judgments.
A few examples wherein severe punishments are given for silly reasons by the kangaroo courts are: (i) Sitting
posture of a person (even within his/her home) could be offending to some people who are desperate to find an
excuse to escape from their crimes (enough for a murder or rape), (ii) A male walking on the road and a
girl/woman crosses opposite and in a fraction of a second the man inadvertently might have looked at the other
person or did not look also (that is enough to say that this fellow has seen the girl/woman and hence some
atrocities could be committed against him or his relatives). In the above case, even if he had looked at the
person who is coming in the opposite direction or somewhere along his walk, nothing would have happened to
the girl/woman. But the kangaroo courts immediately swing into action to amputate the person or his relatives
or rape one of the relatives of the man who walked along the road, are awarded, as it seems to be the case.
Disadvantages of Katta Panchayat (Kangaroo Courts)
The person sitting on top of the katta panchayats are mostly the ones with muscle power only. Of course they
would know all the Indian Penal Code (IPC) sections as they frequent jail for different types of crimes. The
people of Katta panchayats are illiterate and they cannot be a match to an educated judge sitting in a High Court
or a Supreme Court. The only thing that they know or their philosophy is street fights. They think that they are
doing correct thing and are passing correct judgments. If the Judges, Public Prosecutors, Investigating officer
could be bribed or bought, is it difficult to purchase a Katta panchayat leader or the person who is passing these
judgments in the Katta panchat? For them some flimsy reasons are enough to indulge serious crimes on
innocents. These Katta panchayat people have all sorts of cheating as their weapons and sometimes there will
be a competition between the rowdies and the police as to who cheats the public better.
What is the remedy to prevent these kangaroo courts that run parallel government. The law of the land has to
extend its long arm to chase them away and keep a watch on their activities. Anywhere, any body passing
individual judgments or threatening innocent people have to be booked. The whole network of these kangaroo
courts and their tenter hooks wherever they are have to be broken to restore a real democracy instead of the
democracy followed now which is a farce.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Leh Cloudburst – Is it Nature’s Fury?

Monday, August 16th, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
Leh:
Ladakh, a part of Jammu & Kashmir State in north of India consisting of two districts Leh and Kargil. Leh
with an area of 45110 Sq Km makes it largest district in the country in terms of area. It lies between 32 to
36 degree North latitude and 75 degree to 80 degree East longitude. The district is bounded by Pakistan
occupied Kashmir in the West and China in the north and eastern part and Lahul Spiti of Himachal Pradesh in
South East.
It is at a distance of 434 Kms from Srinagar and 474 Kms from Manali. Leh district comprises of Leh town
and 112 inhabited villages and one un-inhabited village. The total population of Leh district is 1,17,232.
History of Leh:
In the ancient times the present Leh district was a part of Greater Ladakh spread over from Kailash Mansarover
to Swaat (Dardistan). The Greater ladakh was neither under the Domain of Tibet or its influence. Not much
information is available about the ancient History of Ladakh. However, reference about the place and its
neighbourhood in Arab, Chinese and Mongolian histories gives an idea that in the 7th Century A.D fierce wars
were fought by Tibet and China in Baltistan area of the Greater Ladakh in which deserts and barren mountains
of Ladakh was turned into battle fields for the warring armies.
In the 8th century A.D Arabs also jumped into these wars and changed their sides between China and Tibet.
Around this period, the ruler of Kashmir, Laltadita conquered Ladakh. In the 8th Century A.D itself, The Arabs
conquered Kashghar and established their control over Central asia which embraced Islam in the 9th century
A.d and thus a buffer state came into being between Tibet and China, terminating the hostilities between the
two warring countries. The greater Ladakh also fell into peices.
The ancient inhabitants of Ladakh were Dards, and Indo-Aryan race from down the Indus. But immigration
from Tibetmore than a thousand years ago largly overwhelmedthe culture of the Dards and moped up their
racial characters. IN eastern and central Ladakh, todays population seems to be mostly of Tibet origin. Budhism
reached Tibet from India via Ladakh. The area was the stronghold of Budhism before Islam reached Ladakh.
A thousand years ago before the contol of Tibets rule, Raja Skitde Nemagon, ruled over Ladakh which was
known as Muryul (Red Country), as most of the mountains and the soil in Ladakh wears a red tinge. In the 10th
Century A.D Skitday Nemagon, along with a couple of hundred men, invaded Ladakh where there was no
central authority. The Land was divided in small principalities, which were at war with each other. Nemagon
defeated all of them and established a strong central authority. Those days Shey, was the capital of Ladakh
became to be known as Nariskorsoom, a country of three provinces. The present Ladakh was divided into two
provinces while the third comprised western Tibet. The area of western Tibet slipped away from the kingdom
but was reunited in 16th Century A.D. by the famous Ladakhi ruler Sengge Namgyal. Ladakh was an
independent country since the middle of 10th century.
In the post-partition senario, Pakistan and China illegally occupied 78,114 sq. km and 37,555 sq.km of the state,
respectively while the remaining part of the state acceeded to India. Pakistan also illegally gifted 5180 sq.kms
of this area to China. Ladakh, comprising the areas of present Leh and Kargil districts, became one of the seven
districts of the State. In 1979 when the reorganisation of the districts was carries out, the Ladakh district was
divided into two full fledged of Leh and Kargil.
Cloudburst on 6.08.2010
Flash floods and massive landslides, triggered by a series of cloudbursts, have killed 179 people and injured at
least 607 in Leh town and its adjoining villages in the Ladakh division in Jammu and Kashmir on Thursday
5.08.2010 night.
What is Cloudburst?
A cloudburst is an extreme form of rainfall, sometimes mixed with hail and thunder, which normally lasts no
longer than a few minutes but is capable of creating flood conditions. This leads to flash floods/ landslides,
house collapse, dislocation of traffic and human casualties on large scale.
Cloudbursts descend from very high clouds, sometimes with tops above 15 kilometers. Meteorologists say the
rain from a cloudburst is usually of the shower type with a fall rate equal to or greater than 100mm (3.94
inches) per hour.
During a cloudburst, more than 2cm of rain may fall in a few minutes. When there are instances of cloudbursts,
the results can be disastrous. Rapid precipitation from cumulonimbus clouds is possible due to so called
Langmuir precipitation process in which large droplets can grow rapidly by coagulating with smaller droplets
which fall down slowly.
The Disaster
85 bodies have been recovered from the flooded areas as per the statement of J and K Director General of
Police Kuldeep Khoda. Among the dead were three jawans of the Army Service Corps. He said that at least 350
people are in the army hospital with injuries, and that many more people were trapped under houses and
buildings that have collapsed.
He said a massive rescue operation was underway involving the state police, paramilitary forces and the army
in Leh town.
According to sources, the cloudburst happened between 12.30 and 1.00 am on Friday the 6th of August 2010.
The BSNL network was completely damaged, besides the runway of the Leh airport, cutting off the town from
the rest of the country. The district hospital and two buildings which were housing offices of the Union Home
Ministry were also affected.
Five villages have been hit in the sudden downpour and flashfloods. These included Choglumsar and Shapoo.
Old Leh city was among the worst affected. The main bus stand was flattened.
Leh is located at a height of 11,500 feet above sea level, 424 kilometres from Srinagar. The worst hit was
Choglumsar area, 13 kms from here, where 14 bodies were recovered.
A polytechnic college, headquarters of the Bharat Sanchar Nigam Ltd (BSNL), the Indo-Tibetan Border Police
(ITBP) camp, and many government offices and houses have been damaged. The Leh airport has been
inundated.
Prof. Shakeel Romshoo, a geologist at Srinagar University, said new rivulets had cut deep channels in the
mountain gorges of the region and flood waters had inundated low-lying areas.
He said that it was a challenging topography with steep and unstable slopes. Water flow and velocity being very
high, the flash floods have caused huge damage.
Makhdoomi said the rainfall started before midnight and that water later started coursing down the area’s
mountains in streams and rivulets. The flooding had damaged several homes and other buildings by Friday
morning. There was utter confusion and people started to panic.
As many as 6,000 army men, and Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and police personnel have launched a
massive relief and rescue operation.
Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, while expressing grief over the tragedy, has directed the civil and police
administration to undertake relief and rescue work on a war footing. All flights from Delhi to Leh have been
cancelled.
Lok Sabha Speaker Meira Kumar and Rajya Sabha Chairman Hamid Ansari condoled the loss of life and
property due to floods triggered by a massive cloudburst in Ladakh region of Jammu and Kashmir. Ansari said
he joined all citizens in sending condolences to the members of the bereaved families and prayed to the
Almighty to grant them the strength to withstand the immense loss.
The matter was raised in the Lok Sabha by Hassan Khan, an Independent member from Ladakh. He wanted the
relief and restoration work to be taken up at the earliest as there was very little time before winter set in and hit
transport links in the region. Raising the matter during Zero Hour, he demanded speedy disbursal of
compensation to those affected by the flash floods caused by the cloudburst.
Meanwhile, UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi expressed deep sorrow and grief over the loss of lives due to flash
floods in Leh. Gandhi wished speedy recovery to the injured.
Over 100 people were killed and another 370 injured when flash floods triggered by torrential rains struck Leh
town in Ladakh region.
8th August 2010
A day after a wall of mud and water flattened Leh and several villages, the gloom deepened in the tourist city,
even as the death toll rose to 132. Meanwhile, fears grew that many of at least 500 missing residents could be
buried under the debris.
The Army, which is spearheading relief and rescue operations, said soldiers had recovered 110 bodies. The
J&K police put the number at 132. Director-general of J&K police, Kuldeep Khoda, said 53 of the bodies had
been identified.
With Leh’s cellphone hub destroyed, makeshift communication links were established to enable video
conferencing. The runway was repaired enough to restore the air link with the rest of the country. IAF flew in
transport aircraft carrying relief material, including blankets, dry food and medicines to meet the immediate
requirements of victims, including more than 3,000 tourists stranded there, a defence spokesman said.
However, the road to Leh from Srinagar through the Zojila pass and the Rohtang pass remained unusable as
bridges had been washed away by mudslides. Four kilometres of the Manali-Leh highway was washed away by
floods beyond Sachru.
Scores of stranded tourists joined in the rescue efforts. There were six surgeons among the holidaymakers and
they toiled for more than 24 hours, shoulder to shoulder with Army surgeons and doctors to treat more than 300
victims. They conducted 22 major life-saving operations and 45 minor ones. At least 94 people are still in the
makeshift hospitals.
9th August 2010
Five armymen were killed in the cloudburst at Leh and other areas of the region while 33 personnel, swept
away in flash floods that struck a camp near Siachen glacier, are yet to be traced.
The Army has sought Pakistan’s help to rescue the soldiers, including three junior commissioned officers, who
were manning Tyakshi post in Turtuk sector, about 150 metres from the Line of Control.
The personnel still remain untraced despite the Army deploying men, helicopters and catch nets in nearby river
Shyok. Official sources said the Director General Military Operation has informed the Pakistani counterpart
about possibility of some army personnel being washed away in areas under their control.
The soldiers had faced the fury of a swollen Shyok river when Leh was hit by flash floods following a
devastating cloudburst. The missing personnel belonged to Bihar Regiment and Raj Rif Regiment, GOC of 14
Corps Lieutenant General S K Singh said in Leh.
It is feared that some of the missing personnel could be buried under slush. Unlike in other places where the
height of slush is about 4 to 5 feet, it is about 20—25 feet where the army camp had once stood.
The Army also reported the death of five of its personnel in the cloudburst at Leh, Choglamsar, Nimu, Tyakshi,
Batalik and Karu in the region.
It said defence personnel, their aircraft and equipment continued to be deployed in the relief and rescue efforts.
The Army said it has deployed 41 columns comprising 4,100 men in the ongoing relief operations at Leh and
adjoining areas hit by calamity.
In addition, Army troops are assisting Border Roads Organisation (BRO) in creating diversions at several
damaged bridge sites on National Highway-1D. Two of the 11 bridges that were damaged in the cloudburst
were made operational at Phyang and Choglamsar.
Communication requirements of the district administration were being maintained by two INMARSATs
equipment provided by the Army.
Soldiers to the Rescue
Rescue and relief teams continued their relentless efforts to locate survivors in the Leh district of Jammu &
Kashmir’s Ladakh region.
Apart from providing succour to the victims, the relief teams were also engaged in round-the-clock operations
to restore communication and power links which were snapped by the floods and mudslides. Authorities feared
many more bodies could be found when the rescue teams moved into the affected villages in remote areas and
cleared the rubble.
A spokesman for the Ministry of Defence said six Cheetah helicopters of the Indian Air force made more than
60 sorties since sunrise on 8th August to evacuate 90 people from Skyu in the Zanskar valley. About 130
trekkers, mainly foreigners from 12 different countries and some Indian porters, were reported to have been
stranded at Skyu.
The location could be reached only by Cheetah helicopters owing to flight through a narrow constricted valley
which was not negotiable by the large rotor Mi-17 helicopters. The remaining trekkers managed to negotiate
their way to safer places on their own.
With touchdowns not feasible at Skyu at the location that had virtually transformed into a vast dissolving island
where none existed earlier, the daring rescue efforts were all carried out by the pilots at low hover, a
challenging flight manoeuvre of keeping the aircraft stationary, perilously close to the ground even as
passengers boarded the flight. Each Cheetah helicopter can only take in a maximum of three passengers at sea
level on board at a time.
The breakdown of the 81 foreigners rescued included United Kingdom-17, France-17, Netherland-9,
Czechoslovakia-8, Germany-7, Israel-4, Switzerland-4, Romania-4, Austrian-3, Australia-3, Italy-3 and Spain-
2. Six local guides and three porters were also among those evacuated.
The spokesman said three IL-76 sorties airlifted two excavators and one 22-tonne bulldozer, apart from six
tonnes of communication equipment and another ten tonnes of army communication equipment, including
cables, from Chandigarh.
Six AN-32 also flew air maintenance sorties from Chandigarh, replenishing stocks and relief materials for the
Army in the region. IAF aircraft earlier had already airlifted medical equipment, medicines and para-medical
personnel to Leh from New Delhi and Chandigarh.
As many as 41 columns of the Indian army are engaged in the rescue and relief operations. Army troops are
also assisting the Border Roads Organisation in creating diversions at the sites of various damaged bridges on
National Highway (NH) 1D. Two bridges have also been launched at Phyang and Choglamsar.
The Army is also making provisions to meet the requirements of large tents for establishment of Field Hospital,
tents for displaced persons, firewood for cremation of dead bodies and provisioning of generator sets as
projected by the District Administration.
There were chaotic scenes at the Leh airport where hundreds of foreign tourists and others as well as workers
waited for flights out of the area.
The Ministry of Civil Aviation has requested the airlines to operate additional flights at concessional rates to
evacuate the stranded persons.
National carrier Air India and private operators such as Jet Airways and Kingfisher Airlines have operated 27
flights since August 7 and evacuated 3241 persons from Leh. The additional flights are expected to continue
until the evacuation process is completed.
An official press release said the Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) was closely monitoring the
fares being charged by the airlines, which have already been cautioned against exploiting the situation and
jacking up the fares.
The average of actual fare charged by Air India was Rs. 9000 and whereas it was between Rs. 8157 and 8700
for Jet Airways and Rs. 6200 for Kingfisher in the last three days since the cloud burst.
It said the Ministry and the DGCA had not received any complaint regarding over-charging by the airlines. In
fact, the release claims that the airlines have reduced their fares.
The road approaches to Leh from Srinagar through Zozilla and from Rohtang Pass had been cut off because
bridges had been washed away by the mudslides.
The Leh District Administration has set up a 24 hours control room to coordinate relief and rescue operations.
Giving an overview of the extend of damage to the military establishment, an officer of the army said small
culverts and bridges used for going to many forward locations have been destroyed and it will take quite some
time before these can be re-built.
Talking about the missing army personnel in Tyakshi border post in Turtuk sector, about 150 metres from the
Line of Control, Singh said too much of water got into one of the streams due to the cloudburst.
Meanwhile, the army said it was hopeful of reopening the two National Highways by the end of this week.
Singh said as per the estimate, seven bridges are needed on the Zijia access and four on the Rohtang access.
Two bridges near Leh were opened on 9th August 2010.
10th August 2010
The toll in the tragedy has risen to 179 and injured 607 with 400 people still missing.
Three French citizens – Augavelis Henri, Hellot Jacques and Daniel Hauri, an Italian identified as Riccardo
Titton and Maromas Maria Lousdes from Spain have been declared dead.
Sixteen of the others killed are from Nepal, and two were Tibetans.
73 people, who were injured at different places due to cloudburst, were brought here in a IL-76 from Leh this
morning as per group captain of IAF PM Vithalkar.
From the air field here, the injured were sent to different hospitals for specialised treatment in waiting
ambulances, officials said, adding while 49 security personnel have been sent to Command Hospital at
Udhampur, 24 civilians were rushed to Government Medical College hospital in Jammu.
What really happened to Leh?
Ladakh is an unusual place for a cloudburst because it is a cold desert region where average rain fall is low.
The source of this cloudburst was an intense convective cloud cluster that developed over east of Leh by about
9.30pm on 6.08.2010. Scientists say it began disgorging its moisture between 1.30am and 2am but no one
knows how much rain it delivered.
This does not happen Himalayan desert altitudes. What causes this? The maximum ever recorded rainfall in
Leh was 96.2 mm in a 24 hour period measured in 1933. This cloudburst yielded 250mm rainfall within an
hour.
An air force observatory near Leh, some distance away from the cloudburst zone, only recorded 12.8 mm
which, scientists point out, is not cloudburst-level rainfall. That is very interesting. That says it was an artificial
cloudburst and so many presumptive theories are flouting and the correct reason for the sudden cloud burst is
yet to be known.
Manmohan announces Rs. 125 crore relief for Leh cloudburst victims – 17.08.2010
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on 17.08.2010 announced a Rs 125 crore relief packaged for the Leh
cloudburst victims and said all houses destroyed by the natural calamity will be reconstructed within the next
two-and-a-half months.
Dr. Singh, who arrived Leh on a day-long visit to take stock of relief and rehabilitation undertaken in the
aftermath of flash floods in this mountainous region, said that the relief will be given from the Prime Minister’s
National Relief Fund.
“Hospital, school, electricity connections and roads will be rebuilt and all rehabilitation works will be
completed within the next two-and-a-half months and before the onset of winter. Funds will not be a problem,”
he said.
Dr. Singh said many lives have been lost during the tragedy which is irreparable but the Central and Jammu and
Kashmir governments will take all possible measures to help the bereaved families.
The Prime Minister said a monitoring committee under the chairmanship of state Chief Secretary will be
constituted to ensure effective implementation of various schemes for the affected people. “Before the onset of
winter, I will again visit you and inspect the houses that will be constructed for you,” he said.
Dr. Singh also held a meeting with Chief Minister Omar Abdullah and state officials to discuss the steps being
taken for the relief and rehabilitation measures.
The Prime Minister was accompanied by Union Health Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad, Minister for New and
Renewable Energy Farooq Abdullah and Jammu and Kashmir Pradesh Congress Committee Chief Saifuddin
Soz.
The Prime Minister had promised in his Independence Day address that every possible effort would be made to
provide relief to those hit by the calamity.
Dr. Singh had earlier announced an ex-gratia relief of Rs one lakh each to the kin of the deceased and Rs
50,000 each to the seriously injured from the PM’s National Relief Fund.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Caste-based Census in India – the Reality and Pitfalls

Friday, August 13th, 2010
Vinoth Kumar
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on 7.05.2010 assured the Lok Sabha that the government would soon take a
decision on the Opposition demand for a caste-based census. “I am aware of the views of the Members of
Parliament belonging to all sections. I assure you that the Cabinet will take a decision shortly,” Dr. Singh said
in a brief statement.
The statement put at ease agitated Opposition members, particularly Samajwadi Party chief Mulayam Singh,
Rashtriya Janata Dal supremo Lalu Prasad and Janata Dal (United) leader Sharad Yadav. The three leaders and
other Opposition members were ruffled over Home Minister P. Chidambaram’s reply to the debate on census.
He said there were difficulties in conducting a caste-based census and the government would keep in mind the
members’ views.
As soon as the Minister concluded his reply, which was punctuated by interruptions from the Opposition
benches, and the House was adjourned to meet again at 2.30 p.m., on 7.5.2010, the three leaders approached the
Prime Minister, Congress president Sonia Gandhi and leader of the House Pranab Mukherjee. They were seen
talking to them, trying to elicit some kind of an assurance on their demand. They also held a meeting with Mr.
Mukherjee separately, when BJP’s deputy leader Gopinath Munde was also present.
When Dr. Singh gave the assurance soon after the House reassembled, the three leaders thanked him and the
Congress president for trying to resolve the matter in an amicable manner.
Earlier, while taking note of the discussion over the last two days that witnessed arguments and reasons for
canvassing the question of caste, Mr. Chidambaram said the government was seized of the matter. “The views
of honourable members will certainly be a valuable guide to the government,” he said in his statement, which
virtually gave out nothing but offered explanation relating to the Census 2011 and preparation of the National
Population Register (NPR), the two exercises which are on. The debate on the issue saw members cutting
across party lines favouring a caste-based census.
Replying to the debate, the Home Minister stressed that the main aim of the exercise was headcount and listed
difficulties in including caste in the list. The Registrar-General had pointed out a number of logistics and
practical difficulties in canvassing the question of caste while conducting census. However, he assured the
House that the government “will give due weight to all aspects of the issue.”
“The enumerator is not an investigator or verifier,” Mr. Chidambaram said, pointing out that 21 lakh
enumerators — mostly primary school teachers — had no training or expertise to classify the answer as OBC or
otherwise.
“There is a Central list of OBCs and State-specific lists of OBCs. Some States do not have a list of OBCs while
some have a list of OBCs and a sub-set called Most Backward Castes,” he said.
Quoting the Registrar-General, Mr. Chidambaram said issues regarding methodology, avoiding phonetic and
spelling errors, stage of canvassing of caste, maintaining integrity of enumeration and doing an accurate
headcount of population would arise.
“The census is done under the authority of the Census Act, 1948. Census 2011 will be the 15{+t}{+h} national
census since 1872 and the 7{+t}{+h} since Independence. Population census is the total process of collecting
demographic, economic and social data. What is published as the census data are only aggregates; the
information relating to the individual is confidential and not shared with anyone or any authority,” he said.
While throwing up the question if the census was the vehicle to carry out caste-based enumeration, he pointed
out that records showed that an attempt was made by the Ministry of Social Justice to include caste as one of
the questions that should be canvassed in the 2001 Census. “However, the government of the day — the NDA
government — did not take a decision to that effect and maintained the policy that has been in force since
1951,” Mr. Chidambaram said.
GoM approval for caste- based census in India
Ending months of fractious debates across the political spectrum, a Group of Ministers ( GoM), headed
by Union Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee, gave its seal of approval to the enumeration of caste in
Census 2011 on 11.08.2010.
The GoM, sources said, has recommended that the caste headcount should be done at the biometric
stage. Most significantly, it will not be just an OBC headcount, but a comprehensive caste
headcount, with every citizen being asked which caste he or she belongs to. This data will be
tabulated and analysed later to arrive at figures of different castes in the country, it is learnt. The
GoM’s recommendations will now be taken to the Union Cabinet, and the caste headcount should
begin in December, 2010, official sources said. The biometric phase will cover photographing,
fingerprinting and iris mapping of all citizens over the age of 15 for the National Population Register
( NPR).
The GoM was set up after parties, cutting across the political spectrum, had vociferously backed a
caste headcount in May, 2010 during the budget session of Parliament. Subsequently, when it appeared
that the BJP was having second thoughts on the subject, because of RSS pressure, the Congress,
which is deeply divided on the issue, decided that it would not proceed till it received written
approvals for caste enumeration from all parties. Eventually, pushed by its OBC constituency, a
reluctant BJP, too, gave its approval, leaving the Congress with no option but to go ahead with a
caste headcount.
Cabinet to decide on modalities
The government on 12.08.2010 said a final decision on the modalities of inclusion of caste in the census would
be taken by the Cabinet.
Making a statement in the Lok Sabha — a day after the Group of Ministers (GoM) agreed to include caste in
the census — Leader of the House Pranab Mukherjee said the GoM had decided that caste would be canvassed
without affecting the integrity of the headcount. An appropriate decision on the modalities of canvassing the
caste was yet to be taken. How and when it would be done was still under consideration.
The Bharatiya Janata Party, the Janata Dal (United), the Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Rashtriya Janata Dal
raised the issue when the House convened for the day demanding inclusion of caste in census at the headcount
stage itself and not at the biometric stage as suggested in media reports.
“Biometric stage will never come,” Mulayam Singh (SP) said. Similar sentiments were expressed by Sharad
Yadav (JD-U), who said the biometric stage would not come in the next “100 years” as the government was yet
to complete the process of issuing photo election cards to the people.
The Opposition members said enumeration of castes would not be possible at the biometric stage as it was a
“long-drawn” process. Moreover, only those above 15 years would be photographed and fingerprinted to create
a biometric national database, they contended.
After Speaker Meira Kumar adjourned the proceedings till noon, as some of the members trooped into the well,
the leaders of the parties met Mr. Mukherjee where it was agreed upon that the government would address their
concerns and make a statement.
Tamil Nadu CM hails nod for caste-wise enumeration
Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi on 12.08.2010 welcomed the approval of the Group of Ministers (GoM) for
enumeration of caste in Census 2011. Thanking the Centre, Mr Karunanidhi said the United Progressive
Alliance government’s move was historic as such an enumeration would be done after a gap of nearly 80 years.
He recalled Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s assurance to Parliament a few months ago in this regard. The
latest move would be of great use to Tamil Nadu for implementing the Supreme Court’s latest order on the 69
per cent reservation law.
Letter to the Group of Ministers on caste Census – 14.08.2010
Honourable Members,
We welcome your decision to enumerate caste in Census 2011. This is a progressive and much needed
step towards re- orienting our polity and revitalising the implementation of social policy.
We are, however, deeply distressed to learn that you have recommended that the collection of caste
data be done in conjunction with the National Population Register ( NPR) process at the biometric
data capture stage. We respectfully urge you to reconsider this move because it will not only defeat
the very purpose of enumerating caste, but will condemn the entire exercise to almost certain failure.
Please note, Honourable Members, that even its most ardent supporters have never claimed that caste
enumeration will be easy. Every Indian Census, for at least the past three decades, has been the
largest and most complex project of its kind in human history. The Census of India ( or the Office
of the Registrar General of India — ORGI) is the only competent agency in the country with the
necessary expertise and experience to undertake this gigantic task. It has successfully collected caste
data in the past, and with the vastly superior technological resources available today, it can do so
again despite the challenge of enumerating 120 crore Indians. The collection of caste data at the
stage of biometric capture would be cumbersome and time consuming. Outside agencies are likely to
be involved, and therefore there are chances of data gathering being compromised because it would be
tagged on to the huge task of biometric documentation of about 84 crore Indians. If caste data are
compromised, it will defeat the very objectives that the data are meant to achieve. The respective
time frames are also important — the Census enumeration phase will definitely be over by March
2011 whereas the biometric data capture process is likely to take much longer.
An even more decisive argument against attaching caste enumeration to biometric data capture is that,
as of now, it is not clear what socio- economic or educational data — if any — will be available
through this method.
If all we get is a headcount of castes among the 15- plus population, then the entire exercise is a
waste. The main reason to enumerate caste is to enable the distribution of national resources and
opportunities to be informed by empirical evidence on sex- ratios, literacy, life expectancy,
occupation, household assets, and so on.
Without such evidence, all the problems that are blocking the implementation of social justice
policies will remain unsolved. By contrast, we know that including caste in the existing enumeration
process scheduled for February 2011 will enable all the data normally collected by the Census to be
correlated with caste. This method will have the additional advantage of the close supervision of a
trained body of census officials.
Finally, there are the constitutionallegal issues, and the crucial question of confidentiality. The Census
Act 1948 provides strong protection for all data collected by the Census, and this has ensured that the
Census — which necessarily collects individual information —has released only aggregated and
anonymised data. Given the absence of such protection under the Citizenship Rules of 2003 — which
governs the NPR and the biometric data capture process —there is every chance of the confidentiality
of caste data being breached. If the main concern is to eliminate the possibility of inflation of
numbers and to protect the integrity of the head count, then other measures are available. For
example, the household population totals ( along with gender breakup) already collected in the House-
listing and Housing Census Schedule can be used as a check on the caste data at the enumeration
stage.
It is for all these reasons that, at a recent national conference organised by the Centre for the Study
of Social Exclusion of the National Law School of India, Bengaluru, a group of distinguished
academics, policy and legal experts agreed unanimously that the proper agency for caste enumeration
is the ORGI, and the proper stage is the house- to- house Population Enumeration phase of Census
2011 to be conducted from February 9– 28, 2011. In fact, the group went so far as to issue a
strong warning against associating caste enumeration with the NPR process.
Enumerating castes has compelling benefits for our society. It will invigorate our social justice policies;
provide the credible evidence demanded by our judiciary; allow the revision of beneficiary group
listings; and help profile India’s social diversity. Therefore, we congratulate you, Honourable
Members, for having taken this bold and visionary step. We also appeal to you not to undo the good
that you have done. We urge you to entrust caste enumeration to the tried and trusted census
organisation and avoid the serious risks of linking it to biometric data capture.
Signatories to the above letter:
Dr. M. Vijayanunni, Former Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India, Justice M. N. Rao,
Chairperson, National Commission for the Backward Classes, Prof. Sukhadeo Thorat, Chairperson,
University Grants Commission, Prof. Satish Deshpande, Department of Sociology, Delhi School of
Economics, Prof. Yogendra Yadav, Political Scientist, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies,
Prof. S. Japhet, Director, Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion, National Law School of India,
Bengaluru, Dr. Chandan Gowda, Associate Professor, Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion,
National Law School of India, Bengaluru, Prof. Valerian Rodrigues, Political Scientist, Jawaharlal
Nehru University, Prof. Ravi Varma Kumar, Senior Advocate and former Chairperson, Karnataka
Backward Classes Commission.
Government of India finally agrees to caste census from 2011 - 9.9.2010
Giving in to demands from almost all political parties, government on 9.9.2010 decided to hold caste census in
2011 under an exercise to be carried out separately from the enumeration of population.
After several deliberations within the government on the politically-sensitive issue, the Union Cabinet decided
to carry out a separate house-to-house caste enumeration from June to September 2011.
“After considering various options, the option that we have approved is, based on the responses of various
political parties, that caste must be canvassed and the integrity of the headcount must not be affected,” Home
Minister P Chidambaram told reporters while briefing on the decisions of the Cabinet meeting chaired by Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh.
The caste enumeration will be conducted in a phased manner after the population enumeration, which will
include biometric capture and headcount, is completed by March 2010, he said.
The decision has been taken after considering options suggested by the Group of Ministers (GoM) set up on the
issue and the consultations that Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee held with leaders of various parties.
Chidambaram said a suitable legal regime for collection of data on castes would be formulated in consultation
with the Ministry of Law and Justice.
The office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner would conduct the field operations of the caste
enumeration. The Central government will constitute an expert group to classify the caste/tribe returns after the
enumeration is completed.
The office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner would hand over the details of the castes/tribes
returned in the enumeration to the proposed expert group.
The last caste-wise census was held in 1931 and such a practice had been given up as a matter of policy after
Independence.
Caste census in June-September next year – 1.10.2010
The caste-based census would be carried out by the government between June and September, 2011, Home
Minister P. Chidambaram announced on 1.10.2010.
“It was decided that Caste will be canvassed through a separate house-to-house survey between June and
September, 2011,” Mr. Chidambaram told.
Bowing to demands by several political parties, government had in August, 2010 decided to carry out a separate
caste census from 2011.
Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee had told the Lok Sabha that all political parties had supported the idea of
including caste in census and there was no need for any “apprehensions” over the issue.
His statement had come after leaders of BJP, JD(U), BSP and Samajwadi Party wanted to know as to what
happened to the government’s promise to carry out a caste census.
The Group of Ministers, which examined the issue, had decided that caste census should be carried out during
house enumeration exercise.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

New ‘Super Bug’ (New Delhi metallo-betalactamase-1) really spreads from India and
Pakistan?
Friday, August 13th, 2010
Mirunalini
“Health tourists” flocking to south Asia have carried a new class of antibiotic-resistant superbugs to Britain,
researchers reported on 11.08.2010, warning that the bacteria could spread worldwide.
This so called NDM-1 gene was first identified last year by Cardiff University’s Timothy Walsh in two types of
bacteria — Klebsiella pneumoniae and Escherichia coli — in a Swedish patient admitted to hospital in India.
NDM-1 stands for New Delhi metallo-betalactamase-1.
Worryingly, the new NDM-1 bacteria are resistant even to carbapenems, a group of antibiotics often reserved
as a last resort for emergency treatment for multi-drug resistant bugs.
Researchers said the bugs had been brought into Britain by patients who travelled to India or Pakistan for
cosmetic surgery. “If these infections were allowed to continue without appropriate treatment, then certainly
one would expect to see some sort of mortality,” Walsh, a microbiology professor, told BBC radio. “It’s going
to be very difficult to treat the infections once the patients present with these types of bacteria. You won’t get
well.”
In the new study, led by Walsh and Madras University’s Karthikeyan Kumarasamy, researchers set out to
determine how common the NDM-1 producing bacteria were in South Asia and Britain, where several cases
had turned up. Checking hospital patients with suspect symptoms, they found 44 cases (1.5 per cent) of those
screened in Chennai, and 26 (eight per cent) of those screened in Haryana. They likewise found the superbug in
Bangladesh and Pakistan, as well as 37 cases in Britain, some in patients who had recently returned from
having cosmetic surgery in India or Pakistan. “India also provides cosmetic surgery for other Europeans and
Americans, and it is likely that NDM—1 will spread worldwide,” said the study, published in The Lancet.
NDM-1 was mostly found in E. coli, a common source of community-acquired urinary tract infections, and K.
pneumoniae, and was impervious to all antibiotics except two, tigecycline and colistin.
India rejects superbug linkage
India has reacted strongly to a study linking a multiple drug-resistant superbug detected in Britain to India and
said the bacteria are not a public health threat. It said Indian hospitals were safe as a number of such bacteria
survived in nature and were reported from several other countries.
The conclusions of the study are “loaded with inference” that the antibiotic-resistant organism possibly
originated in India, an official statement by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare said in New Delhi on
12.08.2010. “While such organisms may be circulating more commonly in the world due to international travel,
to link it with the safety of surgery hospitals in India and citing isolated examples to show that India is not a
safe place to visit due to the presence of such organism in Indian environment are wrong,” V.M. Katoch,
Director-General, Indian Council of Medical Research, said.
Several authors had declared a conflict of interest in the publication of the study. The study was funded by the
European Union and two pharmaceutical companies — Wellcome Trust and Wyeth — that produce antibiotics
for treatment of such cases, the statement said.
The government also strongly objected to the naming of this enzyme as New Delhi metallo beta lactamase -1
(NDM-1) and refuted the conclusion that hospitals in India were not safe for treatment.
Though not disputing the validity of the study, he said the conclusions were “unfair” and “scary.” The
conclusions and interpretations of the study were wrong, scientifically invalid and aimed at creating a scare.
Madras University’s Karthikeyan Kumarasamy from Erode had his elation set back slightly at the interpretation
the media had given his article. “That it was transmitted from India is hypothetical. Unless we analyse samples
from across the world to confirm its presence, we can only speculate,” he said.
Researchers crack open secret of superbug’s resistance
Scientists have stumbled upon a central processing unit (CPU) of a superbug’s weaponry which will provide
new options to fight back and disable the virulent bacteria.
A team from the McMaster University’s Institute for Infectious Disease Research has revealed that a small
chemical, made by the superbug Staphylococcus aureus and its drug-resistant forms, determines this disease’s
strength and ability to infect.
The bacteria are the cause for a wide range of difficult-to-treat human infectious diseases such as pneumonia,
toxic-shock syndrome and flesh-eating diseases. It is known as the superbug as it has become increasingly
resistant to antibiotics and especially troublesome in hospitals.
“We’ve found that when these small chemicals in the bacteria are shut down, the bacteria is rendered non-
functional and non-infectious,” said Nathan Magarvey, principal study investigator and assistant professor of
biochemistry at McMaster. “We’re now set on hacking into this pathogen and making its system crash.” These
findings appeared in Science.
To identify these “pathogen small molecule CPUs”, the researchers used cutting-edge chemical mining tools to
reveal the molecular wiring associated with their formation.
Then, to uncover its function, the McMaster scientists shut off its synthesis, showing that the deadly pathogens
had been tamed and were unable to burst open red blood cells, said a McMaster’s statement.
Cell to keep record of hospital-acquired infections soon
India is working to set up a cell that will issue guidelines and keep a record of hospital-acquired infections,”
V.M. Katoch, Director-General of the Indian Council of Medical Research, said in New Delhi on 12.08.2010.
As of now, India did not have any rules to check hospital-acquired infections.
Superbug threat – The Hindu Editorial on 16.08.2010
Gram-negative Enterobacteriaceae strains resistant to carbapenem, a powerful antibiotic, and one of the last
lines of treatment for infections caused by Gram-negative bacteria, are becoming more widespread in India.
The resistance arises on account of a new gene that codes for metallo-beta-lactamase enzyme.
The drug-resistant bacterial gene, the so-called superbug, was named New Delhi metallo-beta-lactamase-1
(NDM-1) in 2009 when it was first identified in a Swedish person admitted to a hospital in New Delhi.
A study, reported online in The Lancet Infectious Diseases, (“Emergence of a new antibiotic resistant
mechanism in India, Pakistan, and the UK: a molecular, biological, and epidemiological study,” by Karthikeyan
K. Kumarasamy et al.) found that apart from several locations in India, the carbapenem-resistant strain was
seen in 37 U.K. patients who had undergone elective and cosmetic surgery in India and two neighbouring
countries.
According to a study published in March, 2010 in the Journal of Association of Physicians of India (JAPI), 22
cases of carbapenem-resistant NDM-1 were collected within three months from a Mumbai hospital. The spread
and increasing numbers come as no surprise as the drug is overused.
Resistance to extended-spectrum beta-lactamases (ESBL) drugs like third-generation cephalsporins is between
60 and 70 per cent on average in India, compared with less than 15 per cent seen in many developed countries.
A common way of treating the severe form of ESBL infections is the use of carbapenem — which becomes the
drug of choice as it has the lowest resistance rates and the broadest action against Gram-negative infections.
Inappropriate and indiscriminate use of carbapenem, a reserved antibiotic, has played a major role in the
development of the carbapenem-resistant gene, including the new NDM-1 strain.
From being absent a few years ago, NDM-1 is beginning to show up. Unlike ESBL, which has become a
community infection, NDM-1 is, in all probability, still a hospital-acquired infection. Drug-resistant NDM-1
strains are being seen only now but they are a cause for worry because only a few drugs are available to treat
Gram-negative infections. The prevalence can increase within a relatively short time, since the NDM-1 gene is
carried in the plasmids of the Gram-negative bacteria. These plasmids can move from one bacterium to another,
and even to different species.
There is still a good chance of keeping the prevalence low, provided a two-pronged approach is adopted:
instituting a national antibiotic policy that restricts the use of carbapenem and other higher-end antibiotics to
hospital settings and only for patients with severe infections, and having a national registry of drug-resistant
strains.
WHO endorses superbug study findings – 21.08.2010
Even as the controversy over the origin of the new antibiotic-resistant bacteria named after India — New Delhi
Metallo-beta lactamase-1 (NDM-1) — continues, the World Health Organisation (WHO) has virtually endorsed
the study published in The Lancet Infectious Diseases journal saying that the article had drawn attention to the
issue of antimicrobial resistance (AMR), and, in particular, raised the awareness of infections caused by multi-
drug resistant bacteria.
In a statement issued on 21.08.2010, the WHO said that while multi-drug resistant bacteria are not new and will
continue to appear, this development requires monitoring and further study to understand the extent and modes
of transmission, and to define the most effective measures for control.
AMR will be the theme of the WHO’s World Health Day 2011.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Mumbai Oil Spill and its effect on Environment

Thursday, August 12th, 2010
Vikram Kumar
The 2010 Mumbai oil spill occurred after two Panamian-flagged ships, MSC Chitra and MV Khalijia-III
collided off the coast of India near time. MSC Chitra, which was outborne Mumbai on 7.08.2010 at around
9:50 A.M local time from South Mumbai’s Nava Sheva port collided with the inbound MV Khalijia-III which
immediately threw out the oil containers from MSC Chitra into the Arabian Sea. Khalijia-III was apparently
involved with another mishap on July 18, 2010.
MSC Chitra, registered in Panama, is owned by Mediterranean Shipping Company, a public limited company
based in Geneva, Switzerland. Its management operations are conducted from Hong Kong, while its local
agents in Mumbai look after the loading and unloading of its ships. “It’s a big shipping company owing 140
ships,” Mr. Khalid said.
Khalijia, on the other hand, is owned by Gulf Rock KSC, a Kuwait-based public limited company, with
management operations in Navi Mumbai. The company is listed on the Kuwait Stock Exchange.
When the MSC Chitra collided with the Khalijia on 7.08.2010, it had a cargo of 1,219 containers holding 2662
tonnes of fuel, 283 tonnes of diesel and 88040 litres of lubricant oil. Thirty-one containers had pesticide in
them. The Chitra tilted sharply under the impact of the collision, resulting in the oil spill and now, containers of
pesticide bobbing off on the sea.
The foreign cargo ship, which collided with another vessel about 10 km off Mumbai harbour, tilted further
spilling oil for the third day continuously as Navy and Coast Guard made hectic efforts to contain the leak. The
Chief Minister of Maharashtra, Thiru Ashok Chavan claimed that they have already filed cases against the
captains of the two ships which are from abroad. Thirty three crew members, including two Pakistanis, were
rescued following the incident.
“The oil slick has been sighted on shore from Nariman Point to Cuffe Parade in Mumbai, Vashi and Airoli in
Thane district, Uran, Mandovi and Elephanta in Raigad district. Elephanta and Navi Mumbai or BARC
[Bhabha Atomic Research Centre] are reportedly the only sites where mangroves have been indicated to be
affected. The Pollution Control Board has constituted four survey teams with assistance of the Coast Guard and
the district or local administration, one each for Mumbai, Mumbai suburban, Thane and Raigad districts,” a
press note of the Directorate General (DG) of Shipping said.
The Navy and the Coast Guards have been carrying out anti-pollution operations every day to check and
neutralise the oil spill. Six coastguard vessels and a helicopter with anti-pollution dispersal spray systems were
pressed into service on 8th August 2010 to contain the oil spill.
A high-level meeting, attended by the officials of the Maharashtra Government Environment Department,
National Disaster Response Force, Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation, Shipping department, Mumbai Port
Trust and other concerned agencies has been convened to assess the situation and steps to be taken to bring it
under control, sources said.
Fishing associations have been also requested not to carry out any fishing activities till the oil spill is contained.
Officials are yet to locate the leakage. The thick oil slick has been sighted two to three kms around the vessel
Chitra. As on 10th Aug 2010, traffic had been suspended as the containers were still sighted floating into the
channel thus making navigation hazardous.
The Directorate General of Shipping has initiated an investigation into the incident, Directorate General of
Shipping’s Chief Nautical Advisor M M Savvi said, adding that the Coast Guard and senior officials
(Directorate General of Shipping) were at the site.
On 10th August the oil slick from MSC Chitra stopped. Officials claim that no oil was coming out. Operation is
halted as the ship is steady. Evacuation of cargo was supposed to start from 11th August 2010.
But MSC Chitra is still tilted dangerously and there is no change in situation. The oil patches off middle ground
and islands of Elephanta and butcher have been cleared off. The district collectors of Thane, Navi Mumbai and
Raigarh have reported no sighting of oil on coast line. Pollution response capable vessels are spraying oil spill
dispersants.
During aerial surveillance concentrated residual oil patches have been sighted adjoining areas of BARC and
Sewri. Around 800 tonnes of oil is floating on the sea comes dangerously close to the coast line.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has intervened and asked for a report from the Union Shipping Ministry on
the oil spill. Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) has also been alerted by the Coastguard to stop using sea
water for cooling down purposes as the slick has reached Sewree area where BARC is located. Hectic efforts
continued to combat the oil spill spanning around two miles in the Arabian Sea.
In the biggest such operation mounted so far in the Indian sea waters, authorities have deployed five Indian
Coast Guard (ICG) ships, one helicopter and one small aircraft for controlling the massive oil spill. The ships
ICG Sankalp, Amrit Kaur, Subhadra Kumari Chauhan, Kamla Devi and C-145 – have joined the ICG AOPV
Sangram, which was deployed since 9th August 2010 to monitor the oil spill and guide relief efforts. A Chetak
helicopter and a small Dornier aircraft were pressed into service for aerial spray of dispersants to tackle the
thick oil slick.
August 11th 2010
The Singapore-based Smit Company will begin operations to salvage the MSC Chitra from August 11th 2010.
But it may take nearly six to eight months before the ship can be removed from the spot. Mumbai Port Trust
chairperson Rahul Asthana says that a team has come on 10th August 2010 and another is reaching on 11th
August 2010 morning with pumps to remove the oil.
Jawaharlal Nehru Port Trust’s acting chairperson N N Kumar said these pumps can suck out oil at the rate of 30
metric tonnes an hour. The ship Chitra was carrying 2662 metric tonnes of fuel when it started. Nearly 879
metric tonnes has flown out. Besides, there are 283.8 tonnes of diesel and 88,040 litres of lube oil on board. It is
expected to take eight days to drain out the oil.
Coast Guard officials said a crane called Sea Patriot C4 mounted on a ship has been arranged and has been
positioned close to Chitra to continuously pump out the oil.
The salvers have already placed tugs and put chains so that the falling containers do not drift far off. They are
immediately picked up and kept on the tugs. Asthana said the equipment is being imported from Rotterdam and
Singapore.
The submerged containers will be lifted using air bags and towed to a shallow corner. Simultaneously, the
containers on the ship will be removed with a crane, placed on a barge and then taken to JNPT.
N. N Kumar also said around the same time, water will be filled in the ship’s tanks so that she does not lose her
balance. Water blasts will also be used to correct the balance. But Kumar says that the major fear will be over
when the oil is removed completely. It will take six to eight months before the ship can be refloated and towed
away. If the salvers cannot refloat her, then they will have to cut her and dismantle her.
Impact of the Mumbai Oil Spill
The situation is chilling. A snake which came in from the sea was covered in oil and chemicals and was
struggling. Neither could it go back into the sea as it is filled with oil, nor could it remain in the open in the
baking sun. The oil spill has turned deadly. And it’s not just this one snake.
Fishermen claim that their fishing nets in the sea are all covered with oil. No one is willing to buy such fish.
The marine life here is contaminated. This has been confirmed by initial reports carried out by the state
government. The oil slick has even entered the sensitive mangrove belt. While the government is working
towards a swift clean up, environmentalists fear it may be too late.
Environmentalists worry that the oil slick will enter the mangroves and mudflats and once that happens nothing
can be done to clean it up. Moreover he believes that India has the technology or the intent.
The Environment Minister Thiru Jairam Ramesh claims that removing the entire oil from the sea will take 45
days. Comprehensive detailed investigation on damage on mangrove forest will be done by Maharashtra
Pollution Board. And while the leak may have been plugged, going by the extent to which the slick has spread,
it will be a while before the villagers can return to the seas for their livelihood.
As the crisis related to the oil spill off Mumbai coast becomes bigger, it’s business as usual in the metropolis.
Even as mangroves turn black due to the oil slick and toxic chemical bottles get washed ashore, at the Mumbai
docks fish continues to be brought in and hundreds of fishermen continue to go out to sea.
Over 31 containers with hazardous chemicals are still missing and need to be found. Debris can still be seen
floating in the waters. The water around the damaged MSC Chitra is clear but that is because the ship is in deep
sea and the debris is getting washed ashore.
But the fishermen claim there is no need to panic. They are worried people will stop eating fish, affecting their
business in turn.
12th August 2010
The crisis related to the oil spill off Mumbai coast becomes bigger.. Even as mangroves turn black due to the
oil slick and toxic chemical bottles get washed ashore, at the Mumbai docks fish continues to be brought in and
hundreds of fishermen continue to go out to sea.
Over 31 containers with hazardous chemicals are still missing and need to be found. Debris can still be seen
floating in the waters. The water around the damaged MSC Chitra is clear but that is because the ship is in deep
sea and the debris is getting washed ashore.
But the fishermen claim there is no need to panic. They are worried people will stop eating fish, affecting their
business in turn. They claim that there is no connection between the oil spill and fish.
Despite the warnings of the state government and Environment Ministry for the fisherman of Mumbai it is
business as usual. They insist there is nothing wrong. For them it is just another day.
Loss due to spill
Four billion dollar of trade will be lost if the oil spill off the Mumbai coast is not dealt with by the weekend.
The situation has already prompted exporters and importers to ask the government for financial relief,.
The recent oil spill off the Mumbai coast has disrupted cargo traffic at JNPT and Mumbai port. And if the
situation is not addressed by the end of the week (15th august 2010), the Federation of Indian Export
Organizations (FIEO) estimates that USD 4 billion of trade cargo will be lost.
After all, these two ports handle 60% of India’s container traffic. The FIEO says that losses are mounting with
each day of delay. It pegs losses to Indian importers and exporters at USD 20 million by the end of the week.
The Federation is now asking the government to help contain these financial losses by waiving demurrage,
detention and other charges which arise from suspension of operations at the ports.
Oil companies, meanwhile, are putting on a brave face, for now. They say that fuel production at their Mumbai
plants are normal, and add that the port disruption will not mean a shortage of supplies, for the time being.
ONGC is also working to compensate for the blocked ports by diverting crude to its two facilities through
pipeline.
This measure, it says, will ensure supplies are not impaired. Officials at oil marketing companies IOC, BPCL
and HPCL agree, saying they have enough inventories to survive this crisis.
The Maharashtra government is going all out to assure the people that port activities will resume as soon as
possible. But experts point out that if port operations remain suspended past the 15th of august, Mumbai could
run out of fuel.
The Response System
The collision of two large ships off the Mumbai coast and the resulting oil spill has come as a test of India’s
preparedness to handle shipping disasters. A strong oil spill response system is of paramount importance. Yet
capacity-building efforts in major ports have not kept pace with the need.
It is precisely to meet such challenges that a National Oil Spill Disaster Contingency Plan (NOS-DCP) was
drawn up in 1996. Based on this, all ports should by now possess functional spill response systems but they
clearly do not. The proceedings of the 14th NOS-DCP and Preparedness Meeting held in 2009 highlighted the
slow progress in achieving full response capacity even at the basic level at Mumbai and JNPT ports.
India has ratified key environmental and shipping conventions, including the International Convention on Oil
Pollution Preparedness, Response and Cooperation. The national coastline is about 7,500 km long and has, in
the assessment of the Coast Guard (CG), 11 major and 20 minor ports that must be equipped to combat oil
pollution. A few ships sink in Indian coastal waters every year; in 2007, as many as five vessels with a total of
658 tonnes of oil went down.
Captain Martin and Master Laxman Dubey of MV Kahlijia III have been booked under IPC sections 280 [rash
navigation] and 336 (act endangering life or personal safety of others) and sections 7, 8, 9 pertaining to
prevention, control and abatement of environmental pollution of the Environment Protection Act.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Water Dispute between India and Pakistan – Will it trigger first Water War?
Tuesday, August 10th, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
As India and Pakistan move towards the welcome resumption of dialogue, New Delhi needs to factor in a new
reality: More than Kashmir, it is the accusation that India is stealing water that is rapidly becoming the “core
issue” in the Pakistani establishment’s narrative about bilateral problems.
Concern is growing in Pakistan that India is pursuing policies in an attempt to strangulate Pakistan by
exercising control over the water flow of Pakistan’s rivers. The concern is most related to Pakistan’s
agricultural sector, which would be greatly affected by the building of dams and by the external control of the
waters of several rivers that flow into Pakistan. The issue has a layered complexity, as three of the rivers flow
into Pakistan through the Indian portion of Jammu & Kashmir, the territory over which the two countries have
waged multiple wars.
A group of more than 20 different UN bodies warned earlier this month that the world may be perilously close
to its first water war. “Water is linked to the crises of climate change, energy and food supplies and prices, and
troubled financial markets,” said the report. “Unless their links with water are addressed and water crises
around the world are resolved, these other crises may intensify and local water crises may worsen, converging
into a global water crisis and leading to political insecurity and conflict at various levels.”
With the per capita availability of water declining in Pakistan due to rising population and poor water
management, there is a sense of an imminent water crisis. The problems are plenty-
• Groundwater is said to be under stress through over-exploitation
• River flows are reported to be diminishing
• Some rivers to be so polluted as to be no more than sewers
• Water supply in cities is reportedly intermittent and unreliable
In most years, the Indus barely makes it beyond the Kotri barrage in Sindh, leading to the ingress of sea water,
the increase in soil salinity and the destruction of agriculture in deltaic districts like Thatta and Badin.
While this appears to be an internal problem in Pakistan, the popular refrain in the country seems to be that
India is behind the problem. This is being echoed in the media, picked up by the jihadists, and acquiesced in at
the official and expert levels through silence (or even aggravated by official statements). This is a new
development. Until recently, there were criticisms of particular Indian projects on the western rivers as not
compliant with the Treaty, but no accusations of ‘water theft’ by India.
Though Pakistan’s water woes predate recent hydroelectric projects like Baglihar in Jammu and Kashmir, jihadi
organisations like the Lashkar-e-Taiba/Jamaat-ud-Dawa have started blaming India for the growing shortage of
water. Apart from inflaming public opinion against India, this propaganda helps to blunt the resentment Sindh
and Balochistan have traditionally had — as the lowest riparians in the Indus river basin — against West
Punjab for drawing more than its fair share of the water flowing through the provinces.
Pakistan blames India, saying it is withholding millions of cubic feet of water upstream on the Chenab in
Indian-administered Kashmir and storing it in the massive Baglihar dam in order to produce hydro-electricity.
Its Indian neighbour, Pakistan declares, is in breach of a 1960 treaty designed to administer water use in the
region. After initial talks to try and resolve the issue, the matter has been put on hold since the Mumbai attacks
last November in which 165 people were killed, fuelling tensions between the two quarrelsome neighbours.
How did this accusation come about? The answer is that some studies reportedly indicate a reduction in the
flows in the western rivers, and it seems to be readily assumed that if the flows show a reduction, the upper
riparian must have reduced them. India would say that if there are reductions in flows, they cannot forthwith be
attributed to Indian action.
Also, Pakistan continues to be uncomfortable about Indian projects on the western rivers despite the many
stringent safeguards provided by the Treaty to protect Pakistan against certain perceived dangers. Pakistan
wants the Treaty to give the exclusive use of the western rivers with no provision whatever for even limited use
by India; but such a Treaty might not have been signed by India. But, what with the permissive and restrictive
provisions in the Treaty, and the density of technical detail in it, the situation in the Permanent Indus
Commission (PIC) has turned adverse, leading to a constant tug of war, instead of constructive cooperation.
Also Pakistan is worried about the number of projects that India is planning on the western rivers. This is
because, even with strict compliance with the provisions of the Treaty in each case, India might, taking all the
projects together, acquire a measure of control over the waters of the western rivers and might potentially be
able to inflict harm on Pakistan.
Pakistan believes that India might be planning a hundred projects. There seems to be no basis for that number.
It is more likely that India might have in mind some thirty projects or so. It is not clear whether all those
projects will in fact be undertaken, but assuming that they are, it is necessary to consider whether all of them
will together give India a greater degree of control; enable large storage; make it possible for India to withhold
water from Pakistan, or release stored waters and flood Pakistan. India claims that most of these will be small
projects, which are run-of-the-river projects. Given the restrictive provisions of the Treaty, there is hardly any
scope either for the retention of waters to the detriment of the lower riparian or for flooding the lower riparian;
and that assuming that India wants to harm Pakistan it can do so only by openly violating the Treaty and by first
harming itself, its own people, and its own projects (built at great cost).
Islamabad should also not doubt India’s plan to put up projects that do not impede water flows on the western
rivers, because Article III of the IWT allows it the use of western river waters for domestic, non-consumptive
and agriculture purposes, besides the generation of electricity.
Though the treaty has a mechanism to ensure compliance with the stipulated partitioning of rivers, a major
weakness from Pakistan’s standpoint is that it does not compel or require India to do anything on its side for the
optimum development of what is, after all, an integrated water system. Inflows to Pakistan depend not just on
rainfall and snowmelt in India and China (the uppermost eastern riparian) but also on the health of tributaries,
streams, nullahs and acquifers as well as groundwater, soil and forest management practices. This is a classic
externality problem. Costs incurred by the upper riparian on responsible watershed management will produce
disproportionate benefits for the lower riparian, hence they are not incurred.
Under the treaty, India is allowed to store 3.6 million acreage feet (MAF) of water of the western rivers, but it
has not built any such facility so far, allowing unimpeded flows into Pakistan. Since the water level in the
Chenab varies wildly during winter and summer, a better strategy would be for both countries to build a joint
storage project which would serve the farmers of both countries during the lean periods, some experts aver.
Pakistan might consider the following two points as harmful.
• The initial filling of the Baglihar reservoir, and
• The planned diversion of Kishenganga waters
The first was a very minor and relatively innocuous matter which was blown up into a huge controversy. The
issue has been closed at the last meeting of the PIC. The Kishenganga diversion, which Pakistan considers to be
a violation of the Treaty and India holds to be specifically permitted by the Treaty, is going to the Court of
Arbitration.
The fact that river flows from India to Pakistan have slowly declined is borne out by data on both sides. Above
Merala on the Chenab, for example, the average monthly flows for September have nearly halved between
1999 and 2009. India claims that this is because of reduced rainfall and snowmelt. Pakistan refutes, preferring
to link observable reductions in flows to hydroelectric projects on the Indian side. That is why, in the run-up to
the February 25 meeting of the Indian and Pakistani Foreign Secretaries, Islamabad has gone out of its way to
project water as the most important topic it intends to raise.
The reality of the partition
Though inter-provincial disputes over water sharing were a fact of life in this region before 1947, the partition
of the subcontinent introduced a further complexity. It was easy for Radcliffe to draw a line on a map and
divide up the land of British India but people and water were harder to partition. The rupture to the region’s
hydrological system proved to be traumatic. The rivers which irrigated the new nation all had their origins in
India. But as an upper riparian locked in a politically adversarial relationship with Pakistan, the Indian side had
little or no incentive to look at the Indus basin as an integrated water system. The early years of independence
saw bitter disputes as India treated the waters of the Indus’s five tributaries — Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, Beas and
Sutlej — as its own. Geography and terrain meant the Indus itself could not be harnessed on the Indian side of
Jammu and Kashmir but intermittent, small-scale, diversions on the tributaries generated considerable tension
with Pakistan. In 1960, the two countries sought to put an end to this tension by signing the Indus Water Treaty
(IWT) with the World Bank’s mediation.
The IWT partitioned the six rivers of the Indus watershed on a crudely longitudinal basis. India was given
exclusive use of the waters of the three eastern tributaries, the Ravi, Beas and Sutlej, and the right to “non-
consumptive” use of the western rivers, namely the Indus, Jhelum and Chenab. Under the IWT, India
renounced its right to block or divert the flows of the ‘western’ rivers and agreed to confine itself to run-of-the-
river hydroelectric projects and the drawing of irrigation water for a specified acreage of farm land. This
partitioning was irrational from an ecological standpoint and led to both sides incurring considerable expense as
they were forced to develop canal infrastructure drawing on “their” allocated rivers to compensate for the non-
use of the other side’s rivers despite that water flowing through their own territory.
Pakistani officials keep accusing India of violating the 1960 treaty on the division of the Indus waters. The
Indian side, of course, denies this, and there is, in any case, a system of international mediation built into the
IWT for binding international arbitration if the two countries cannot resolve a water-related dispute. Pakistan
invoked this mechanism for Baglihar in 2005, though the arbitrator ruled in favour of the project subject to
certain modifications. An earlier dispute over the Salal project was resolved in the 1970s by the two Foreign
Secretaries.
Many of the disputes that seem to be driven by fears of water scarcity are actually a reflection of another kind
of scarcity: electricity. Pakistan opposes the Indian Kishenganga hydel project on the Jhelum, for example,
because it will interfere with its proposed Neelum-Jhelum power plant. But if the two countries could build
trust in one another, there is no reason why they cannot agree on energy swaps that could do away with the
need to duplicate power projects, especially those which restrict the flow of water. Today, given the way
terrorism has eroded the Indian political system’s capacity and willingness to do business with Pakistan, such
ideas seem hopelessly utopian. But they do offer a glimpse of the kind of future that might be possible should
the terrorist menace end. Rather than refusing to talk water, India should show Pakistan how the keys to ending
its aquatic insecurities lie in its own hands.
In fact, Islamabad’s desire to bring the water issue on the table on the eve of this week’s foreign secretary talks
is a change from its stand in 2002, when the “Pakistan Water Sector Strategy” argued for thwarting any
“attempt by India” to scrap the treaty. It anticipated an adverse impact on the river water flows if the treaty was
scrapped and argued for building storage capacities to meet requirements in times of shortages, which Pakistan
has failed to do adequately.
Silting at dams
Pakistan’s problems are compounded by silting at the Tarbela and Mangla dams, with an internal official
assessment admitting that it has lost 32 per cent of its storage capacity due to the problem.
While framing the IWT, the irrigable area of India and Pakistan was assessed at 26 million acres and 39 million
acres respectively, while the waters available to them are 32.8 MAF and 135.6 MAF respectively. This means
that only about 1.26 feet of water is available to India for its agriculture on eastern rivers, while about 3.5 feet
of water is available to Pakistan for its agriculture.
Unused water
Pakistan has a large surplus of unused water. Its documents show about 30 MAF as “available surplus” with a
very high escapage to the sea. Pakistan’s irrigation efficiency is also understood to be low, at an estimated 40
per cent. Virtually all of the municipal and industrial wastewater is returned to the rivers, nullahs and streams
untreated, which results in deterioration of water quality.
The Pakistan document also suggests that canal capacities are not sufficient to provide the share of each
province as per their allocation. The inefficient system aggravates the problems.
As a result of the IWT, Pakistan was assisted by India financially (£62.06 million) and by the IBRD fund to
build replacement works, including link canals for transferring waters of the western rivers to eastern rivers.
This network of link canals could be used by Pakistan to properly distribute the water.
Pakistan believes that the diversion of Neelum waters is not allowed under the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty, as it
will cause a 27 per cent water deficit, when the project is completed. The reduced water flow in the Neelum
would not yield the required results of the proposed 1.6 billion dollars Neelum-Jehlum hydropower project that
has been designed to generate 969 MW of electricity. It said that India has almost completed a 22-kilometre
long tunnel to divert Kishanganga waters to Wullar Lake in Jammu and Kashmir.
President Obama’s Special Envoy to Afghanistan and Pakistan Richard Holbrooke has said Washington is in
consultations with India and Pakistan to help both countries resolve water disputes between them.
In an interview with a private television channel, Holbrooke termed Pakistan’s water crisis as the second most
worry for that country after its sagging economy. “Pakistan’s water crisis is the second most dangerous crisis
after its economic turmoil,” The Daily Times quoted Holbrooke, as saying.
The Indus Waters Treaty (IWT), inked between India and Pakistan in 1960, provides appointment of a neutral
expert by the World Bank as a last option to resolve water related issues between both the countries.
Unless both countries can arrive at a compromise where the dispute is concerned, analysts fear that this
problem might lead to a terrible Indo – Pakistan war.
*****

Tejaswini Sawant won a gold at the World Championships

Tuesday, August 10th, 2010
Tejaswini Sawant, won Gold at World Championships and has created history as she is the first Indian woman
shooter to win a gold medal at the World Championships. Tejaswini Sawant has won Gold in 50m Rifle Prone
event with a world-record equalling score at Munich, Germany where the World Championships are being held.
Tejaswini Sawant (born: 12 September 1980) is an Indian shooter from the Maharashtrian city of Kolhapur.
Tejaswini Sawant scripted history on 8.08.2010 by becoming the first Indian woman shooter to clinch a gold
medal at the World Championships with a world-record equalling score in the 50m Rifle Prone event in
Munich, Germany.Sawant shot a score of 597 (100,100,100,99,99,99), equalling the 1998 record set by Marina
Bobkova of Russia.
Tejaswini arrived on the shooting scene in 1999 when she was adjudged the best shooter of the NCC 6
Maharashtra Girls Battalion. But the defining moment came in 2001, when Tejaswini finished 5th in the
Mavlankar Championship at Asansol.
Sawant represented India at the 9th South Asian Sports Federation Games in 2004 in Islamabad where she
helped India win gold medal. She was selected to represent India at Commonwealth Games ahead of Asian
Games gold medallist Anjali Ved Pathak Bhagwat and world record holder Suma Shirur after winning 5 gold
medals, 6 silver medals and 5 bronze medals at the national championships. In 2006, she won gold medals in
Women’s 10m Air Rifle singles and Women’s 10m Air Rifle Pairs (with Avneet Kaur Sidhu) events at the
Commonwealth Games at Melbourne. Sawant won a bronze medal in 50 metre rifle three positions at the 2009
ISSF World Cup in Munich. On 8 August 2010 she became the World Champion in the 50m Rifle Prone event
in Munich, Germany. She was the first Indian woman shooter to win a gold medal at the World Championships
with a world-record equalling score in the 50m Rifle Prone event
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has congratulated Tejaswini Sawant on becoming the first Indian woman
shooter to clinch a gold medal at the World Championships in Munich, Germany. In a message, Singh said her
outstanding performance has brought laurels to the nation and her achievement will inspire other youngsters to
do their best for the country.
Maharashtra Government on 9.08.2010 announced a cash prize of Rs five lakh to Tejaswini Sawant for winning
a gold medal in the 50 metre rifle shooting prone category at the World Shooting Championships held in
Munich, Germany.
The Municipal Corporation of Pune on 10.08.2010 felicitated ace woman shooter Tejaswini Sawant on winning
a gold medal in the 50-metre rifle category at the World Shooting Championship held in Munich, Germany. On
behalf of the Corporation, Pune Mayor Mohan Singh Rajpal presented a shawl and a cheque of Rs one lakh to
Sawant.
Maharashtra governor K Sankaranarayanan has congratulated Tejaswini Sawant for winning the gold medal at
the World Shooting Championships held in Munich. In a congratulatory message to Tejaswini, the governor
said she did the nation proud by striking a Gold at the World Shooting Championships held in Germany. “You
have had a brilliant record at the Commonwealth Games held in 2006 and the nation has great expectations
from you for the forthcoming Commonwealth Games in Delhi and the Asian Games in China,” he said. “The
people of Maharashtra are rightly enthused by your world record equalling feat. I congratulate you and wish
you glorious success in your future career,” he said.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Access to clean water and sanitation is now a Human Right

Saturday, August 7th, 2010
In a landmark resolution, the United Nations General Assembly has recognised access to clean water and
sanitation as a human right. The 39-state proposal, initiated by Bolivian President Evo Morales, was passed by
122 votes to zero, with 41 member states abstaining.
The negotiations leading to the vote, however, were detailed and tense, and showed clear political divisions on
North-South lines. The major opposition came from the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia,
Japan and several other industrialised countries together with developing countries known for siding with the
U.S. and former colonial powers.
Indeed, had Germany and Spain not stated that they would not oppose the resolution, opponents such as the
U.K. and Sweden may even have succeeded in conveying the impression that the European Union as a whole
had achieved a consensus against it. Some delegations, implausibly in this electronic age, said they did not
receive their governments’ instructions in time for the vote. Campaigning groups have also said that an attempt
was made within the U.N. to derail the resolution, in the form of a prior letter sent by the U.N. Secretary
General’s Advisory Board to the President of the General Assembly suggesting alterations to the draft
resolution; some have implied that this constituted an attempt to impose a neoliberal tone on the draft.
The fact remains, nevertheless, that nearly 900 million people lack access to safe drinking water; nearly two
billion people live in water-stressed areas around the world, and three billion live a kilometre or more away
from the nearest running water. Over 2.6 billion lack access to basic sanitation, and 1.5 million children under
five die every year because of contaminated water or poor sanitation.
Writing in The New York Times, Mikhail Gorbachev calls the situation “water apartheid,” and notes that since
the end of World War II contaminated water has killed more people than all forms of violence combined.
As to major diseases, AIDS, malaria, and measles together do not account for as many deaths as impure water
does. The U.N. resolution is non-binding, but it has been hailed as a decisive move in the worldwide struggle
for access to safe water as essential to human survival and dignity. Although the vote in the General Assembly
has shown political cleavages, the passage of the resolution is a tribute to the tireless work of water-rights
NGOs such as the Canada-based Blue Planet Project and to those Latin American states which, having learnt by
bitter experience what neoliberalism means in practice, are leading the way towards significant alternatives.
Courtesy: The Hindu

Babhali Barrage row and rift between Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra
Friday, August 6th, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
The contentious Babhali Barrage issue, now at the centre of a controversy between Maharashtra and Andhra
Pradesh, is scheduled to come up for further hearing before the Supreme Court in August 2010. Though the
Maharashtra government was permitted by the apex court in April 2007 to go ahead with the construction of the
Babhali Barrage, it has been restrained from installing 13 gates on it till further orders.
Maharashtra believes that they are strictly honouring the Godavari Water Disputes Tribunal (GWDT) award of
1975 and following the apex court directives by not impounding the water.
The Controversy
The Babhali Barrage is being constructed on the Godavari, around 80 km from Nanded, the home district of
Chief Minister Ashok Chavan of Maharashtra. Situated within the Maharashtra boundary, the barrage is seven
kilometres upstream from the state border at the confluence of the Godavari and Manjra rivers. With a storage
capacity of 2.75 million cubic feet, the barrage will cater to the drinking water requirements of 58 surrounding
villages and irrigate 7,995 hectares of agricultural land. The total cost of the barrage (as per revised estimates)
would be around Rs.2.21 billion and the state has already spent Rs.1.6 billion on the project.
Chavan said 80 percent of the work on the barrage is almost complete, including the approach roads on both
sides of the project. Minor works like electrification for operating the barrage gates, constructing a generator
room and inspection posts are currently under way.
Andhra Pradesh has claimed that the Babhali Barrage is being constructed within the backwaters of the
Pochampad Dam in the Telangana region. It says Maharashtra is violating the GWDT agreement of October
1975, and challenged the matter in the Supreme Court.
It apprehends that the barrage would cut off water supply to the Pochampad Dam, adding to the woes of the
farmers and create serious drinking water supply problems in the Telangana region.
Rejecting this strongly, the Maharashtra government has said that the barrage is being built seven kilometres
upstream from the state border and within the state’s territory. They claim that they have prepared the schemes
within the limits of the (water) share allotted by GWDT.
Chavan says that the state would not deprive Andhra Pradesh of even a drop of its due water share.
Arrest of TDP Chief
Andhra Pradesh’s opposition Telugu Desam Party (TDP) chief N. Chandrababu Naidu, along with 74
supporters, in July 2010 entered Dharmabad town in Nanded district to examine the site of the Babhali Barrage
over the Godavari river and ascertain whether Maharashtra was grabbing more than its share of water. They
were arrested since they flouted prohibitory orders and remanded to judicial custody till July 26.
Even as they were being shifted from Dharmabad to Aurangabad, the Maharashtra government suddenly
decided to drop all charges against Naidu and 65 others.
Instead of being taken to jail, they were driven straight to Chikhalthna Airport near Aurangabad and sent back
to Hyderabad in a chartered Indian Airlines aircraft.
In the past few days, all political parties have described the TDP agitation as “a political stunt” to gain mileage
in the July 27 by-elections in Telangana.
July 29, 2010
In order to discuss the row over the Babhali dam project between the riverine states, Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh had called a meeting of chief ministers of Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra on Aug 2, 2010. The meeting
was aimed at addressing apprehensions among political parties in Andhra Pradesh, on Maharashtra not sticking
to its commitment about the project following Supreme Court directions. Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister K.
Rosaiah had led an all-party delegation to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and urged him to direct the
Maharashtra government to dismantle the gates installed at the Babhali barrage and take necessary action to put
an end to the dispute.
The delegation, which had representatives from all registered political parties in Andhra Pradesh, also urged the
prime minister to call a meeting of the chief ministers of the two states to resolve the issue of Babhali barrage
and 13 other barrages built on Godavari river, which flows through both states.
Political parties in Andhra Pradesh have accused Maharashtra of carrying out illegal construction on the
Babhali barrage against a Supreme Court order, but Maharashtra denies it.
Aug 3, 2010
Chandrabau Naidu, the opposition leader told reporters that Rosaiah compromised the state’s interests during
the meeting to save his “chair”. He pointed out that Maharashtra had already violated the Supreme Court’s
interim order in the case by going ahead with the Babhali barrage across the Godavari. The Telugu Desam
Party (TDP) chief, who along with other party leaders was arrested by Maharashtra police recently for
marching towards Babhali, wanted Rosaiah to reveal the details of the meeting.
Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister K. Rosaiah denied that he compromised the interests of the state on the Babhali
barrage dispute during a meeting with his Maharashtra counterpart in the presence of Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh. Addressing a news conference, he said Andhra Pradesh would continue to pursue the
contempt of court case filed in the Supreme Court against Maharashtra for not abiding by its interim order.
He also claimed that at the same time the two states would continue their efforts to find a mutually acceptable
solution to the problem. The chief minister said it was the opinion of the central government that both the states
should abide by the Supreme Court order on the dispute.
Praja Rajyam Party (PRP) chief K. Chiranjeevi also said the meeting was not satisfactory. He too urged
Rosaiah to call an all-party meeting and reveal the details of his discussions in Delhi. Andhra Pradesh argues
that Babhali dam will deprive the state of its rightful share of Godavari waters.
Aug 5th 2010
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had convened a meeting of chief ministers of Andhra Pradesh and
Maharashtra over the Babhali barrage row and called upon the two riverine States to abide by the Supreme
Court’s interim order.
The Lok Sabha was adjourned on Aug 4th 2010 for half-an-hour following protests by the members of the
Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and the Shiva Sena over the Babhali dam dispute over the Godavari river. As the
house convened at 11 a.m on 4.08.2010, the TDP members came near Speaker Meira Kumar’s podium shouting
slogans over the issue. The enraged Shiv Sena members also started the protest, forcing the speaker to adjourn
the house till 11.30 a.m.
*****

POSCO Project in Orissa and the Current Scenario

Thursday, August 5th, 2010
Vignesh Kumar
The poorest State in India with an official estimate of 39.9 per cent of people living below the poverty line, yet
Orissa stands proudly at the second position after Gujarat where proposed investment is concerned. According
to Assocham Investment Meter, recorded investment proposals in Orissa reached Rs. 2,00,846 crore (roughly
40 billion USD) in 2009. The cause is the availability of rich mineral resources such as coal and iron ore along
with cheap availability of manpower. Steel and power were among the sectors which attracted maximum
proposed investments in the state. This was in fact the basis for the commencement of the Posco Project in
Orissa which today is creating a huge controversy.
History of the Posco Project
23 June, 2005
On 23/06/2005, the global steel giant POSCO signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the
Government of Orissa in Bhubaneswar for the construction of a steel plant as well as development of iron ore
mines in the state. This was the first step towards the construction of a steel plant in Orissa. The MoU was
signed by Mr. Soung-Sik Cho, Executive Vice President of POSCO and Mr. Bhaskar Chatterjee, Principal
Secretary of the Government of Orissa, with the participation of Mr. Ku-Taek Lee, Chairman and CEO of
POSCO and Mr. Naveen Patnaik, Chief Minister of Orissa.
According to the MoU, POSCO will build a 3 million tonne capacity steel plant, blast furnace or Finex route,
during the first phase in Paradeep, Orissa between 2007 and 2010 and expand the final production volume to 12
million tonnes. The investment proposed was to the tune of US$12 billion, including an initial investment of
US$ 3 billion during the first phase.
The Government of Orissa was supposed to grant POSCO mining lease rights for 30 years that would ensure an
adequate supply of 600 million tonnes of iron ore to POSCO. This in turn will ensure the competitive
operations of the POSCO India steel plant. The government will also promote the construction plan for
railways, roads, industrial water and electricity keeping up with the steelwork construction plan of POSCO.
The key factors that have been taken into account by POSCO for entering India include the highest projected
growth rates over 2006-2020, the skilled workforce and abundant natural resources, especially of iron ore, coal
and chrome. The Indian governments progressive policies have also helped ease regulations to set up such
projects.
India would derive significant benefits from the project once it is functional, including job creation of 48,000
jobs in the region and 467,000 man years of employment during the construction phase. Foreign exchange
inflows of US$23 billion were projected, with taxes and royalty incomes of US$20.3 billion for the central
government and US$5.1 billion for the Orissa government.
POSCO’s Indian steel plant project is a significant part of the company’s strategy to enhance its global
competitiveness and was seen as a mutual win-win initiative for both the parties involved.
Origin of Posco
Founded in 1968 and headquartered in the southeastern port city of Pohang, POSCO operates two of the
world’s premier steel works–the Pohang and Gwangyang works. The Pohang works produces crude steel of 13
million tonnes and specializes in small-lot production of a broad range of products, including hot-rolled coil
and cold-rolled sheet, plate, wire rod, electrical steel, and stainless steel. The Gwangyang works focuses on
mass-production of limited high-demand products such as hot and cold rolled sheet and produces crude steel of
17 million tonnes. POSCO’s products are shipped to over 60 countries around the globe, satisfying some of the
world’s most quality-sensitive customers.
POSCO project
The $12 billion Pohang Iron and Steel Company (POSCO) project in Orissa is the largest foreign investment
project ever in India. This project has three components:
• Captive iron ore mines in three areas of Keonjhar District and Sundargarh District.
• Mining lease on 6204 Hectares in Sundargarh District recommended to be approved by the Supreme
Court.
• Steel plant: in Jagatsinghpur District, coastal area. Private port: at the mouth of the river Jatadhari, close
to steel plant area; the MoU only makes reference to the possibility of a “minor port” being created.
POSCO needs some 4004 acres, of which but ten percent belong to the cultivators. The rest of the land required
belongs to the government, and this has been recorded as “under forest” in official documentation. Government
records do not show that the vast majority of this land has been under cultivation by the people living in these
areas for generations
A field study in Orissa made found that during the land survey and settlement operation carried out in the late
1950s and continuing in the 1980s in some areas of Koraput district, hardly one per cent land in actual
possession of the tribal communities was recorded in their favour.
Tribal cultivators are then termed “encroachers”, and their eviction from mineral rich forest and hill tracts
follows “legally”. Much lauded statutory provisions that purport to give protection to indigenous forest dwellers
are ignored (“interpreted”) by the relevant ministries to achieve the same result.
POSCO has delinked the mining project from the plant construction in order to get the vast project underway. A
license for over 2,500 hectares for the proposed Khandadhar iron ore mines has been recommended by the
Orissa State government, despite opposition from other companies and locals. But existing iron ore mining in
the region has already severely impacted the water resources of a large region inhabited by many thousands. In
the immediate region of the proposed mines the only constant water source are waterfalls that are already
contaminated from iron mining with the result that the water is now not safe for drinking. In the larger
surrounding region the Central Underground Water Board has reported that the underground water level in Joda
and Barbil river areas has subsided by four metres, that forty percent of the region’s 8,000 tube wells no longer
function, and that nearly half of the irrigated land can no longer rely on water from the Khandadhar waterfalls.
The POSCO project as a whole requires an immense impact on one of the last forested areas remaining in
central India. Particular concern has been voiced over the State government’s commitment to “facilitate” the
provision to POSCO of 7,000 crore liters of water per year for the plant alone from the very limited water
resources of the draught ridden state.
But POSCO is not having a smooth run. The anti-POSCO movement is gearing up again against land
acquisition. The POSCO struggle has now acquired strategic importance for other industries and corporate
groups that face public agitation for destroying forests. This has added an extra dimension to anti-POSCO
movement; caging the aspirations of agitators to basic minimum such as maintenance of status-quo or better
compensation.
POSCO has not been able to initiate any project-related work on the ground. The forest clearance for POSCO
was granted in December 2009. The Scheduled Tribes and Other Forest-Dwellers Recognition of Forest Rights
Act, 2006 (henceforth, FRA) provides for settlement of rights by recognising the right of forest-dwellers to
occupy, cultivate, use and protect areas within which they were residing before 13 December 2005. The rules
for the Act were notified in January 2008. So, the forest clearance for the project could not have been granted
till this process of filing claims and conferring rights was initiated and completed.
Since 30 July 2009, there has also been a circular of the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) in
operation which also seeks the above, not just for POSCO but for all projects coming up before the MoEF for
forest clearance, which states that the State/UT Governments, where process of settlement of Rights under the
FRA is yet to begin, are required to enclose evidences supporting that settlement of rights under FRA 2006 will
be initiated and completed before the final approval for proposals..
Nonetheless, within five months, the forest clearance for POSCO was granted without the FRA process in the
area being complete. As compensation, the clearance letter included a condition that the processes under the
FRA would need to be completed before the clearance became effective.
This and many other violations were brought to the attention of Jairam Ramesh, Minister of Environment and
Forests (MoEF). The ministry responded by issuing another note on 8 January 2010 reiterating the condition
stipulated in the forest clearance, which says that the rights of the tribal people will need to be settled, prior to
the forest clearance being in operation.
The MoU stands expired on 22 June 2010. But the MoU has a clause which states that “no such extension shall
be considered unless the Company has made substantial progress on implementation of the project in terms of
construction, erection of plant and machinery and investment at site to the satisfaction of the State Government
in these five years in implementing the first phase as envisaged in this MoU.”
According to the same document the first phase should have meant that 6 MT production of steel should have
been commissioned, which has not happened. By the terms of the MoU, therefore, the absence of progress
would imply that the MoU cannot be extended.
For the local opposition to the POSCO project, all these are legalese that will iron themselves out along the
way. What matters crucially is that the people resisting remain united in thought and action. Despite differences
and tension on the ground, the fact remains that POSCO has not been able to start work on its project for five
years.
July 28th 2010
Shrugging off mounting opposition from the local people and objections from the Joint Committee under the
Ministry of Environment and Forests, which is overseeing the implementation of the Forest Right Act (FRA),
the Orissa government began the land acquisition process for the proposed Posco-India steel project in
Jagatsinghpur district.
Revenue officials, flanked by a horde of police personnel, made the first real attempt to acquire land five years
after the State government inked a Memorandum of Understanding with South Korean steel major Posco.
The locations of betel vines were documented using the Global Positioning System; the vines were
subsequently removed in the presence of the owner and witnesses and the place was demarcated as ‘acquired.’
The administration paid Rs.1.15 lakh to the displaced person.
But the Orissa government halted the land acquisition process overnight for Posco’s Rs51,000 crore mega steel
project near here after facing stiff opposition from villagers. Though the administration carried out land
acquisition work and paid compensation to two betel leaf cultivators, the official team was prevented from
entering Gada Kujang in the proposed project area as villagers blocked the main link road.
State agriculture minister Damodar Rout and Ersama-Balikuda MLA Prashant Kumar Muduli, along with the
district collector, had rushed to Gada Kujung to speak to villagers.
They held a marathon meeting with the representatives of the pro-project United Action Committee (UAC) for
facilitating the land acquisition process. UAC, the BJD-backed local body supporting the Posco project, is
resisting land acquisition by the administration for not informing villagers.
Civil rights groups have accused the state government of knowingly violating norms under Forest Rights Acts
and sought the intervention of Orissa high court chief justice.
CPI-backed Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti (PPSS) is opposing land acquisition for the project.
Aug 03, 2010
Indian metals major Vedanta Aluminum and Korean steel behemoth Posco fear that their multi-billion projects
may face inordinate delays after environment minister Jairam Ramesh told policymakers in Parliament on Aug
2nd 2010 that both firms violated forest laws. Ramesh also maintained that the two companies were under
investigation in Orissa for violations.
Chief conservator of forests JK Tiwari’s inspection report of August 16, 2009, clarified that there was no
violation of law. The report also stated that there were no environmental infringements. A three-member
committee set up by environment ministry also concluded on February 11 2010 this year that there “was no
mining or construction on the 660.749 hectares of land under question that was allotted to Vedanta”.
Similar was the tone and tenor of Posco officials who refused to accept that the company violated any law. A
senior Posco official told Financial Chronicle that the minister was going against his own guidelines. Already,
an environment ministry team led by environment activist Ashish Kothari has raised objections about the way
clearances were accorded to the Posco project in the state. Yet another panel led by a retired official Meenu
Gupta is examining how these alleged infringements had taken place.
Meanwhile, the Jagatsinghpur district administration has submitted its detailed report on socio-economic, forest
and horticulture survey of the proposed Posco steel plant conducted in eight villages including the trouble torn
Dhinkia village to state government. According to Posco officials, the report backed the company’s claims on
the land
The survey teams collected data of betel vines, prawn gheris and other immovable assets without identification
of beneficiaries. The number and area of prawn gheris, betel vines and other immovable assets have been
included in this report.
In July 2010, Posco announced a compensation package for the people to be displaced by its Rs 51,000 crore
mega steel project. The South Korean steel major would pay Rs 17 lakh per acre of agriculture land while the
price of area under betel vine was fixed at Rs 11.5 lakh per acre.
Aug 4th 2010
The Orissa government resumed its global positioning system -based resurvey for the proposed Rs 54,000-crore
Posco Steel Project near Paradip, following a three-day halt, after the United Action Committee (UAC), a pro-
Posco outfit, agreed to lend support. Following state agriculture minister Damodar Rout and local legislator
Prasant Muduli’s assurance to UAC members that after discussions with the state government, their demands
would be fulfilled within next 10 days, they agreed to cooperate in the exercise.
Stop Posco project, Centre tells Orissa – 5.08.2010
In the latest hurdle to Posco’s embattled Rs.54,000-crore steel project in Orissa, the Union Ministry of
Environment and Forests has told the State government to stop all work related to it, including land acquisition
and handover, as it is violating the Forest Rights Act (FRA).
The August 5, 2010 order comes in the wake of a report by a committee set up jointly by the Environment and
Tribal Affairs Ministries to assess the impact of the Act on sustainable forest resources management. A sub-
group of the committee visited Orissa and found that “certain violations related to the Posco project were taking
place as well.”
The Environment Ministry’s clearance for diversion of forest land for the project had stipulated that FRA
implementation be completed first before any acquisition and handover. The committee found that the FRA
process, to give land rights to the original forest dwellers, had still not even gone beyond the initial stages.
The State government has also failed to respond to the July 29, 2010 demand for urgent information on the land
handover to Posco. Instead, the district administration seems to be proceeding with land acquisition from
consenting families and demolition of paan cultivation, the order said. “The team’s conclusion is that any work
related to the project in the area…is a violation of the FRA and of the conditionality laid down by the MoEF in
its forest clearance,” the order said.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Bosnia Serbia Conflict, Genocide and the Present Stage

Tuesday, August 3rd, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
The former Yugoslavia consisted of six republics and two autonomous regions. Today Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia are independent nations. Serbia and Montenegro comprise the
rump Yugoslavia.
Bosnia and Herzegovina make up a triangular-shaped republic, about half the size of Kentucky, on the Balkan
Peninsula. The Bosnian region in the north is mountainous and covered with thick forests. The Herzegovina
region in the south is largely rugged, flat farmland. It has a narrow coastline without natural harbors stretching
13 miles (20 km) along the Adriatic Sea. It is an emerging democracy, with a rotating, tripartite presidency
divided between predominantly Serb, Croatian, and Bosnian political parties.
History
Called Illyricum in ancient times, the area now called Bosnia and Herzegovina was conquered by the Romans
in the 2nd and 1st centuries B.C. and folded into the Roman province of Dalmatia. In the 4th and 5th centuries
A.D, Goths overran that portion of the declining Roman Empire and occupied the area until the 6th century,
when the Byzantine Empire claimed it. Slavs began settling the region during the 7th century. Around 1200,
Bosnia won independence from Hungary and endured as an independent Christian state for some 260 years.
The expansion of the Ottoman Empire into the Balkans introduced another cultural, political, and religious
framework. The Turks defeated the Serbs at the famous battle of Kosovo in 1389. They conquered Bosnia in
1463. During the 450 years in which Bosnia and Herzegovina were under Ottoman rule, many Christian Slavs
became Muslim. Bosnian Islamic elite gradually developed and ruled the country on behalf of the Turkish
overlords. As the borders of the Ottoman Empire began to shrink in the 19th century, Muslims from elsewhere
in the Balkans migrated to Bosnia. Bosnia also developed a sizable Jewish population, with many Jews settling
in Sarajevo after their expulsion from Spain in 1492. However, through the 19th century the term Bosnian
commonly included residents of all faiths. A relatively secular society, intermarriage among religious groups
was not uncommon.
Neighboring Serbia and Montenegro fought against the Ottoman Empire in 1876 and were aided by the
Russians, their fellow Slavs. At the Congress of Berlin in 1878, following the end of the Russo-Turkish War
(1877–1878), Austria-Hungary was given a mandate to occupy and govern Bosnia and Herzegovina, in an
effort by Europe to ensure that Russia did not dominate the Balkans. Although the provinces were still
officially part of the Ottoman Empire, they were annexed by the Austro-Hungarian Empire on Oct. 7, 1908. As
a result, relations with Serbia, which had claims on Bosnia and Herzegovina, became embittered. The hostility
between the two countries climaxed in the assassination of Austrian archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo on
June 28, 1914, by a Serbian nationalist. This event precipitated the start of World War I (1914–1918). Bosnia
and Herzegovina were annexed to Serbia as part of the newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes
on Oct. 26, 1918. The name was later changed to Yugoslavia in 1929.
When Germany invaded Yugoslavia in 1941, Bosnia and Herzegovina were made part of Nazi-controlled
Croatia. During the German and Italian occupation, Bosnian and Herzegovinian resistance fighters fought a
fierce guerrilla war against the Ustachi, the Croatian Fascist troops. At the end of World War II, Bosnia and
Herzegovina were reunited into a single state as one of the six republics of the newly reestablished Communist
Yugoslavia under Marshall Tito. His authoritarian control kept the ethnic enmity of his patchwork nation in
check. Tito died in 1980, and with growing economic dissatisfaction and the fall of the iron curtain over the
next decade, Yugoslavia began to splinter.
In Dec. 1991, Bosnia and Herzegovina declared independence from Yugoslavia and asked for recognition by
the European Union (EU). In a March 1992 referendum, Bosnian voters chose independence, and President
Alija Izetbegovic declared the nation an independent state. Unlike the other former Yugoslav states, which were
generally composed of a dominant ethnic group, Bosnia was an ethnic tangle of Muslims (44%), Serbs (31%),
and Croats (17%), and this mix contributed to the duration and savagery of its fight for independence.
Ethnic Antgonism Erupts in War
Both the Croatian and Serbian presidents had planned to partition Bosnia between themselves. Attempting to
carve out their own enclaves, the Serbian minority, with the help of the Serbian Yugoslav army, took the
offensive and laid siege, particularly on Sarajevo, and began its ruthless campaigns of ethnic cleansing, which
involved the expulsion or massacre of Muslims. Croats also began carving out their own communities. By the
end of Aug. 1992, rebel Bosnian Serbs had conquered over 60% of Bosnia. The war did not begin to wane until
NATO stepped in, bombing Serb positions in Bosnia in Aug. and Sept. 1995. Serbs entered the UN safe havens
of Tuzla, Zepa, and Srebrenica, where they murdered thousands. About 250,000 died in the war between 1992
and 1995.
U.S.-sponsored peace talks in Dayton, Ohio, led to an agreement in 1995 that called for a Muslim-Croat
federation and a Serb entity within the larger federation of Bosnia. Sixty thousand NATO troops were to
supervise its implementation. Fighting abated and orderly elections were held in Sept. 1996. President
Izetbegovic, a Bosnian Muslim, or Bosniak, won the majority of votes to become the leader of the three-
member presidency, each representing one of the three ethnic groups.
But this alliance of unreconstructed enemies had little success in creating a working government or keeping
violent clashes in check. The terms of the Dec. 1995 Dayton Peace Accord were largely ignored by Bosnian
Serbs, with its former president, arch-nationalist Radovan Karadzic, still in de facto control of the Serbian
enclave. Many indicted war criminals, including Karadzic, remain at large. NATO proved to be a largely
ineffective peacekeeping force.
Post – Dayton Peace Accord
The crucial priorities facing postwar Bosnian leaders were rebuilding the economy, resettling the estimated one
million refugees still displaced, and establishing a working government. Progress on these goals has been
minimal, and a massive corruption scandal uncovered in 1999 severely tested the goodwill of the international
community.
In 1994, the UN’s International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia opened in The Hague,
Netherlands. In Aug. 2001, Radislav Drstic, a Bosnian Serb general, was found guilty of genocide in the killing
of up to 8,000 Bosnian Muslims in Srebrenica in 1995. It was the first genocide conviction in Europe since the
UN genocide treaty was drawn up in 1951. In 2001, the trial of former Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic
began. He was charged with crimes against humanity. The expensive and lengthy trial ended without a verdict
when he died in March 2006.
Under pressure from Paddy Ashdown, the international administrator of Bosnia authorized under the Dayton
Accord, Bosnian Serb leaders finally admitted in June 2004 that Serbian troops were responsible for the
massacre of up to 8,000 Bosnian Muslims in Srebrenica in 1995. Until then, Serb leaders had refused to
acknowledge guilt in the worst civilian massacre since World War II. In Feb. 2007, the International Court of
Justice ruled that the massacre was genocide, but stopped short of saying Serbia was directly responsible. The
decision spared Serbia from having to pay war reparations to Bosnia. The court’s president, Judge Rosalyn
Higgins, however, criticized Serbia for not preventing the genocide. The court also ordered Serbia to turn over
Bosnian Serb leaders, including Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karakzic, who are accused of orchestrating the
genocide and other crimes. Bosnians expressed disappointment with the ruling; they had demanded that Serbia
pay war reparations.
In Dec. 2004, the European Union officially took over NATO’s peacekeeping mission in Bosnia. It is the
largest peacekeeping operation the EU has undertaken. In March 2005, Ashdown, the international
administrator, sacked Dragan Covic, the Croat member of the presidency, charging him with corruption and
abuse of office. Covic became the third member of the Bosnian presidency forced to resign since the tripartite
presidency was established.
Small Steps toward inclusion in the EU
Elections in Oct. 2006 reinforced the lingering ethnic tensions in the country. The Serbian coalition, which
favors an independent state, narrowly defeated the Muslim-Croat Federation that prefers moving toward a more
unified country. In January 2007, Bosnian Serb Nikola Spiric took over as prime minister and formed a new
government. He resigned in Nov. 2007 to protest against reforms introduced by an international envoy, who
was appointed under the Dayton Accords, by the UN and the European Union and has the power to enact
legislation and dismiss ministers. Spiric said the reforms, which the EU said would help the country’s entrance
into the organization, would diminish the influence of Bosnian Serbs and enhance those of other ethnic groups.
Crisis was averted later in November, when Spiric and the country’s Croat and Muslim leaders agreed on a
series of reforms approved by Parliament.
On July 21, 2008, Radovan Karadzic, the Bosnian Serb president during the war in Bosnia in the 1990s, was
charged with genocide, persecution, deportation, and other crimes against non-Serb civilians. Karadzic
orchestrated the massacre of almost 8,000 Muslim men and boys in 1995 in Srebrenica. He was found outside
Belgrade. The arrest will likely bring Serbia closer to joining the European Union.
War Crimes in a chronological order
War crimes suspect Radovan Karadzic, who was arrested in Serbia on 21st July, 2008 started out as defender of
the Serbs in the 1992-95 Bosnian war but ended up a fugitive wanted on genocide charges.
1992:
Feb 29-March 1 - Bosnia’s Muslims and Croats vote for independence in referendum boycotted by Serbs.
April 6 - European Union recognises Bosnia’s independence. War breaks out and Serbs, under the leadership of
Radovan Karadzic, lay siege to capital Sarajevo. They occupy 70 percent of the country, killing and persecuting
Muslims and Croats to carve out a Serb Republic.
May - U.N. sanctions imposed on Serbia for backing rebel Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia.
1993:
Jan. – Bosnia peace efforts fail, war breaks out between Muslims and Croats, previously allied against Serbs.
April - Srebrenica, Zepa and Gorazde in eastern Bosnia are declared three of six U.N. “safe areas”. The United
Nations Protection Force UNPROFOR deploys troops and Bosnian Serb Army (VRS) attacks stop. But the
town remains isolated and only a few humanitarian convoys reach it in the following two years. 1994:
March – U.S.-brokered agreement ends Muslim-Croat war and creates a Muslim-Croat federation.
1995:
March - Bosnian Serb President Radovan Karadzic orders that Srebrenica and Zepa be entirely cut off and aid
convoys be stopped from reaching the towns.
July 9 – Karadzic issues a new order to conquer Srebrenica.
July 11 – Bosnian Serbs troops, under the command of General Ratko Mladic, capture the eastern enclave and
U.N. “safe area” of Srebrenica, killing about 8,000 Muslim males in the following week. The U.N. war crimes
tribunal in The Hague indicts Karadzic and Mladic for genocide for the siege of Sarajevo.
August - NATO starts air strikes against Bosnian Serb troops.
Nov. 21 – Following NATO air strikes against Bosnian Serbs, Bosnian Muslim President Alija Izetbegovic,
Croatian President Franjo Tudjman and Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic agree to a U.S.-brokered peace
deal in Dayton, Ohio.
Dec. 14 – The three leaders sign the Dayton peace accords in Paris, paving the way for the arrival of a 66,000-
strong NATO peacekeeping Implementation Force (IFOR) in Bosnia. The international community establishes
a permanent presence in the country through the office of an international peace overseer.
1996:
July – West forces Karadzic to quit as Bosnian Serb president.
September – Nationalist parties win first post-war election, confirming Bosnia’s ethnic division.
1997:
Having lost power, Karadzic goes underground.
2002:
Feb. 12 - Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic goes on trial charged with 66 counts of genocide and
war crimes in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo.
2003:
Dec. - Ex-NATO commander tells the court Milosevic knew Bosnian Serbs planned to massacre Muslims in
Bosnia in 1995 – 2004.
June 11 - In a belated abandonment of its endless denials and under strong international pressure, the Bosnian
Serb government make a landmark admission — that Serbs indeed massacred thousands of Muslims at in
Srebrenica, on Karadzic’s orders.
2006:
March 11 – Milosevic is found dead in his cell in The Hague.
2008:
July 21 - Bosnian Serb wartime president Radovan Karadzic, one of the world’s most wanted men for planning
and ordering genocide, one of the world’s most wanted men, was arrested 13 years after he was first indicted by
the United Nations War Crimes Tribunal.
The 63-year-old war crimes suspect faces genocide charges for his role in the massacre of more than 8,000
Muslim men and boys at Srebrenica in Europe’s worst atrocity since the Second World War, and for organising
the siege of Sarajevo which claimed 12,000 lives.
He is likely to be put on trial at The Hague in the most high-profile prosecution arising from the Balkans
conflict since that of Slobodan Milosevic ended with the death from natural causes of the former Serb president
in 2006 before a verdict could be reached.
Kosovo’s declaration of independence
Kosovo’s declaration of independence from Serbia was enacted on Sunday, 17 February 2008 by a unanimous
quorum of the Assembly of Kosovo, with 109 in favour and with no opposition, with all 11 representatives of
the Serb minority boycotting the proceedings. International reaction was mixed, and the world community
continues to be divided on the issue of the international recognition of Kosovo.
A number of states expressed concern over the unilateral character of Kosovo’s declaration, or announced
explicitly that they will not recognise an independent Kosovo. The UN Security Council remains divided on
this issue: of its five members with veto power, three (the United States, United Kingdom, France) have
recognised the declaration of independence, while the People’s Republic of China has expressed concern,
urging the continuation of the previous negotiation framework. Russia has rejected the declaration and
considers it illegal. On 15 May 2008, Russia, China, and India released a joint statement where they called for
new negotiations between the authorities of Belgrade and Pristina.
In Serbia, the ICJ’s judgment left the government’s policy towards Kosovo in ruins. Since 2008, the Serbian
government has argued strongly that Kosovo’s independence was against international law, and called for new
status-talks over the territory’s future; it also attached a lot of weight to the ICJ’s forthcoming decision. Yet as
the verdict grew closer and perhaps in anticipation of a negative outcome, Serbia’s foreign minister Vuk
Jeremić was emphatic that Belgrade would not recognise Kosovo’s independence irrespective of the outcome.
The same view was reiterated by President Boris Tadić after the court published its opinion.
Current News
July 22, 2010
Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence from Serbia was legal under international law, declared the
World Court in a groundbreaking ruling with implications for separatist movements around the world and for
Belgrade’s stalled EU membership talks. The ruling – taken up by the international court of justice after a
complaint from Serbia – is likely to lead more countries to recognise Kosovo’s independence. The tiny state is
backed by 69 countries but needs 100 to join the UN. The court said the declaration was not in violation of UN
resolution 1244, which Belgrade interprets as a guarantee of Serbia’s territorial integrity, as the resolution
contained no provisions to prevent a unilateral declaration.
July 27 2010
Bosnia’s Serb entity vowed on Tuesday never to recognise Kosovo’s declaration of independence from Serbia
although it was ruled legal by the World Court, and to back future Serbian moves on the matter The July 22
ruling rocked Serbia and analysts said it could both spur more states to recognise ethnic Albanian dominated
Kosovo and embolden separatist minded regions everywhere including Bosnia’s Serb Republic, to more
autonomy. The Prime Minister Milorad Dodik, told the reporters that it was best to follow Serbian policy. He
feels that the Serb Republic must not take a position of recognising Kosovo regardless of the fact that major
world powers believe the ICJ opinion resolves the Kosovo issue. He added that the Serb Republic, which along
with the Muslim Croat Federation comprises post war Bosnia, would form a panel to analyse the ruling.
Serbia’s parliament on 25th July 2010, passed a resolution rejecting the ICJ ruling and mandating the
government to lobby for new talks on the status of Kosovo by proposing a United Nations Security Council
resolution.
The day after the ruling, Dodik revisited the idea of secession but the United States was quick to rule out any
fresh partition of Bosnia, wrecked by inter ethnic fighting in 1992 95 and still under international supervision.
Dodik, known for his separatist rhetoric, has called the meeting of all Bosnian Serb party leaders to discuss the
effects of the world court ruling on Bosnia but most of them failed to show up, saying the meeting was arranged
for Dodik’s promotion.
Borislav Bojic, of the biggest opposition Serb Democratic Party (SDS) said that Dodik had tried to exploit the
situation around Kosovo for his own political promotion instead of securing consensus about such an important
issue.
Bosnian Serbs continue to look for support to their wartime patron Serbia as well as Russia, which criticised the
ruling and has not recognised Kosovo as an independent state.
They have made no secret of being unhappy in post war Bosnia and have threatened to call a referendum on
secession, encouraged by nationalist politicians in Serbia angered by the Kosovo events.
Marko Pavic, head of the Democratic People’s Alliance (DNS) which is part of the ruling coalition led by
Dodik’s Alliance of Independent Social Democrats party, said the ICJ opinion could well apply to the Serb
Republic.
Continued bickering between Bosnian Muslims and Croats who want a stronger and functional central state,
and Serbs who are keener on autonomy and closer ties with Serbia, has stalled Bosnia’s progress towards EU
and NATO membership. October, 2010 elections are expected to worsen such tensions.
*****

G8 Countries and the 2010 Summit

Thursday, July 29th, 2010
Abinaya Sundari
The Group of Eight (G8, and formerly the G6 or Group of Six and also the G7 or Group of Seven) is a forum,
created by France in 1975, for governments of six countries in the world: France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the
United Kingdom, and the United States. In 1976, Canada joined the group (thus creating the G7). In becoming
the G8, the group added Russia in 1997. In addition, the European Union is represented within the G8, but
cannot host or chair. “G8″ can refer to the member states or to the annual summit meeting of the G8 heads of
government. The former term, G6, is now frequently applied to the six most populous countries within the
European Union. G8 ministers also meet throughout the year, such as the G7/8 finance ministers (who meet
four times a year), G8 foreign ministers, or G8 environment ministers.
The purpose of the G8 is to have world leaders meet informally on economic and political issues facing their
individual countries and the international community as a whole.
Because of the cooperation and dialogue of the world’s leaders accomplished through the G8, it has also
attracted the attention of protestors. Probably the largest and most violent meeting was held in Genoa, Italy, in
2001, where an anti-capitalist protestor was shot and killed while hundreds of others were injured during a
clash with police. In subsequent years the G8 has tried to open discussions with non-governmental
organizations and include other developing nations.
The G8 meeting hosted by Britain in Perthshire, Scotland, was interrupted by terrorist attacks on London’s
transit system on July 7, 2005. Tony Blair, the host of the meeting, left for a brief time to visit London while
the other leaders remained to continue the discussion and agenda that was set. The issue of global terrorism has
been on the agenda most years since 1978.
Each calendar year, the responsibility of hosting the G8 rotates through the member states in the following
order: France, United States, United Kingdom, Russia, Germany, Japan, Italy, and Canada. The holder of the
presidency sets the agenda, hosts the summit for that year, and determines which ministerial meetings will take
place. Lately, both France and the United Kingdom have expressed a desire to expand the group to include five
developing countries, referred to as the Outreach Five (O5) or the Plus Five: Brazil, China, India, Mexico, and
South Africa. These countries have participated as guests in previous meetings, which are sometimes called
G8+5. This was created during the 2005 Gleneagles, Scotland summit that is attended by finance and energy
ministers from all eight member countries in addition to the five “outreach countries”.
With the G-20 major economies growing in stature since the 2008 Washington summit, world leaders from the
group announced at their Pittsburgh summit on September 25, 2009, that the group will replace the G8 as the
main economic council of wealthy nations
Structure of the G8
There is no administrative structure like those for international organizations, such as the United Nations or the
World Bank. The group does not have a permanent secretariat or offices for its members.
The presidency of the group rotates annually among the member countries, with each new term beginning on 1
January of the year. The country holding the presidency is responsible for planning and hosting a series of
ministerial-level meetings, leading up to a mid-year summit attended by the heads of government. The
president of the European Commission participates as an equal in all summit events.
The ministerial meetings bring together ministers responsible for various portfolios to discuss issues of mutual
or global concern. The range of topics includes health, law enforcement, labor, economic and social
development, energy, environment, foreign affairs, justice and interior, terrorism, and trade.
In June 2005, justice ministers and interior ministers from the G8 countries agreed to launch an international
database on pedophiles. The G8 officials also agreed to pool data on terrorism, subject to restrictions by privacy
and security laws in individual countries.
G8 Summit 2010
The 36th G8 summit was held in Huntsville, Ontario, from June 25–26, 2010. In this year’s meeting, the G8
leaders agreed in reaffirming the group’s essential and continuing role in international affairs and “assertions of
new-found relevance.”
This was the fifth G8 Summit hosted by Canada since 1976, the previous four being at Montebello, Quebec
(1981); Toronto, Ontario (1988); Halifax, Nova Scotia (1995); and Alberta (2002).
The Canadian government picked Huntsville, a small town of 20,000, to host the annual summit and core
meetings. Meetings took place at the Deerhurst Resort.
The late scheduling of a G20 summit in Toronto affected the G8 weekend in unanticipated ways. The meeting
came to be framed in the press as a preliminary meeting. The theme for this summit was “Recovery and New
Beginning,”
The G8 summit was an opportunity for a wide variety of non-governmental organizations, activists and civic
groups to congregate and discuss a multitude of issues; but the dramatic demonstrations at the G20 summit in
Toronto eclipsed protests primarily focused on the conferring G8 leaders.
The Partnership for Maternal, Newborn & Child Health and its members has been involved in talking to leaders
from G8 countries to bring to their attention the unnecessary maternal, newborns and child deaths worldwide.
In 2008, a Call to Action for MNCH was led by The Partnership. In 2009, leaders made a promise to address
maternal, newborn, child and reproductive health. Through 2009 and 2010, The Partnership and its members
have continued to further highlight the MNCH issues with G8 country leaders as well as the United Nations
efforts and beyond.
In January, the host of the 2010 meeting, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper, announced his initiative on
maternal, newborn and child health (MNCH). The G8 Communique, released on 26 June 2010, outlines the
details of this MNCH initiative.
July 5, 2010
The Canadian chairmanship of the G8, which met on 25th June in Huntsville, 200 miles north of Toronto,
decided to put this meeting under the banner of respect to their ODA (Official Development Aid) commitments.
Out of the additional $50 billion that the group of the most industrialized states on the planet had promised to
provide each year before 2010 at the 2005 summit in Gleneagles, Scotland, 18 billion dollars are still missing.
The World Bank warned that a further reduction of aid may erase the progress made so far in developing
countries and push more people into poverty. It stressed that the resources of poorer countries have also been
undermined by the global economic crisis.
The Canadian chairmanship also wanted to discuss ways to involve major emerging economies in the
governance of the planet and has therefore decided to invite Africa to the summit in Huntsville.
Seven African countries – Algeria, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, Malawi, Nigeria and Senegal – were invited
by Canada. Canada decided to focus on two out of the eight “Millennium Goals” adopted in 2005 in order to
fight against poverty in the world, including those related to maternal, newborn and child health.
The United Nations Fund for Children (UNICEF) and the United Nations Fund for Population Activities
(UNFPA) welcomed the commitment made by leaders of the eight most powerful economies in the world to
accelerate ‘improvement of maternal, newborn and child health by creating a new fund, called the Initiative
Muskoka, named after the town where they attended the G8 meeting.
The UNICEF strongly supports the importance of the Muskoka initiative to strengthen health systems in order
to improve the health of mothers and children. The contributions should create more than five billion dollars.
The Muskoka Initiative aims to strengthen health systems, health services related to reproduction and sexuality,
family planning.
There is an urgent matter: the United Nations (UN) estimates that between ten and fifteen million women are
disabled due to complications during pregnancy or childbirth. Each year, more than one million children are left
motherless.
The host country, also wishing to address the issue of Haiti’s reconstruction after the devastating earthquake of
12th January, invited Haiti’s representatives. Haiti, and two other southern countries, Colombia and Jamaica,
attended a working session of the G8 with African representatives on Friday afternoon. The session was
devoted to emerging security threats, including trafficking routes bound for developing countries via West
Africa that is becoming more and more a transit area.
Following the G8, the G20 took over on 26th June 2010 at the end of the day in Toronto. The summit tackled
the issue of exit strategies from the economic crisis, a source of differences between the U.S. and its European
allies. Regarding emerging countries, the G20 wants to rebalance global demand and have more flexible
exchange rates in some emerging countries.
*****

The Evil of Honour Killing in India

Wednesday, July 28th, 2010
Thangai VS Annan
Recently, there has been a spate of honour killings in the country which has led the government to decide what
laws should be put in place to stop this heinous crime. Also whether the Hindu Marriage Act should be
reformed or not is being debated. What is the definition of honour killing and what leads families to commit
this heinous crime so that they can protect their family honour? Is this practice prevalent only in India or is it
prevalent in other parts of the world also?
An honour killing (also called a customary killing) is the murder of a (typically female) family or clan member
by one or more fellow (mostly male) family members, in which the perpetrators (and potentially the wider
community) believe the victim to have brought dishonour upon the family, clan, or community.
Such killings or attempted killings result from the perception that the defense of honour justifies killing a
person whose behavior dishonours their own clan or family. Honour killing is more prevalent where a member
of a lower class (wrt., social status or wealth status) marries a person of relatively higher class (high social or
wealth status). The United Nations Population Fund ((UNFPA)) estimates that the annual worldwide total of
honour-killing victims may be as high as 5,000.
History of honour killing in India
Honour killing is different from the dowry deaths that are prevalent in India. In the case of dowry deaths, the
perpetrators of that action claim that they have not been given enough material rewards for accepting the
woman into the family. In that case there is a lot of harassment from the in-laws and more times than one, it has
been noted that the wife commits suicide rather than being killed by the in-laws, though it has to be said that
she has been mentally killed, if not physically.
This tradition was first viewed in its most horrible form during the Partition of the country in between the years
1947 and 1950 when many women were forcefully killed so that family honour could be preserved. During the
Partition, there were a lot of forced marriages which were causing women from India to marry men from
Pakistan and vice-versa. And then there was a search to hunt down these women who were forced to marry a
person from another country and another religion and when they returned ‘home’ they were killed so that the
family honour could be preserved and they were not declared social outcastes from their region. At that time,
the influence of religion and social control was much greater and hence there were at least a couple of honour
killings a day, if not more. The partition years can be seen to be the beginning of the tradition of honour killing
on a large scale. Honour Killing is not specifically related to India only. This practice prevails in North and
South America, Africa, Turkey and many other countries. But the number of incidents relating to this crime is
very low and there is a very strict punishment for committing this crime in other countries.
Reasons for honour killing
The perceived dishonour is normally the result of the following behaviors, or the suspicion of such behaviors:
(a) utilizing dress codes unacceptable to the family/community,
(b) wanting to terminate or prevent an arranged marriage or desiring to marry by own choice, or
(c) engaging in certain sexual acts, including those with the opposite or same sex.
There are various reasons why people or family members decide to kill the daughter in the name of preserving
their family honour. The most obvious reason for this practice to continue in India, albeit, at a much faster and
almost daily basis, is because of the fact that the caste system continues to be at its rigid best and also because
people from the rural areas refuse to change their attitude to marriage. According to them, if any daughter dares
to disobey her parents on the issue of marriage and decides to marry a man of her wishes but from another gotra
or outside her caste, it would bring disrepute to the family honour and hence they decide to give the ultimate
sentence, as in death, to the daughter. Now as has become the norm, the son-in-law is killed as well.
Sociologists believe that the reason why honour killings continue to take place is because of the continued
rigidity of the caste system. Hence the fear of losing their caste status through which they gain many benefits
makes them commit this heinous crime. The other reason why honour killings are taking place is because the
mentality of people has not changed and they just cannot accept that marriages can take place in the same gotra
or outside one’s caste. The root of the cause for the increase in the number of honour killings is because the
formal governance has not been able to reach the rural areas and as a result. Thus, this practice continues
though it should have been removed by now.
Honour killing in India
North India
To be young and in love has proved deadly for many young girls and boys in parts of north India as an
intolerant and bigoted society refuses to accept any violation of its rigid code of decorum, especially when it
comes to women. The two teenage girls who were shot dead in June 2010 by a cousin in Noida for daring to run
away to meet their boyfriends are the latest victims of honour killings, a euphemism for doing away with
anyone seen as spoiling the family’s reputation. Many such killings are happening with regularity in Punjab,
Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh. These are socially sanctioned by caste panchayats and carried out by mobs
with the connivance of family members.
People are sometimes murdered in Northern India (mainly in the Indian States of Punjab, Rajasthan, Haryana
and Bihar for marrying without their family’s acceptance, in some cases for marrying outside their caste (Jat or
Rajput) or religion. Among Rajputs, marriages with other caste male/female instigate the killings of the married
couple and family. This is unique form of honour killing related to the militant culture of ethnic Rajputs, who,
despite the forces of modernization and the pressures of decolonization, subscribe to medieval views
concerning the “preservation” of perceived “purity” of their lineage.
Haryana is one of the worst hit as far as honour killing is concerned. Even as rural Haryana remains in the
stranglehold of the defiant caste panchayats, honour killings continue in their most horrible form
On June 21, 2010, the family members of a girl allegedly killed her and her teenaged lover and hanged them as
exhibits in their house for the village to see their “fate.” Monika (18) and her lover Rinku (19), both from Jat
families, were brutally killed for honour at Nimriwali village, near Bhiwani. The father of the girl, her brother,
uncle and cousins are suspected to be behind the crime and are absconding.
The case was registered for murder and wrongful confinement on the basis of a complaint by Rinku’s uncle,
Krishan Kumar. Police teams have been deputed to arrest the suspects named in the case. However,
circumstances clearly suggest it to be an honour killing according to inspector Prem Singh, the investigating
officer. Singh avoided enquiries as to who had informed the police and who first came to know about the
incident.
According to preliminary investigations, the injury marks on the bodies of Monika and Rinku suggest that they
were tortured by their killers.
Sources said Monika was a dropout and Rinku, who belonged to the neighbouring Manherhu village, was living
with his maternal uncle, a trader. The two had been going around for over two years despite objections from
their families. According to sources, the two were caught by their relatives at Monika’s uncle’s house.
Bhagalpur in the northern Indian State of Bihar has also been notorious for honour killings. Recent cases
include a 16-year-old girl, Imrana, from Bhojpur was set on fire inside her house in a case of what the police
called ‘moral vigilantism’. The victim had screamed for help for about 20 minutes before neighbours arrived,
only to find her still smoldering. She was admitted to a local hospital, where she later succumbed to her
injuries. In another case in May 2008, Jayvirsingh Bhadodiya shot his daughter Vandana Bhadodiya and struck
her in the head with an axe. In June 2010 some incidents were reported even from Delhi.
In a landmark judgment, in March 2010, the Karnal District Court ordered the execution of the five perpetrators
in an honour killing case, while giving a life sentence to the khap (local caste-based council) head who ordered
the killings of Manoj Banwala (23) and Babli (19), two members of the same clan who eloped and married in
June 2007. Despite being given police protection on court orders, they were kidnapped; their mutilated bodies
were found a week later from an irrigation canal.
The latest case of honour killing was reported in a case where a couple was murdered by the father of the girl,
Vimla (20), and a guard named Robin, after they found 28 yr old Hari from Jalandhar and Vimla in a
compromising position in an under-construction building.
South India
Honour killings are rare to non-existent in South India, and the western Indian States of Maharashtra and
Gujarat. There have been no honour killings in West Bengal in over 100 years, thanks to the influence and
activism of reformists like Vivekananda, Ramakrishna, Vidyasagar and Raja Ram Mohan Roy.
In 1990, the National Commission for Women set up a statutory body in order to address the issues of honour
killings among some ethnic groups in North India. This body reviewed constitutional, legal and other
provisions as well as challenges women face. The NCW’s activism has contributed significantly towards the
reduction of honour killings in rural areas of North India.
According to Pakistani activists Hina Jilani and Eman M. Ahmed, Indian women are considerably better
protected against honour killings by Indian Law and Government than Pakistani women, and they have
suggested that governments of countries affected by honour killings use Indian law as a model in order to
prevent honour killings in their respective societies.
Rural vs Urban areas
There are various misconceptions regarding the practice of honour killing. The first misconception about
honour killing is that this is a practice that is limited to the rural areas. The truth is that it is spread over such a
large geographical area that one cannot isolate honour killings to rural areas only, though one has to admit that
majority of the killings take place in the rural areas. But it has also been seen recently that even the
metropolitan cities like Delhi and Tamil Nadu are not safe from this crime because 5 honour killings were
reported from Delhi and in Tamil Nadu; a daughter and son in law were killed due to marriage into the same
gotra. So it can be seen clearly that honour killing is not isolated to rural areas but also to urban areas and as
already pointed out, it has a very wide geographical spread. The second misconception regarding honour killing
is that it has religious roots. Even if a woman commits adultery, there have to be four male witnesses with good
behavior and reputation to validate the charge. Furthermore only the State can carry out judicial punishments,
but never an individual vigilante. So, one can clearly see that there is no religious backing or religious roots for
this heinous crime.
Nirupama Pathak’s case
At 23, Nirupama Pathak seemed to have seamlessly made the transition from her small home-town in
Jharkhand to big city life.
Supported by her parents, she arrived in Delhi to study journalism at one of the capital’s premier institutes.
There, she fell in love with a classmate, Priyabhanshu Ranjan. A job at one of India’s best-known newspapers,
the Business Standard, followed. On Facebook, she commented on political and personal issues. She was easy-
going, unpretentious and helpful.
The roots that seemed to ground her rose quickly to strangle her. Nirupama was a Brahmin, her boyfriend a
Kayastha. Where she came from, that was enough to stop everything.
In June 2010, Nirupama’s family summoned her home, insisting that her mother, Sudha, was not keeping well.
On Thursday night, Nirupama was found dead in her bedroom at her Jharkhand home. Her family said she had
committed suicide by hanging herself. The post-mortem clearly spelled murder by asphyxiation.
Her mother, Sudha, was arrested for her murder and sent to 14-day jail on Monday. Nirupama’s father,
Dharmendra, says though the family wasn’t pleased with her relationship with Priyanshu, because he was from
a different caste, he would never hurt his daughter.
The crime shows yet again how ‘honour killings’ cannot be considered the curse of rural India where
panchayats often order the execution of young couples who dare to cross caste borders. Nirupama’s father
worked at a bank, her brothers were PhDs, the family had helped Nirupama to move far from home to follow
her dreams.
Meanwhile, the National Commission for Women (NCW) has asked for the case to be handled by a fast-track
court.
Legal action towards honour killing
The usual remedy to such murders is to suggest that society must be prevailed upon to be more gender-sensitive
and shed prejudices of caste and class. Efforts should be made to sensitise people on the need to do away with
social biases. But equally, it should be made clear that there is no escape for those who take justice into their
own hands.
So far, there is no specific law to deal with honour killings. The murders come under the general categories of
homicide or manslaughter. When a mob has carried out such attacks, it becomes difficult to pinpoint a culprit.
The collection of evidence becomes tricky and eyewitnesses are never forthcoming.
Like the case of Sati and dowry where there are specific laws with maximum and minimum terms of
punishment, honour killings, too, merit a second look under the law. Undoubtedly, the virus of caste and class
that affects those carrying out such crimes affects the police in the area too. But that can be no excuse to
sanction murder. Active policing and serious penal sanctions is the only antidote to this most dishonourable
practice.
Prevention Tactics
What can we do to prevent such a thing from happening? Firstly, the mentality of the people has to change.
And when one says that the mentality has to change, one means to say that parents should accept their
children’s wishes regarding marriage as it is they who have to lead a life with their life partners and if they are
not satisfied with their life partner then they will lead a horrible married life which might even end in suicide.
Secondly, we need to have stricter laws to tackle these kinds of killings as this is a crime which cannot be
pardoned because. Humans do not have the right to write down death sentences of innocent fellow humans.
4th July 2010
Participating in International Child Abduction, Relocation and Forced Marriages Conference organised by the
London Metropolitan University here, Chandigarh-based legal experts Anil Malhotra and his brother Ranjit
Malhotra have said that in traditional societies, honour killings are basically ‘justified’ as a sanction for
‘dishonourable’ behaviour.
They say that forced marriages and honour killings are often intertwined. Marriage can be forced to save
honour, and women can be murdered for rejecting a forced marriage and marrying a partner of their own choice
who is not acceptable for the family of the girl.
Though there was no nationwide data on the prevalent of honour killings in India, they quoted figures compiled
by the India Democratic Women’s Association, according to which Haryana, Punjab and U P account for about
900 honour killings and another 100 to 300 in the rest of the country.
They said the ministries of home affairs and the law and justice are preparing to amend the Indian Penal Code
(IPC) to define the act of “honour killing”.
The demand for such a law was made repeatedly with the objective of stamping out this social evil. They
pointed out that the Supreme Court of India, concerned over the spate of recent ‘Honour Killings’ has asked the
Centre and eight state governments to submit reports on the steps taken to prevent this barbaric practice.
In June 2010, scrutinizing the increasing number of honour killings, the Supreme Court of India issued notices
to the Central Government and six states including Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan, to take
preventive measures against the social evil.
Alarmed by the rise of honour killings, the Government is planning to bring a bill in the Monsoon Session of
Parliament next month (July 2010) to provide for deterrent punishment for ‘honour’ killings
July 27 2010
New Delhi
Even as the Government contemplates laws to tackle the phenomenon of honour killings, khap panchayats
remain defiant. Leaders from across North India came together in New Delhi on Monday to oppose same gotra
marriages.
The meeting was a show of strength against the Government as nearly 250 khap panchayats from different parts
of the country reiterated their demand to amend the Hindu Marriage Act and ensure inter-gotra marriages are
made illegal.
“Government should not let brothers and sisters marry. We are all part of the same gotra which means the same
blood line. We don’t advocate killing anyone. But genetic problems arise due to inter-gotra marriage,” said
khap leader Shamsher Singh
The meeting took place even as the Government set up a nine-member group of Ministers to find a solution to
the increasing numbers of honour killings across the country. Khap leaders say they have no role to play in the
killings cases but maintain that inter-gotra marriages should not be allowed
Another khap leader Mangesh Singh says that the khaps are not involved in honour killing.
It is not the first time that such a meeting was held to oppose same gotra marriages. But with the Government
not willing to give into their demands as yet, the khap panchayats say they won’t stop at this and will take their
protest forward.
Khap leaders proclaim that they will block roads to register their protests if their demands are not met.
Even as the Government promises to pass a strict Law against honour killings in the monsoon session of
Parliament, in 2010, protest meets will continue and who will finally win the battle remains to be seen.
Life-term for three in ‘honour’ killing case – 4.08.2010
The Supreme Court on 4.08.2010 awarded life sentence to three persons who caused the death of six persons of
a family in a case of ‘honour’ killing at a village in Uttar Pradesh in 1991.
A Bench of Justices H.S. Bedi and J.M. Panchal reversed the order of acquittal passed by the Allahabad High
Court after the trial court handed them the death sentence.
The Bench said: “There is no manner of doubt that killing six persons and wiping out almost the whole family
on the flimsy ground of saving the honour of the family would fall within the rarest of rare cases [principle]
evolved by this court and, therefore, the trial court was perfectly justified in imposing the capital punishment on
the respondents. However, this court also notices that the incident had taken place about 20 years ago. Further,
the High Court acquitted the respondents by a judgment dated April 12, 2002. Thereafter, nothing adverse
against any of the respondents is reported to this court. To sentence the respondents to death after their acquittal
in 2002 will not be justified on the facts and in the circumstances of the case.”
The Bench imposed a fine of Rs.25,000 on each of the accused.
The incident took place on August 10/11, 1991 at Lakhanpur in Farrukhabad district. Krishna Master and two
others were charged with murdering Guljari and his family members. The provocation was that a boy eloped
with a girl belonging to another community.
To convict the accused, the trial court relied on the evidence of Madan Lal, who was six years old when the
incident happened. However, the High Court acquitted them. The State filed an appeal in the Supreme Court.
Stand-alone Law needed to curb Honour Killings: AIDWA
The All-India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA) has presented to Law Minister M. Veerappa Moily
a comprehensive draft law that seeks to make private parties culpable for violation of fundamental rights in
crimes and killings committed in the name of “honour.” All kinds of harassment, and curbing of choice,
association, and movement would come within the ambit of this law.
Apart from defining crimes in the name of “honour,” the draft makes eulogising or glorification of these
offences and killings punishable. The onus of proof is on the accused. The law seeks to protect young couples
who declare their intention to marry before a government officer, and also suggests measures to stop self-
proclaimed panchayats and other community bodies from issuing diktats.
Defining ‘honour’ killing, a challenge to GoM
The tricky issue of defining ‘honour’ killings and getting the States on board, as law and order is a State
subject, will engage the Group of Ministers (GoM) at its preliminary meeting in New Delhi on August 6 to
discuss how to end the pernicious practice.
In the draft bill under consideration, the expressions ‘dishonour’ and ‘perceived to have brought dishonour’
have been defined as “acts of any person adopting a dress code which is unacceptable to his or her family or
caste or clan or community or caste panchayat,” “choosing to marry within or outside the gotra or caste or clan
or community against the wishes of his or her family or caste or clan or community or caste panchayat,” and
“engaging in certain sexual relations which are unacceptable to his or her family or caste or clan or community
or caste panchayat.”
Any change in the law — in this case a proposed amendment to the Indian Penal Code, the Indian Evidence
Act, 1872, and the Special Marriages Act, 1954 — will need to involve the States. Indeed, at the July 8, 2010
Cabinet meeting, where the decision to set up the GOM was taken, it was also decided to write to the States, as
they will have to implement any new law.
It is felt that one of the suggestions made in the draft bill would be both contentious and difficult to implement:
This is the proviso that “all members of a body or group of the caste or clan or community or caste panchayat,
ordering the commission of an act by which death is caused, shall be deemed guilty of having committed such
an act by virtue of their association with such caste panchayat or body or group of the caste or clan or
community.”
While law enforcement officers say this proviso — that is holding all members of a khap panchayat guilty of
murder — will be difficult to implement, it will be a political hot potato in States like Haryana, where there has
been a rash of ‘honour’ killings, as many political parties and leaders there derive their strength from khap
panchayats.
Indeed, at the July 8, 2010 Cabinet meeting, there were differences, with Human Resource Development
Minister Kapil Sibal, Sports Minister M.S. Gill and Surface Transport Minister Kamal Nath pointing out the
difficulties in making all members of a khap panchayat accountable for one crime.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
******

North Korea and South Korea – The stand off and fall outs
Friday, July 23rd, 2010
Preethika
North Korea
Official name: Chosŏn Minjujuŭi In’min Konghwaguk (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea)
Form of government: Unitary single-party republic with one legislative house (Supreme People’s Assembly
[687])
Head of state and government: Supreme Leader/Chairman of the National Defense Commission
Capital: P’yŏngyang
Official language: Korean
Official religion: none
Monetary unit: ( North Korean) won (W)
Population estimate (2009): 24,162,000
Total area (sq mi): 47,399
Total area (sq km): 122,762
Ethnically, the population is almost completely Korean. Language: Korean (official). Religions: Ch’ŏndogyo,
traditional beliefs, Christianity, Buddhism. Foreign missionaries were expelled during World War II.
North Korea’s land area largely consists of mountain ranges and uplands; its highest peak is Mount Paektu
(9,022 ft [2,750 m]). North Korea has a centrally planned economy based on heavy industry (iron and steel,
machinery, chemicals, and textiles) and agriculture. Cooperative farms raise crops such as rice, corn, barley,
and vegetables. The country is rich in mineral resources, including coal, iron ore, and magnesite.
It is a republic with one legislature; the head of state and government is the supreme leader and chairman of the
National Defense Commission. After the Japanese were defeated in World War II, the Soviet Union occupied
Korea north of latitude 38° N; there the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea was established as a
communist state in 1948. Seeking to unify the peninsula by force, it launched an invasion of South Korea in
1950, initiating the Korean War. UN troops intervened on the side of South Korea, and Chinese soldiers
reinforced the North Korean army in the war, which ended with an armistice in 1953. Led by Kim Il-sung,
North Korea became one of the most harshly regimented societies in the world, with a state-owned economy
that failed to produce adequate supplies of food and consumer goods for its citizens. Under his son and
successor, Kim Jong II, the country endured periods of severe food shortages from the late 1990s that caused
widespread famine. Hopes that North Korea was seeking to end its long isolation—notably through meetings
between Kim and the leaders of South Korea (2000) and Japan (2002)—have been tempered by concerns over
its nuclear weapons program.
South Korea
Official name: Taehan Min’guk (Republic of Korea)
Form of government: Unitary multiparty republic with one legislative house (National Assembly [299]) Head
of state and government: President assisted by Prime Minister
Capital: Seoul
Official language: Korean
Official religion: none
Monetary unit: (South Korean) won (W)
Population estimate (2009): 48,333,000
Total area: (sq mi) 38,486 Total area (sq km) 99,678
South Korea is west of Japan and includes Cheju Island, located about 60 mi (97 km) south of the peninsula.
The population is almost entirely ethnically Korean. Most of South Korea’s land area consists of mountains and
uplands; its highest peak is Mount Halla (6,398 ft [1,950 m]) on Cheju Island. The densely populated lowlands
are heavily cultivated for wet rice. The Naktong, Kŭm, and Han are the principal rivers. The economy is based
largely on services, manufacturing (including petrochemicals, electronic goods, and steel), and high-technology
industries.
South Korea is a republic with one legislative house; its head of state and government is the president, assisted
by the prime minister. The Republic of Korea was established in 1948 in the portion of the Korean peninsula
south of latitude 38° N, which had been occupied by the U.S. after World War II. In 1950 North Korean troops
invaded South Korea, precipitating the Korean War. UN forces intervened on the side of South Korea, while
Chinese troops backed North Korea; the war ended with an armistice in 1953. The devastated country was
rebuilt with U.S. aid, and South Korea prospered in the postwar era, transforming itself from an agrarian
economy to one that was industrial and highly export-oriented. It experienced an economic downturn beginning
in the mid-1990s that affected many countries in the area.
Efforts at reconciliation between North and South Korea, including the first-ever summit between their leaders
(2000) and reunions of families from both countries, were accompanied by periods of continuing tension.
The Recent Conflict
North Korea (officially the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea or DPRK) has been accused by South
Korea (officially the Republic of Korea or ROK) of initiating a torpedo attack that sank the South Korean
Cheonan corvette navy warship on March 26, 2010. Forty-six sailors lost their lives in the maritime disaster
near the Northern Limit Line (NLL), a disputed maritime demarcation line in the Yellow Sea between North
Korea and South Korean. North Korea has denied these allegations.
South Korea’s Response to the Yellow Sea Incident
South Korean President Lee Myung Bak on March 23, 2010 stated that henceforth, the Republic of Korea
would not tolerate any provocative act by the North and will maintain a principle of proactive deterrence. He
also proclaimed that if their territorial waters, air space or territory are militarily violated, they would
immediately exercise their right of self-defense.
Following the Cheonan warship incident, South Korea soon began blasting radio and loudspeaker broadcasts
across the North Korean border. It also reduced trade with North Korea and began denying North Korean cargo
ships permission to pass through South Korean waters.
North Korea’s Response to the Yellow Sea Incident
On May 25 2010, North Korean officials stated that it would end diplomatic relations with South Korea over
accusations of the Cheonan warship sinking.
The North Korea government has released a statement that it would sever ties with South Korea until 2013,
when the South Korea President Lee Myung Bak leaves office. Severed diplomatic relations have escalated to
the point where ships and airliners from South Korea are also not allowed in North Korea territory.
According to the official Korean Central News Agency (KCNA), North Korea also plans to expel South Korea
government officials working in the northern town of Kaesong at a joint industrial park that contains
archaeological findings of human inhabitants on the peninsula durng the Neolithic-era.
The industrial estate, in which South Korean firms employ cheap North Korean labor, is an important source of
revenue for the Pyongyang leadership.
North Korea earlier said if the South continued to cross into its side of the disputed sea border — the scene of
deadly clashes in the past — the North would “put into force practical military measures to defend its waters.”
The North referred to the South’s government as “military gangsters, seized by fever for a war”.
Korean War or Roots of the North Korea and South Korea Tensions
Long known as the forgotten war, sandwiched between the definitive victory of World War II and the trauma of
Vietnam, the Korean conflict was honored with its own memorial on the National Mall in 1995.
The sinking of the Cheonan warship is one of South Korea’s worst military disasters since the end of the
Korean War. The Korean War started on June 25, 1950 and ended with an armistice on July 27, 1953.
Sometimes referred to as the “The Forgotten War” in the U.S., it began when a political division arose in Korea
at the end of the Pacific War (also called the Asia-Pacific War), which refers to those parts of World War II that
occurred in the Pacific Ocean.
Prior to the end of World War II, the whole of the Korean peninsula was ruled by Japan since 1905. When the
Japanese surrendered rule of the peninsula in 1945, the U.S. government divided it at the 38th Parallel. Soviet
Union troops occupied the northern 38th and U.S. troops occupied the southern 38th. In 1948, the North
established a Communist government which further politicized the border between the two Koreas.
Where South Korea meets North Korea there exists a securely guarded border. On June 25, 1950, North Korea
invaded South Korea. It was one of the earliest armed conflicts of the Cold War. The United Nations and the
U.S. aided South Korea. China and the Soviets aided North Korea. The Korean War ended with an armistice
once the threat of a U.S.-Soviet nuclear war escalated. As recent as 1999 and 2002, however, there have been
military encounters between the Koreas. According to an AP report, the U.S. still has 28,500 troops in South
Korea.
International Relations Effort in the Koreas
Recently, a team of international investigators issued a fact-finding report that concluded that the Cheonan
warship was torpedoed by a North Korean submarine. A North Korea official stated through the KCNA that the
investigation was “unilateral and not objective.” News agencies report that U.S. President Barack Obama
supports South Korea’s stated intent to address the issue before the United Nations Security Council.
The U.N. has backed sanctions against North Korea on prior nuclear and missile tests. On May 24, 2010, the
U.N. Secretary-General Bank Ki-moon stated that he expects the U.N. Security Council to take action against
North Korea. China has urged peace and stability on the Korean peninsula since the start of the warship
conflict.
Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper announced that Canada has imposed sanctions on North Korea for the
incident. Canada’s Prime Minister Harper stated that Canada has condemned the reckless North Korean regime
for this egregious violation of international law and its blatant disregard of its international obligations.
It is notable that both North Korea and South Korea have separate unification movements. In North Korea there
is the Committee for Peaceful Reunification. In South Korea there is a Unification Ministry.
July 22nd 2010
Robert Gates, U.S. secretary of defense states that it is stunning how little had changed in the North, while
South Korea has continued to grow and prosper.
Tensions have increased in recent months. The U.S. and South Korea will soon begin joint military exercises.
And, in Seoul, the two Americans held security talks with their South Korean counterparts and announced new
sanctions against the North, which the U.S. says is pressing ahead with its nuclear weapons program.
U.S. secretary of state Hilary Clinton says that these measures are not directed at the people of North Korea,
who, she says have suffered too long due to the misguided and maligned priorities of their government. They
are directed at the destabilizing, illicit, and provocative policies pursued by that government.
The U.N. Security Council voted to defend the South with a multinational force. And President Harry Truman,
without asking Congress to declare war, committed U.S. soldiers to what is called a police action. Poorly
trained and equipped American troops rushed to the peninsula from occupation duty in Japan, where they were
first quickly pushed deep into the South by the North Koreans. Months later, the tide turned with an amphibious
landing at Inchon, and the 15-nation U.N. force led by American General Douglas MacArthur routed the
Northern armies almost to the Yalu River. That, in turn, drew in massive armies of Communist Chinese, who
sent the allied forces into a hasty winter retreat. General MacArthur called for carrying the fight into China, but
was overruled and fired for insubordination by President Truman, in one of the great tests in American history
of civilian control of the military.
The war then settled into a stalemate along the 38th Parallel and ended in an armistice on July 27, 1953, but
never in a formal peace treaty. For years, the official American combat death toll was set at some 56,000. But,
in 2000, the military revised the actual combat toll to 37,000. Hundreds of thousands of South and North
Koreans, as well as Chinese troops, died in the conflict.
In a meeting held in June 2010 diplomats said the March 26 sinking of the warship Cheonan that killed 46
South Korean sailors featured prominently at a meeting in Hanoi of Southeast Asian foreign ministers and their
counterparts from China, South Korea and Japan on Wednesday.
South Korea blames the torpedoing of the ship on the communist North, which accuses Seoul of fabricating the
incident.
Seoul and Washington have said the North must admit responsibility for the sinking before they would return to
six-way talks on North Korea’s nuclear programme.
A Thai foreign ministry spokesman said ASEAN decided to adopt the stance of the United Nations, which
condemned the sinking but in deference to China did not cite North Korea by name.
China, the closest North Korea has to an ally, has avoided taking a firm stand on who was responsible for
destroying the Cheonan, which an international panel has blamed on a North Korean torpedo fired from a mini-
submarine.
Russia seeks restraint
Russia, which like China and the United States holds a veto in the Security Council, urged restraint. China, the
North’s only major ally and which effectively bankrolls its economy, has studiously tried to keep out of the
fray, urging calm and refusing to voice support for the international report on the Cheonan sinking.
Furious Rhetoric
Both sides have stepped up their rhetoric over the Cheonan incident, one of their deadliest since the 1950-53
Korean War.
The North accused South Korea’s government of fabricating the issue, partly to help the ruling party in next
week’s local elections — important to cement President Lee’s power in the second half of his single five-year
term.
Analysts say the main risk is that small skirmishes along the heavily armed border could turn into broader
conflict.
The U.S.-led military command monitoring the cease-fire on the Korean peninsula confronted North Korea on
23.07.2010 about the deadly sinking of a South Korean warship, calling it a violation of the 1953 armistice.
Colonels from the U.N. Command, who met at the border with counterparts from Pyongyang’s Korean
People’s Army, reminded North Korea of the U.N. Security Council order to honour the truce. Officers also
proposed a joint task force to discuss the “armistice violations,” the military commission said in a statement.
The 100-minute talks, which took place at the “truce village” of Panmunjom inside the Demilitarized Zone
dividing the two Koreas, were the second round of talks since the Cheonan went down off the Koreas’ west
coast on March 26, 2010 killing 46 South Korean sailors.
North Korea also rejected South Korean demands to apologise for the sinking of the Cheonan.
Sanctions
Following are the major international sanctions in force against North Korea for its nuclear and ballistic missile
activities and suspected human rights violations.
UN Security Council Resolution 1874
The resolution of June 2009 allows inspection of all cargo to and from the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea, or DPRK, along with vessels containing suspicious cargo. The resolution bans provision of fuel or
supplies, or services for North Korean vessels suspected to be carrying banned items. Suspicious vessels are
subject to inspection at sea. Eight North Korean organisations including its General Bureau of Atomic Energy,
which oversees its main nuclear complex and trading firms, are blacklisted by a UN sanctions committee under
resolution 1874. The blacklist includes five North Korean individuals believed to be involved in nuclear or
missile production.
UN Security Council Resolution 1718
This resolution of October 2006 imposes arms and financial sanctions on North Korea in response to its first
nuclear test three months after firing its longest range Taepodong-2 ballistic missile. The sanction also bans the
sale of luxury goods to the North.
UN Security Council Resolution 1695
This resolution of July 2006, also after the launch of Taepodong-2, bans trading of material, technology and
financial resources that could be used in any programme of weapons of mass destruction in North Korea.
US Sanctions
The US treasury department rules ban transactions by US firms with North Korean banks and trading firms for
their role in arms dealing and weapons proliferation, including Amroggang Development Bank, Tanchon
Commercial Bank, Korea Hyoksin Trading Corp and Ryonbong General Corp.
Imports of goods made in North Korea require prior approval. Provisions of the US Patriot Act and the code on
money laundering have been applied to North Korea.
In 2003 President George Bush launched the “proliferation security initiative”, an informal multilateral
grouping that aims to stop trafficking of weapons of mass destruction.
Bush removed North Korea from the list of countries alleged to be state sponsors of terrorism and from the US
Trading with the Enemies Act in October 2008 as an inducement to keep Pyongyang engaged in nuclear
diplomacy. In February, Barack Obama decided not to reinstate North Korea to that list, which would deny
Pyongyang access to loans and other funds from international financial organisations. Some US lawmakers say
North Korea’s nuclear co-operation with Syria, which is on the list, and suspected arms exports to Hezbollah
and Hamas are sufficient grounds to reinstate Pyongyang.
On 21.07.2010, Clinton unveiled new sanctions designed to deny luxury goods to North Korean elites and
strangle funding for Pyongyang’s nuclear programme. The north says it will not return to nuclear negotiations
unless the sanctions are lifted.
The U.S. plan to impose new financial sanctions on North Korea will focus on cracking down on its overseas
arms sales and the supply of luxury goods to its leadership, according to South Korean intelligence sources, on
23.07.2010.
Washington is reportedly taking steps to freeze Pyongyang’s secret overseas bank accounts used to deposit
money from arms transactions, counterfeiting, money laundering and drug trafficking.
The United States has identified about 200 bank accounts with links to North Korea and is expected to freeze
some 100 of those suspected of being used for weapons exports and other illicit purposes banned under U.N.
resolutions, Yonhap News reported 23.07.2010.
Japanese Sanctions
These were renewed in April, 2010 for a year and ban imports of North Korean goods, as well as all exports to
the country, and prohibit port calls by North Korean vessels. Japan, in principle, bans North Korean nationals
entering the country, though this does not apply to re-entry by North Korean residents of Japan. Cash sums of
more than 300,000 yen carried to North Korea must be reported to authorities, while remittances of over 10m
yen must be declared.
North Korea threatens ‘physical response’ to US military exercises
North Korea on 23.07.2010 threatened a “physical response” to planned military exercises by the US and South
Korea in the weekend, as tensions on the Korean peninsula dominated a regional security forum in Hanoi.
*****

Pico satellite, named Studsat built by Students is a welcome success

Thursday, July 22nd, 2010
Thirty-five undergraduate students from seven engineering colleges, four in Bangalore and three in Hyderabad,
have done something that would have been unthinkable even a few years ago. One of the five satellites carried
by the PSLV-C15 launched on July 12, 2010 is a pico satellite, named ‘Studsat,’ which weighs less than 1.5 kg.
A picosat is a miniaturised artificial satellite. This is the first time in India that a picosat with an imaging
camera has been designed, fabricated, and built by students, under the guidance of scientists from the Indian
Space Research Organisation (ISRO).
The students were also involved in testing the adequacy of the clean room and ground station built for
fabricating Studsat, and in receiving data and commanding the satellite. The clean room and ground station
were established at one of the seven institutes involved in the project. The camera has a low resolution of 90
metres. The panchromatic images will provide terrain information during the satellite’s short lifespan of six
months to one year. The idea behind this exercise was to provide students an opportunity to understand the
mission aspects and gain hands-on experience in building a working satellite.
Satellite launches by ISRO have always attracted public attention. But it was the Chandrayaan-1 launch in
October 2008 that fired the imagination of students. The outcome was an impressive increase in the number of
young men and women showing interest in space research. What is more, the trend has been sustained.
Studsat, a student initiative backed by some of India’s finest higher educational institutions, is an inspiring first
— and there is more to come. Two nano satellites (in the less-than-15-kg category) are being built by IIT
Kanpur and IIT Mumbai, and two by Chennai-based universities. All four satellites will be launched before
mid-2011. If this progressive trend is student-driven, ISRO has played an exemplary role in mentoring and
nurturing it. The decision to sacrifice precious payload to accommodate the demonstration satellites shows that
ISRO is playing for the future. With the educational institutions required to build their own clean room and
ground station, the agency has ensured that they have a long-term commitment to promote space research.
At a time when many developed countries are finding it difficult to promote science, ISRO’s novel way of
attracting talent stands out. With Chandrayaan-2 and human space flight in prospect, it is clear that rising
India’s space future is very bright.
Courtesy: the Hindu dt 22.07.2010
*****

Cloning – the Pros and Cons and the stage in India

Saturday, July 17th, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
When Dolly, the first cloned sheep became news, cloning interested the masses. Not only did researchers delve
deeper into the subject but even the common people sought great interest in knowing all about how cloning had
been done. There was a sudden curiosity that rose in society about how cloning could benefit the common man.
People were eager to know all about cloning and questions prevail till date. Ever since cloning became a
possibility, its pros and cons have been fervently debated over on moral, ethical and technical grounds.
Cloning in biology is the process of similar producing populations of genetically identical individuals that
occurs in nature when organisms such as bacteria, insects or plants reproduce asexually. Cloning in
biotechnology refers to processes used to create copies of DNA fragments (molecular cloning), cells (cell
cloning), or organisms. The term also refers to the production of multiple copies of a product such as digital
media or software. The term clone is derived from the Greek word for “trunk, branch”, referring to the process
whereby a new plant can be created from a twig.
Pros of Cloning
If the vital organs of the human body can be cloned, they can serve as backup systems for human beings.
Cloning body parts can serve as a lifesaver. When a body organ such as a kidney or heart fails to function, it
may be possible to replace it with the cloned body organ.
Cloning could help reproduce plants that are more disease-resistant. Reproducing superior plants, especially
those with nutritional superiority, could help address world hunger issues. Cloned plants also are more
predictable, which could help save millions of dollars in farming costs, and plants near extinction could be
saved through the right cloning programs.
Cloning in human beings can prove to be a solution to infertility. Cloning has the potential of serving as an
option for producing children. Cloning may make it possible to reproduce a certain trait in human beings. We
will be able to produce people with certain qualities, human beings with particular desirable traits, thus making
human beings a man-made being.
Cloning technologies can prove helpful for the researchers in genetics. They might be able to understand the
composition of genes and the effects of genetic constituents on human traits, in a better manner. They will be
able to alter genetic constituents in cloned human beings, thus simplifying their analysis of genes. Cloning may
also help us combat a wide range of genetic diseases.
Cloning can make it possible for us to obtain customized organisms and harness them for health benefits of
society. Cloning can serve as the best means to replicate animals that can be used for research purposes.
Cloning can enable the genetic alteration of plants and animals. If positive changes can be brought about in
living beings with the help of cloning, it will indeed be a boon to mankind.
Cons of Cloning
Cloning created identical genes. It is a process of replicating a genetic constitution, thus hampering the
diversity in genes. While lessening the diversity in genes, we weaken our ability of adaptation. Cloning is also
detrimental to the beauty that lies in diversity.
While cloning allows man to tamper with genetics in human beings, it also makes deliberate reproduction of
undesirable traits, a probability. Cloning of body organs might invite malpractices in society.
In cloning human organs and using them for transplant, or in cloning human beings themselves, technical and
economic barriers will have to be considered. Will cloned organs be cost-effective? Will cloning techniques
really reach the common man?
Moreover, cloning will put human and animal rights at stake. Will cloning fit into our ethical and moral
principles? Cloning will leave man just another man-made being. Won’t it devalue mankind? Won’t it
undermine the value of human life?
Cloning in India
Feb 13 2009
In a landmark achievement for India, the scientists at Karnal-based India’s National Dairy Research Institute
(NDRI) successfully cloned the world’s first ever buffalo calf. The scientists at NDRI are said to have used a
technique superior than that used in cloning the famous sheep- Dolly. The buffalo calf was born on Feb 6 2009
at NDRI campus. However, this jubilation was cut short, as the buffalo calf died five days later due to
pneumonia. It is said that the infection was caused due to complications at the time of delivery and the cloning
technique in itself was not faulty.
The cloning of the buffalo calf at NDRI was conducted under the expertise of a team of six scientists, SK
Singla, RS Manik, MS Chauhan, P Palta, RA Shah, and A George. Though the unnamed calf died just after
five days, the scientists involved in the cloning are hopeful that the new technique implied in the process would
lead to a new era in animal science for faster multiplication of superior germplasm. This breakthrough is
expected to solve scarcity of milk production in the coming times.
Another advantage of this technique lies in the fact that it is less demanding in terms of equipment, time and
skill. At the same time, this would enable to produce calves of desired sex. As India boasts of world’s best
quality buffaloes, the new enhanced technique used by the Indian Scientists may make it possible to clone and
multiply a number of calves from a single embryo taken from a buffalo of highest quality.
June 2009
Following the death of their first cloned buffalo, the scientists in the Indian state of Haryana cloned a buffalo
using foetal tissue. The female calf named Garima weighed 43 kilograms (95 pounds) and was born at the
National Dairy Research Institute in the city of Karnal in northern India. Scientists cloned Garima using tissue
from a foetus as part of a “hand-guided cloning technique” which allows the sex of the calf to be chosen.
Scientists said India has the largest population of buffaloes in the world and that cloning would increase the
percentage of elite animals in the species.
July 2009
Srinagar
The world’s first cloned camel produced in the desert of Dubai made news in April this year.
Dr Nisar Ahmad Wani, a senior reproductive biologist at Dubai’s Camel Reproduction Centre who had worked
as assistant professor in Sher-i-Kashmir University of Agricultural Technology, toiled for six long years to
achieve this.
Injaz or achievement in Arabic, a humped female camel, is the 12th domestic species to be cloned. She was
produced by injecting the cells harvested from the female camel ovary into a camel oocyte (female germ cell or
reproductive cell) whose nucleus had been removed. The two were then subjected to a split-second electrical
impulse and chemically activated to induce them to start dividing like a normal fertilised egg. The resulting
embryo was cultured for seven days in laboratory before it was re-implanted into a surrogate camel.
March 22 2010
Despite their success with the “cloned water buffalo”, animal scientists at National Dairy Research Institute
(NDRI), Karnal, are not enthused about “cloning the endangered species of tigers” to save them from becoming
extinct.
Cloning experiments and their success have kindled a hope that endangered and extinct species can be revived
and tiger conservationists are looking forward to some breakthrough in tiger cloning.
While the companies in the USA are working on isolating the best breeds of cattle and poultry for cloning to
enable the farmers raise the quality of their livestock, scientists at NDRI assert that each species of animal has
different characteristics and one cloning method cannot be said to suit all.
However, the pertinent question defying an unambiguous answer is that whether “cloning” could come to the
rescue of Bengal tigers. A team of scientists headed by SK Singla associated with cloning of buffalo by hand-
guided method warns that it is more likely possible with large mammals whose fertility characteristics are
known.
Further, any tiger-cloning project would entail enormous logistics to locate sufficient donor eggs and parent
cells and there was also an element of the “unknown” if the captive-bred tigers would survive when released
into the wild.
Tiger conservationists also point out that the gene pool of wild tigers was already tiny and cloning them will not
diversify the gene pool and the best course is to preserve the tiger’s habitat and hope the population recovers
naturally.
Some characteristics of cloning animals are given below:
• Cloning is more likely possible with large mammals whose fertility characteristics are known
• There is a problem of harvesting eggs as tigers produce only a few eggs at a time
• The project will entail enormous logistics to locate sufficient donor eggs and parent cells
10/6/2010
In Chandigarh this year 2010, it is said that two more water buffalo clones will be borne by the end of this year.
Human cloning
Human cloning is the creation of a genetically identical copy of an existing or previously existing human. The
term is generally used to refer to artificial human cloning; human clones in the form of identical twins are
commonplace, with their cloning occurring during the natural process of reproduction. There are two
commonly discussed types of human cloning: therapeutic cloning and reproductive cloning. Therapeutic
cloning involves cloning adult cells for use in medicine and is an active area of research. Reproductive cloning
would involve making cloned humans. A third type of cloning called replacement cloning is a theoretical
possibility, and would be a combination of therapeutic and reproductive cloning. Replacement cloning would
entail the replacement of an extensively damaged, failed, or failing body through cloning followed by whole or
partial brain transplant.
The various forms of human cloning are controversial. There have been numerous demands for all progress in
the human cloning field to be halted. Most scientific, governmental and religious organizations oppose
reproductive cloning. The American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) and other scientific
organizations have made public statements suggesting that human reproductive cloning be banned until safety
issues are resolved. Serious ethical concerns have been raised by the future possibility of harvesting organs
from clones. Some people have considered the idea of growing organs separately from a human organism – in
doing this, a new organ supply could be established without the moral implications of harvesting them from
humans. Research is also being done on the idea of growing organs that are biologically acceptable to the
human body inside of other organisms, such as pigs or cows, then transplanting them to humans, a form of
xenotransplantation.
The first human hybrid human clone was created in November 1998, by American Cell Technologies. It was
created from a man’s leg cell, and a cow’s egg whose DNA was removed. It was destroyed after 12 days. Since
a normal embryo implants at 14 days, Dr Robert Lanza, ACT’s director of tissue engineering, told the Daily
Mail newspaper that the embryo could not be seen as a person before 14 days. While making an embryo, which
may have resulted in a complete human had it been allowed to come to term, according to ACT: “[ACT's] aim
was ‘therapeutic cloning’ not ‘reproductive cloning’”
On January, 2008, Wood and Andrew French, Stemagen’s chief scientific officer in California, announced that
they successfully created the first 5 mature human embryos using DNA from adult skin cells, aiming to provide
a source of viable embryonic stem cells. Dr. Samuel Wood and a colleague donated skin cells, and DNA from
those cells was transferred to human eggs. It is not clear if the embryos produced would have been capable of
further development, but Dr. Wood stated that if that were possible, using the technology for reproductive
cloning would be both unethical and illegal. The 5 cloned embryos, created in Stemagen Corporation lab, in La
0Jolla, were destroyed.
Cloning in Chennai, Tamil Nadu
Making steady progress in stem cell research and its clinical applications, Tamil Nadu Veterinary and Animal
Sciences University (TANUVAS) is in a position to venture into the realm of cloning.
Talking to reporters on the sidelines of an international seminar on ‘Frontiers of stem cell and biotechnology in
human and veterinary medicine,’ TANUVAS Vice-Chancellor P. Thangaraju said the varsity was conducting
trials in embryo transfer in cattle and culturing of stem cells collected from ovaries for treatment of spinal cord,
joints, nerves and tendons in animals.
After successfully using autologous (patient derived) stem cell therapy for the management of a paraplegic
dog’s spinal cord injury, the varsity plans to set up an umbilical cord cell bank for animals, especially dogs and
horses. Stem cell therapy could come in handy in treating the injured tendons of race horses, which could cost
Rs 4 to 5 lakh each. Virginia Tech, a partner institution, was also working on stem cell therapy for tendon
injuries, he said.
On cloning, Mr. Thangaraju said, “We have standardised techniques for cloning rabbits. Now, we are working
on larger animals.” Unwilling to set a deadline, he said: “I am not in a position to say whether it (cloning) is in
its initial or final stage. There are impediments.”
Meanwhile, TANUVAS sources said the varsity has not taken up cloning till now as it involved ethical issues
and needed the approval of animal ethics and genetic engineering committees. At present, TANUVAS was
focussing on embryo transfer and stem cell therapy which have greater application in clinical applications, the
sources said.
Another buffalo calf cloned – 23.08.2010
A cloned buffalo calf was born at the Karnal-based National Dairy Research Institute (NDRI) on 22.08.2010,
where two calves were cloned a year ago, the Indian Council of Agriculture Research (ICAR) announced here
on 23.08.2010.
The buffalo calf, named Garima-II, was born through the new and advanced ‘hand-guided cloning technique’.
It weighs 32 kg and is apparently normal and healthy. “This cloned buffalo calf is different from the earlier
clone calf because, in this case, the used donor cell was an embryonic cell,” said NDRI Director A.K.
Srivastava in a press statement.
Faster multiplication
According to him, the technology could go a long way in facilitating faster multiplication of superior milch
buffaloes in the country. “There is an acute shortage of good bulls in the country. The technology of cloning
will decrease the gap between supply and demand by breeding the bulls in the shortest possible time,” he said.
Dr. Srivastava said that although the world’s largest population of buffaloes was in India, and it contributed
about 55 per cent to the total milk production in the country, the percentage of elite buffaloes was low.
Dr. Srivastava and his team of scientists, including M.S. Chauhan, S.K. Singla, R.S. Manik, Shiv Prasad and
Aman George, feel that embryonic stem cells have a better cloning ability as compared to somatic cells (used in
earlier cloning) that are lineage committed.
The world’s first buffalo calf through the ‘hand-guided cloning technique’ developed by the NDRI was born on
February 6, 2010 but it could not survive beyond five days. The second cloned calf, Garima-I, was born on June
6, 2009. It survived and is reportedly healthy.
The new calf was developed from embryos that were cultured and grown in a laboratory and then transferred to
recipient buffalo. It was born in a Caesarean operation carried out by a team of doctors from the NDRI and
Chaudhary Charan Singh Agricultural University, Hisar.
New era
Congratulating the team, ICAR Director-General S. Ayyappan said the new technology of hand-guided cloning
of buffaloes may lead to a “new era in faster multiplication of elite germplasm to face the challenges of
increasing demands of milk in view of the ever-growing human population”.
*****

Brahmaputra River – Dispute between India and China

Saturday, July 17th, 2010
Preethy Vignesh
The search for water resources in China and India has persistently been a source of tension between the two
countries. Chinese efforts to divert the water resources of the Brahmaputra River away from India will worsen a
situation that has remained tense since the 1962 Indo-China war. The melting glaciers in the Himalayas as a
result of accelerating global climate change will have a dramatic effect on this river’s water supply. This will
increase water scarcity as well as the likelihood of floods, impact agrarian livelihoods and strain the fragile
equilibrium between the two Asian giants.
Regional Summary
The Brahmaputra River flows 2,900 km from its source in the Kailas range of the Himalayas to its massive
delta and the Bay of Bengal in Bangladesh. It flows through China, India, and Bangladesh, but its watershed
includes Nepal, Bhutan, and Burma as well. The river drops steeply from the heights of the Tibetan Plateau
through the world’s deepest valley (5,075m) into northeast India where the river eventually merges with the
Ganges and Meghna rivers to form the largest river delta in the world (60,000km2).The Brahmaputra basin
covers 651,334 km2 (WRI), 58% of which lies in India and 20% in China.
The river is defined by the diversity of terrain through which it flows, subject to regular earthquakes, natural
disasters, and other changing conditions. 29% of the basin is actively used as cropland, almost half of which is
irrigated. Only 3% of the basin is developed as urban land and 2% is considered barren. 19% is covered by
forest, 16% by shrub, 29% by grassland, 21% by wetland, and 11% is considered eroded land.
History of Tense Diplomatic Relations between India and China
In 2000, India accused China of not sharing hydrological data on the flow of the Brahmaputra River through the
Chinese territory resulting in widespread devastation and floods. At least 40 people died. A Memorandum of
Understanding was signed in 2002 to coordinate data sharing pertaining to water level, discharge and rainfall.
The data provided by China has helped in flood-forecasting and given the Indian Water Ministry a better
understanding of the river system. Any plan to divert the Brahmaputra will have to be made known to the
Indian Water Ministry beforehand in accordance with the Memorandum of Understanding.
The Indian concerns over plans to divert the Brahmaputra were not unwarranted. The two components of the
diversion scheme would include the construction of the world’s largest hydroelectric plant on the Great Bend of
the river on the Tibetan plateau; the second is the diversion of the waters northwards across hundreds of
kilometers to China’s northwestern provinces.
In early 2003, scientists from the China Water Conservancy and Hydropower Planning and Designing Institute
organized a feasibility study for a major hydropower project along the section of the Brahmaputra River which
flows through China. This section of the river, which later flows into India and Bangladesh, has a water energy
reserve of about 68 million kilowatt, or 1/10th of the national total.
If successful, this project would divert 200 billion cubic meters of water annually to the Yellow River.
Although highly beneficial for Chinese interests, the effects on India and Bangladesh will be devastating.
Environmental experts report that roughly 60% of the total water flow will fall drastically if China is successful
in constructing this dam on the Brahmaputra.
China’s effort to redirect the flow of a river which provides the base for agrarian life in its neighboring
countries is a provocative move, indeed. Some have gone so far to say that this action qualifies as an act of war.
In fact, this is another grand effort on behalf of the Chinese government to fulfill its goal of instituting a
massive South-North water diversion project.
In 2006, the Chinese government denied the existence of plans to divert water resources from the Brahmaputra
to provide fresh water for the Northwest provinces away from India and Bangladesh. Although top water
officials denied this motivation, it has been a fear of the Indian government and has yet to be fully resolved.
China’s South-North Water Diversion Project
The incredible growth rate of China’s population (predicted to reach 1.6 billion in 2045) and the rapid
urbanization of major sectors of its populace will exacerbate one of the country’s greatest concerns, the
availability of water to meet the needs of its people. Current numbers estimate that China has only 8% of the
world’s fresh water to meet the needs of 22% of the world’s people. To further compound this problem, the
country’s water resources are not equally distributed. Southern China, with roughly 700 million people, has
4/5th of its water and northern China, with 550 million people, has 1/5th of the water.
The scheme to divert the waters from the South to the North was crafted based on this understanding of water
distribution. As evidenced in the following map, there are three critical segments: the eastern, central and
western routes.
Due to the proximity to the Indian border, the scale and impact of this water diversion scheme will have
dangerous consequences for millions of people downstream. The foremost concern is the decreased water flow
which will impact irrigation practices and local livelihoods. The environmental impact will result in an
increased salinity of the water.
Impact of Climate Change on the Brahmaputra River Conflict
As tensions grow between China and India over river diversion projects and accessibility to fresh water
resources, the likely impacts of climate change on this conflict over natural resources will amplify the current
state of affairs.
Primary concern needs to be placed on the possible changes in magnitude, extent and depth of floods from the
Brahmaputra River in India and Bangladesh.
The gradual melting of Himalayan glaciers as a result of climate change will impact the amount of water in the
Brahmaputra. As the ice disappears, so will significant fractions of south Asia’s water supply. As the
Brahmaputra River dries up, along with other rivers critical to the survival of India, gross per capita water
availability will decline by 1/3rd by 2050. The feedback loops that result from massive declines in water
availability are directly correlated with human health and may result in a rise in water-borne diseases such as
cholera.
Potential Solutions
Rather than covertly acting to divert water resources from one country to another, the protection of the shared
resource of water supply might be a focal point of cooperation rather than conflict. China and India could work
together to protect surrounding communities from increased flood hazard due to climate change by
strengthening flood management policies and adaptation measures.
Conflict over the Brahmaputra River will be high at both the intrastate and interstate levels. The main reason
for high intrastate conflict will be over availability to water between villages and communities, which may lead
to hording and violence. This is less likely than the most definite interstate conflict which will take place
between India and China as the two will have various reasons to take arms against one another – climate change
may cause draughts throughout the western provinces of China, it will also melt the glaciers that feed the
Brahmaputra River, gradually decreasing the total water supply. Decisions to route the direction of the River
toward one country over another will be cause enough for high levels of conflict and will be further
compounded by the impact of climate change.
Politics and Culture
The river’s three names, the Brahmaputra (India), Yarlung Zangbo (Tibet), and Jamuna (Bangladesh), reflect
the complicated fabric of ethnic groups and International Communities living along its banks. The Brahmaputra
flows through some of the most heavily disputed and unstable areas in South Asia. China and India currently
dispute 83,000 km within the basin. Much of the boundary between the two countries is based on administrative
units that do not shift with the rivers as they change course or level over time. Alluvial or “char” land that is
exposed as a river shifts often leads to dispute, as the land is highly valued for agriculture (CIA World Fact-
book, 1998; IBRU, 1999).
In northeast India, more than 6 separatist and rebel groups are active. Recent riots contributed to the deaths of
hundreds of Burmese and other immigrants and led to demonstrations. The northeast is one of the poorest
regions in India. Currently population density, on average, is 174 people per square mile, but this population is
concentrated in 14 large cities in the region. Urban areas are growing at 5% a year (WRI). The Brahmaputra
basin has seen a surge in millions of people immigrating to the area from Bangladesh and West Bengal.
Increasing densities have led to competition for jobs and land. In 1999, 500 people died from ethnic violence in
Northeast India (US Commission on Refugees). In the mid 1960s the Indian government relocated 3,000 ethnic
Chakmas to Arunachal Pradesh from what is now Bangladesh after construction of a large dam. The influx has
caused conflict in this state.
In the ancient Indian tradition, two rivers are known to originate from Manasarovar Lake, in Mt. Kailas; one
flowing to the east is called Brahmaputra and the other flowing to the west was called Shatadru, a tributary of
the Sarasvati (joining the latter at Shatrana, Punjab) in Rigvedic times. Both these major rivers, Brahmaputra
and Sarasvati are related to the God of creation, Brahma. The lower portion of the river is sacred to Hindus.
Hydropower and Infrastructure Development
In 1980, the Indian government established the Brahmaputra Board as a statutory body under the Ministry of
Water Resources to plan for and implement projects to harness the river for hydropower, flood control, and
economic development. The Board has identified 34 “Drainage Development schemes” that include
hydropower dams, embankment reinforcement, and other multipurpose projects. These projects are included in
the Board”s Master Plan, approved by the Indian government in 1997.Currently there are no large dams on the
Brahmaputra.
It is estimated that the Brahmaputra”s power potential could provide about 48000 MW. This constitutes as
much as 30 per cent of the total hydropower reserves of India, but less than even 3 per cent of this has yet to be
harnessed.
Trade and Economics
The river is navigable for large crafts 1,290 km upstream from the Bay of Bengal to Dibrugarh, India. The
lower portions of the river are used heavily to transport agricultural products. A major earthquake in 1950
(magnitude 8.7 on the Richter scale) and disputes over water rights impeded further access upstream. The
Brahmaputra Valley in Assam has marshy jungle, teak forest, and commercial fisheries; rice, jute, tea, and
sugarcane are grown there as well. In Tibet, the river forms an important east-west transportation route.
There currently exists a rapidly growing trade relationship between India and China. Both Indian exports and
imports through China have grown tremendously since 1999.
Hydrology
The Brahmaputra’s flows fluctuate drastically between high and low flows. High flows, peaking in mid June,
can run at 72,460 m3/s (1962 flood). The mean annual flood discharge of the river is 48,160 m3/sec at Pandu
(India). Its minimum recorded dry-season flow was only 3,280 m3/s in 1960.
The average annual rainfall in the basin is 230 cm with a marked variability in distribution over the watershed.
Rainfall in the lower Himalayan region amounts to more than 500cm per year with higher elevations getting
progressively lesser amounts. The rainfall intensity occasionally records exceedingly high rates causing flash
floods, landslides, debris flow and erosion.
The rains begin in May or early June, and the wet season lasts to October. From June to September, the rains
occur nearly daily. A period of fluctuating high flow follows, usually with peaks in July and September. The
last peak is followed by a long recession into December and January.
During the rainy season there, the river often floods to 8 km wide, rising 9-12 m and depositing sediment
carried down from the mountains.
The wide Brahmaputra River is also a bio-geographic barrier for several species. For instance, the golden
langur (Semnopithecus geei), hispid hare (Caprolagus hispidus), and pygmy hog (Sus salvanius) are limited to
the north bank of the river, whereas the hoolock gibbon (Hylobates hoolock) and stump-tailed macaque
(Macaca arctoides) are limited to the south bank (Rodgers and Panwar 1988).
The June to September southwest monsoon is funneled through the Gangetic River plains, flanked by the
Himalayas to the north and the Mizo Hills to the south, deluging the eco region with 1,500-3,000 mm of
rainfall, depending on the topographic variation. The substrate consists of deep alluvial deposits, washed down
over the centuries by the Brahmaputra and other rivers such as the Manas and Subansiri, which drain southern
slopes of the Eastern Himalaya. The eco region’s vegetation therefore is thus influenced by the rich alluvial
soils and the monsoon rains.
The Brahmaputra drains an area of approximately 9.4 million square kilometers…combined with the Ganges
River these rivers sustain more people than all the people in Western Europe and North America combined.
There has been speculation for years that China may build a dam in the area of the Great Bend to divert water
into China’s Gobi desert which covers half of China’s landmass and yet has only 7 percent of its freshwater.
The Chinese are apparently eyeing about 40 billion cubic meters, out of the annual average inflow of 71.4
billion, of the Brahmaputra’s waters. The river skirts China’s borders before dipping into India and Bangladesh.
China has a serious need to feed water to its north-west territory, the Gobi Desert, which contains almost half
the country’s total landmass, but only seven percent of its freshwater. The Gobi occupies an area of 1,300,000
sq.km making it one of the largest deserts in the world. Desertification of Gobi since 1950s has expanded it by
52,000 sq.km and it is now just 160 km from Beijing. It is said to expand by 3 km per year.
China has the will and the necessary resources — manpower, technology and, above all, large foreign currency
reserves in excess of a trillion dollars — to take the Brahmaputra diversion project forward; the country’s
economic stimulus in infrastructure could create employment potential for more than a few million people.
The Brahmaputra flows 2,900 km from its source in the Kailash range of the Himalayas to its massive delta and
the Bay of Bengal in Bangladesh. The river drains a vast area of nearly 9,36,800 sq. km. This river system
forms the largest river delta and the third largest free water fall out into the Ocean in the world — next only to
the Amazon and the Congo rivers. More people live in the Ganges-Brahmaputra river basin than Western
Europe and the entire North American continent.
This river system is of critical interest to all the four countries, including Nepal. China is an upper riparian state
and, therefore, has the freedom and capacity to divert the river. Should that happen, the irreparable loss will
result in destruction of a large part of the North-East and Bangladesh. This step will also drive millions of
refugees from Bangladesh into India for their livelihood. There is thus an urgent need to address this issue
trilaterally.
China says it has no designs on the Brahmaputra. In a story reported by the Times of India this past fall
China’s Minister for Water Resources, Wang Shucheng, stated in the China Daily that the proposal to divert
waters of the Tsangpo-Brahmaputra had no government backing and “there is no need for such dramatic and
unscientific projects”. China’s own freshwater resources have become more strained as the population grows
and pollution ruins available freshwater. China has water issues…and the Tsangpo-Brahmaputra River is a
tempting source and solution for their issues.
In April 2010, China said the dam being built by it on river Brahmaputra will have no impact on the
downstream flow of the river into India.
*****
TN man designed Indian Rupee symbol – Rupee joins Elite Club
Friday, July 16th, 2010
Even though not fully convertible, the Indian rupee will soon have a distinct identity. With a blend of the
Devanagari ‘Ra’ and Roman ‘R’ as its unique symbol, the Indian currency will be joining the elite club of the
US dollar, the European euro, the British pound sterling and the Japanese yen to mark its presence in the global
arena.
Designed by Bombay IIT post-graduate D. Udaya Kumar, (native of Kallakurichi, Tamil Nadu), the symbol
was approved by the Union Cabinet on 15.07.2010 to distinguish the currency of the over $ 1-trillion economy
from the rest, such as the rupee or the rupiah of Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Indonesia.
Information and Broadcasting Minister Ambika Soni said: “It’s a big statement on the Indian currency. The
symbol would lend a distinctive character and identity to the currency and further highlight the strength and
global face of the Indian economy.”
Unlike the pound sterling among the four currencies with distinct identities, the Indian currency symbol will not
be printed or embossed on paper notes or coins.
It would be included in the ‘Unicode Standard’ and major scripts of the world so as to ensure that it is easily
displayed and printed in the electronic and print media.
Ms. Soni pointed out that the symbol would be adopted within a span of six months in the country and in about
18-24 months globally.
Mr. Udaya Kumar’s winning entry was chosen from 3,000 designs received for the currency symbol
competition. He will get an award of Rs. 2.5 lakh from the Finance Ministry. The jury, headed by an RBI
Deputy Governor, had sent five short-listed entries for the Cabinet’s approval.
When D. Udaya Kumar decided to participate in the competition to create a symbol for the rupee, he looked at
a number of Indian scripts to come up with a design. “I saw many regional language scripts but I thought many
represented only one region of India. But the Devanagari script is the most extensively used in the country, so I
decided to go with that.”
Mr. Kumar said the horizontal line on top used in the Devanagari script was unique to India. “The two
horizontal lines and the band between also represent the Indian flag.”
A native of Kallakurichi in Tamil Nadu, Mr. Kumar completed most of his schooling in Chennai.
After studying at the School of Architecture and Planning at Anna University in Chennai, he did his Masters’ at
the Indian Institute of Technology-Bombay starting 2001, before enrolling for a PhD there in 2005 after a two-
year stint in the computer magazine Chip.
*****

At 22, Tathagat Avtar Tulsi becomes Assistant Professor at IIT

Wednesday, July 14th, 2010
The 22-year-old Patna-born prodigy Tathagat Avtar Tulsi is all set to become the country’s youngest faculty at
the prestigious Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Powai in Mumbai.
Dr. Tulsi, will be joining as an assistant professor in the Department of Physics next week.
Mr. Tulsi, who completed high school at the age of 9 years, had secured a B.Sc. degree at 10 and his M.Sc.
degree in Physics at the age of 12.
The ‘wunderkind’ then obtained his Ph.D in Quantum Computing from the Indian Institute of Science (IISc),
Bangalore at the age of 21.
In 2003, he was named as one of the world’s “seven most gifted youngsters” by Time magazine.
Dr. Tulsi chose IIT Powai’s over offers from such hallowed institutions as Waterloo University in Canada, and
the Indian Institute of Science Education & Research (IISER), Bhopal.
*****

Foot Ball World Cup – History, Rules and 1930 to 2010 Winners
Monday, July 12th, 2010
Thangai VS Annan
Foot Ball World Cup is formally called as FIFA World Cup. Foot Ball is also called association football or
soccer and it is a game in which two teams of 11 players, using any part of their bodies except their hands and
arms, try to maneuver the ball into the opposing team’s goal. Only the goalkeeper is permitted to handle the ball
and may do so only within the penalty area surrounding the goal. The team that scores more goals wins.
The first competition for the cup was organized in 1930 by the Fédération Internationale de Football
Association (FIFA) and was won by Uruguay. Held every four years since that time, except during World War
II, the competition consists of international sectional tournaments leading to a final elimination event made up
of 32 national teams. Unlike Olympic football, World Cup teams are not limited to players of a certain age or
amateur status, so the competition serves more nearly as a contest between the world’s best players. Referees
are selected from lists that are submitted by all the national associations.
The trophy cup awarded from 1930 to 1970 was the Jules Rimet Trophy, named for the Frenchman who
proposed the tournament. This cup was permanently awarded in 1970 to then three-time winner Brazil (1958,
1962, and 1970), and a new trophy called the FIFA World Cup was put up for competition. Many other sports
have organized “World Cup” competitions.
History – The early years
Modern football originated in Britain in the 19th century. Since before medieval times, “folk football” games
had been played in towns and villages according to local customs and with a minimum of rules.
Industrialization and urbanization, which reduced the amount of leisure time and space available to the working
class, combined with a history of legal prohibitions against particularly violent and destructive forms of folk
football to undermine the game’s status from the early 19th century onward. However, football was taken up as
a winter game between residence houses at public (independent) schools such as Winchester, Charterhouse, and
Eton. Each school had its own rules; some allowed limited handling of the ball and others did not. The variance
in rules made it difficult for public schoolboys entering university to continue playing except with former
schoolmates. As early as 1843 an attempt to standardize and codify the rules of play was made at the University
of Cambridge, whose students joined most public schools in 1848 in adopting these “Cambridge rules,” which
were further spread by Cambridge graduates who formed football clubs. In 1863 a series of meetings involving
clubs from metropolitan London and surrounding counties produced the printed rules of football, which
prohibited the carrying of the ball. Thus the “handling” game of rugby remained outside the newly formed
Football Association (FA). Indeed, by 1870, all handling of the ball except by the goalkeeper was prohibited by
the FA.
The new rules were not universally accepted in Britain, however; many clubs retained their own rules,
especially in and around Sheffield. Although this northern English city was the home of the first provincial club
to join the FA, in 1867 it also gave birth to the Sheffield Football Association, the forerunner of later county
associations. Sheffield and London clubs played two matches against each other in 1866, and a year later a
match pitting a club from Middlesex against one from Kent and Surrey was played under the revised rules. In
1871 15 FA clubs accepted an invitation to enter a cup competition and to contribute to the purchase of a
trophy. By 1877, the associations of Great Britain had agreed upon a uniform code, 43 clubs were in
competition, and the London clubs’ initial dominance had diminished.
International organization
By the early 20th century, football had spread across Europe, but it was in need of international organization. A
solution was found in 1904, when representatives from the football associations of Belgium, Denmark, France,
The Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland founded the Fédération Internationale de Football
Association (FIFA).
Although Englishman Daniel Woolfall was elected FIFA president in 1906 and all of the home nations
(England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales) were admitted as members by 1911, British football associations were
disdainful of the new body. FIFA members accepted British control over the rules of football via the
International Board, which had been established by the home nations in 1882. Nevertheless, in 1920 the British
associations resigned their FIFA memberships after failing to persuade other members that Germany, Austria,
and Hungary should be expelled following World War I. The British associations rejoined FIFA in 1924 but
soon after insisted upon a very rigid definition of amateurism, notably for Olympic football. Other nations
again failed to follow their lead, and the British resigned once more in 1928, remaining outside FIFA until
1946. When FIFA established the World Cup championship, British insouciance toward the international game
continued. Without membership in FIFA, the British national teams were not invited to the first three
competitions (1930, 1934, and 1938). For the next competition, held in 1950, FIFA ruled that the two best
finishers in the British home nations tournament would qualify for World Cup play; England won, but Scotland
(which finished second) chose not to compete for the World Cup.
Despite sometimes fractious international relations, football continued to rise in popularity. It made its official
Olympic debut at the London Games in 1908, and it has since been played in each of the Summer Games
(except for the 1932 Games in Los Angeles). FIFA also grew steadily—especially in the latter half of the 20th
century, when it strengthened its standing as the game’s global authority and regulator of competition. Guinea
became FIFA’s 100th member in 1961; at the turn of the 21st century, more than 200 nations were registered
FIFA members, which is more than the number of countries that belong to the United Nations.
The World Cup finals remain football’s premier tournament, but other important tournaments have emerged
under FIFA guidance. Two different tournaments for young players began in 1977 and 1985, and these became,
respectively, the World Youth Championship (for those 20 years old and younger) and the Under-17 World
Championship. Futsal, the world indoor, five-a-side championship, started in 1989, and two years later the first
women’s World Cup was played in China. In 1992 FIFA opened the Olympic football tournament to players
aged under 23 years, and four years later the first women’s Olympic football tournament was held. The World
Club Championship debuted in Brazil in 2000. The Under-19 Women’s World Championship was inaugurated
in 2002.
FIFA membership is open to all national associations. They must accept FIFA’s authority, observe the laws of
football, and possess a suitable football infrastructure (i.e., facilities and internal organization). FIFA statutes
require members to form continental confederations. The first of these, the Confederación Sudamericana de
Fútbol (commonly known as CONMEBOL), was founded in South America in 1916. In 1954 the Union of
European Football Associations (UEFA) and the Asian Football Confederation (AFC) were established.
Africa’s governing body, the Confédération Africaine de Football (CAF), was founded in 1957. The
Confederation of North, Central American and Caribbean Association Football (CONCACAF) followed four
years later. The Oceania Football Confederation (OFC) appeared in 1966. These confederations may organize
their own club, international, and youth tournaments, elect representatives to FIFA’s Executive Committee, and
promote football in their specific continents as they see fit. In turn, all football players, agents, leagues, national
associations, and confederations must recognize the authority of FIFA’s Arbitration Tribunal for Football,
which effectively functions as football’s supreme court in serious disputes.
Play of the game
The rules of football regarding equipment, field of play, conduct of participants, and settling of results are built
around 17 laws. The International Football Association Board, consisting of delegates from FIFA and the four
football associations from the United Kingdom, is empowered to amend the laws.
Equipment and field of play
The object of football is to maneuver the ball into the opposing team’s goal, using any part of the body except
the hands and arms. The side scoring more goals wins. The ball is round, covered with leather or some other
suitable material, and inflated; it must be 27–27.5 inches (68–70 cm) in circumference and 14.5–16 ounces
(410–450 grams) in weight. A game lasts 90 minutes and is divided into halves; the halftime interval lasts 15
minutes, during which the teams change ends. Additional time may be added by the referee to compensate for
stoppages in play (for example, player injuries). If neither side wins, and if a victor must be established, “extra-
time” is played, and then, if required, a series of penalty kicks may be taken.
The penalty area, a rectangular area in front of the goal, is 44 yards (40.2 metres) wide and extends 18 yards
(16.5 metres) into the field. The goal is a frame, backed by a net, measuring 8 yards (7.3 metres) wide and 8
feet (2.4 metres) high. The playing field (pitch) should be 100–130 yards (90–120 metres) long and 50–100
yards (45–90 metres) wide; for international matches, it must be 110–120 yards long and 70–80 yards wide.
Women, children, and mature players may play a shorter game on a smaller field. The game is controlled by a
referee, who is also the timekeeper, and two assistants who patrol the touchlines, or sidelines, signaling when
the ball goes out of play and when players are offside.
Players wear jerseys with numbers, shorts, and socks that designate the team for whom they are playing. Shoes
and shin guards must be worn. The two teams must wear identifiably different uniforms, and goalkeepers must
be distinguishable from all players and match officials.
Fouls
Free kicks are awarded for fouls or violations of rules; when a free kick is taken, all players of the offending
side must be 10 yards (9 metres) from the ball. Free kicks may be either direct (from which a goal may be
scored), for more serious fouls, or indirect (from which a goal cannot be scored), for lesser violations. Penalty
kicks, introduced in 1891, are awarded for more serious fouls committed inside the area. The penalty kick is a
direct free kick awarded to the attacking side and is taken from a spot 12 yards (11 metres) from goal, with all
players other than the defending goalkeeper and the kicker outside the penalty area. Since 1970, players guilty
of a serious foul are given a yellow caution card; a second caution earns a red card and ejection from the game.
Players may also be sent off directly for particularly serious fouls, such as violent conduct.
Rules
There were few major alterations to football’s laws through the 20th century. Indeed, until the changes of the
1990s, the most significant amendment to the rules came in 1925, when the offside rule was rewritten.
Previously, an attacking player (i.e., one in the opponent’s half of the playing field) was offside if, when the
ball was “played” to him, fewer than three opposing players were between him and the goal. The rule change,
which reduced the required number of intervening players to two, was effective in promoting more goals. In
response, new defensive tactics and team formations emerged. Player substitutions were introduced in 1965;
teams have been allowed to field three substitutes since 1995.
More recent rule changes have helped increase the tempo, attacking incidents, and amount of effective play in
games. The pass-back rule now prohibits goalkeepers from handling the ball after it is kicked to them by a
teammate. “Professional fouls,” which are deliberately committed to prevent opponents from scoring, are
punished by red cards, as is tackling (taking the ball away from a player by kicking or stopping it with one’s
feet) from behind. Players are cautioned for “diving” (feigning being fouled) to win free kicks or penalties.
Time wasting has been addressed by forcing goalkeepers to clear the ball from hand within six seconds and by
having injured players removed by stretcher from the pitch. Finally, the offside rule was adjusted to allow
attackers who are level with the penultimate defender to be onside.
Interpretation of football’s rules is influenced heavily by cultural and tournament contexts. Lifting one’s feet
over waist level to play the ball is less likely to be penalized as dangerous play in Britain than in southern
Europe. The British game can be similarly lenient in punishing the tackle from behind, in contrast to the trend
in recent World Cup matches. FIFA insists that “the referee’s decision is final,” and it is reluctant to break the
flow of games to allow for video assessment on marginal decisions. However, the most significant future
amendments or reinterpretations of football’s rules may deploy more efficient technology to assist match
officials. Post-match video evidence is used now by football’s disciplinary committees, particularly to
adjudicate violent play or to evaluate performances by match officials.
Strategy and tactics
Use of the feet and (to a lesser extent) the legs to control and pass the ball is football’s most basic skill. Heading
the ball is particularly prominent when receiving long, aerial passes. Since the game’s origins, players have
displayed their individual skills by going on “solo runs” or dribbling the ball past outwitted opponents. But
football is essentially a team game based on passing between team members. The basic playing styles and skills
of individual players reflect their respective playing positions. Goalkeepers require agility and height to reach
and block the ball when opponents shoot at goal. Central defenders have to challenge the direct attacking play
of opponents; called upon to win tackles and to head the ball away from danger such as when defending corner
kicks, they are usually big and strong. Fullbacks are typically smaller but quicker, qualities required to match
speedy wing-forwards. Midfield players (also called halfs or halfbacks) operate across the middle of the field
and may have a range of qualities: powerful “ball-winners” need to be “good in the tackle” in terms of winning
or protecting the ball and energetic runners; creative “playmakers” develop scoring chances through their talent
at holding the ball and through accurate passing. Wingers tend to have good speed, some dribbling skills, and
the ability to make crossing passes that travel across the front of goal and provide scoring opportunities for
forwards. Forwards can be powerful in the air or small and penetrative with quick footwork; essentially, they
should be adept at scoring goals from any angle.
FIFA men’s World Cup winners
FIFA World Cup—men
year result
1930 Uruguay 4 Argentina 2
1934 Italy 2 Czechoslovakia 1
1938 Italy 4 Hungary 2
1950 Uruguay 2 Brazil 1
1954 West Germany 3 Hungary 2
1958 Brazil 5 Sweden 2
1962 Brazil 3 Czechoslovakia 1
1966 England 4 West Germany 2
1970 Brazil 4 Italy 1
1974 West Germany 2 The Netherlands 1
1978 Argentina 3 The Netherlands 1
1982 Italy 3 West Germany 1
1986 Argentina 3 West Germany 2
1990 West Germany 1 Argentina 0
1994 Brazil* 0 Italy 0
1998 France 3 Brazil 0
2002 Brazil 2 Germany 0
2006 Italy* 1 France 1
*Won on penalty kicks.
FIFA women’s World Cup winners
year result
1991 United States 2 Norway 1
1995 Norway 2 Germany 0
1999 United States* 0 China 0
2003 Germany 2 Sweden 1
2007 Germany 2 Brazil 0
*Won on penalty kicks.
19th World Cup football (soccer) tournament, 2010
It began on June 11, 2010, in Johannesburg as host country South Africa tied Mexico in the event’s opening
contest. Sixty-three games later, on July 11 in Soccer City Stadium in Johannesburg, a new World Cup
champion was crowned, as Spain defeated the Netherlands 1–0 in extra time. Germany finished in third place
for the second straight World Cup, beating Uruguay 3–2.
The 2010 World Cup marked the first time that the world’s most popular sporting competition was played on
the African continent. In the 2004 Fédération Internationale de Football (FIFA) balloting to determine the 2010
host country, South Africa (which had narrowly lost out to Germany for the right to host the 2006 World Cup)
was selected over bids from Morocco, Egypt, and Libya. To mark this momentous event, Britannica is pleased
to present a selection of information on the World Cup and South Africa, including a survey of the World Cup
field, a tournament schedule, an overview of the World Cup venues, sections on notable football players past
and present, a brief history of the World Cup and international football, coverage of the 2006 World Cup,
surveys of South Africa’s sporting and artistic cultures, and a timeline of significant events in the country’s
history.
2010 World Cup Venues in South Africa
2010 World Cup Venues
Bloemfontein
Stadium: Free State Stadium
Capacity: 45,000
Year completed: 1952 (renovated 2008)
Cape Town
Stadium: Cape Town Stadium
Capacity: 68,000
Year completed: 2009
Durban
Stadium: Moses Mabhida Stadium
Capacity: 70,000
Year completed: 2009
Johannesburg (Ellis Park)
Stadium: Ellis Park Stadium (Coca-Cola Park)
Capacity: 62,000
Year completed: 1982
Johannesburg (Soccer City)
Stadium: Soccer City Stadium
Capacity: 94,000
Year completed: 1989 (renovated 2009)
Nelspruit
Stadium: Mbombela Stadium
Capacity: 46,000
Year completed: 2009
Polokwane
Stadium: Peter Mokaba Stadium
Capacity: 46,000
Year completed: 2010
Port Elizabeth
Stadium: Nelson Mandela Bay Stadium
Capacity: 48,000
Year completed: 2009
Pretoria
Stadium: Loftus Versfeld Stadium
Capacity: 50,000
Year completed: 1906 (renovated 2008)
Rustenburg
Stadium: Royal Bafokeng Stadium
Capacity: 42,000
Year completed: 1999 (renovated 2010)
The following are the superstars who made an indelible impact on football history through their play in the
World Cup.
1. Franz Beckenbauer (West Germany)
2. Sir Bobby Charlton (England)
3. Johan Cruyff (Netherlands)
4. Oliver Kahn (Germany)
5. Diego Maradona (Argentina)
6. Roger Milla (Cameroon)
7. Pelé (Brazil)
8. Ronaldo (Brazil)
9. Lev Yashin (U.S.S.R.)
10. Zinedine Zidane (France)
2010 Foot Ball Final Tournament Standings:
Spain have beaten the Netherlands 1:0 in the 2010 World Cup final after 120 minutes on the Soccer City
Stadium in Johannesburg.
After a scoreless draw in the regular time, the Spanish and the Dutch went into a 30-minute extra time.
The only goal was scored by Spain‘s Iniesta in the 116th minute after Netherlands‘ back Heitinga received a
red card in the 110th minute.
Thus, Spain have become the eighth team to ever win a World Cup tournament, and the first European team to
do so outside of Europe.
Spain is also the second team to win a World Cup after winning the European Cup before that (in 2008). The
only team to have done so until now was Germany.
Winner: Spain
Runners-Up: Netherlands
Third: Germany
Fourth: Uruguay
Diego FORLAN is the winner of the adidas Golden Ball award
Thomas MUELLER is the winner of the adidas Golden Shoe award
Iker CASILLAS is the winner of the adidas Golden Glove award
FIFA Fair Play award went to Spain
Andres INIESTA has been elected Last Man of the Match
Thomas MUELLER is the winner of the Best Young Player Award.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

Iran’s Nuclear Programme and Sanctions by United Nations

Sunday, July 11th, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
Iran’s nuclear programme is one of the most polarizing issues in one of the world’s most volatile regions. While
American and European officials believe Tehran is planning to build nuclear weapons, Iran’s leadership says
that its goal in developing a nuclear program is to generate electricity without dipping into the oil supply it
prefers to sell abroad, and to provide fuel for medical reactors.
Iran’s claims that its nuclear program is solely for peaceful purposes has not clogged the considerable concern
that Tehran is pursuing a nuclear weapons program. Indeed, the UN Security Council has responded to Iran’s
refusal to suspend work on its uranium enrichment and heavy-water nuclear reactor programs by adopting
several resolutions which imposed sanctions on Tehran. In spite of this, Iran continues to enrich uranium, install
additional centrifuges, and conduct research on new types of centrifuges. Tehran has also continued work on its
heavy-water reactor and associated facilities.
But it is not clear whether Iran is pursuing a nuclear weapons program or not. A National Intelligence Estimate
made public in December 2007 assessed that Tehran “halted its nuclear weapons program,” defined as “Iran’s
nuclear weapon design and weaponization work and covert uranium conversion-related and uranium
enrichment-related work,” in 2003. Tehran is also said to “keep open the option to develop nuclear weapons”
and that any decision to end a nuclear weapons program is “inherently reversible.” Iranian efforts to produce
fissile material for nuclear weapons by using its known nuclear facilities would almost certainly be detected by
the IAEA. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) continues to investigate the program, particularly
evidence that Tehran may have conducted procurement activities and research directly applicable to nuclear
weapons development.
Origin of the Nuclear Programme
It was during the 1950s that Iran started its nuclear programme. Tehran started constructing its U.S.-supplied
research reactor in 1960; the reactor went critical in 1967. During the 1970s, Tehran pursued an ambitious
nuclear power program; according to contemporaneous U.S. documents, Iran wanted to construct 10-20 nuclear
power reactors and produce more than 20,000 megawatts of nuclear power by 1994.
A light-water nuclear power reactor was constructed near the city of Bushehr. Tehran also considered obtaining
uranium enrichment and reprocessing technology. It was then that Iran took steps to demonstrate that it was not
pursuing nuclear weapons. When Tehran signed the nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1968 and ratified
it in 1970, Iran also submitted a draft resolution to the UN General Assembly in 1974 that called for
establishing a nuclear-weapons-free zone in the Middle East. But the concern had already started In the U.S.
This prompted Iran to cancel the nuclear program after the 1979 revolution, but it again reinstituted the
program in 1982, according to a 1988 CIA report. A 1985 National Intelligence Council report, which cited
Iran as a potential “proliferation threat,” stated that Tehran was “interested in developing facilities that could
eventually produce fissile material that could be used in a [nuclear] weapon The Iranian government says that it
plans to expand its reliance on nuclear power in order to generate electricity. This program will, Tehran says,
substitute for some of Iran’s oil and gas consumption and allow the country to export additional fossil fuels.
Currently, a Russian contractor is completing the Bushehr reactor and Iran says it intends to build additional
reactors to generate 20,000 megawatts of power within the next 20 years. Iranian officials claim that Tehran has
begun design work on its first indigenously produced light-water reactor, which is to be constructed at
Darkhovin. Iran has told the IAEA that construction on the reactor is scheduled to begin in 2011; it will be
commissioned in 2015. However, the head of Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization, Ali Akbar Salehi, stated
October 4, 2009, that the “assembly of this plant will take ten years.”
It is also anticipated that “foreign experts” will be involved. Iranian officials have repeatedly asserted that the
country’s nuclear program is exclusively for peaceful purposes. Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hassan
Qashqavi stated on November 10, 2008, that “pursuance of nuclear weapons has no place in the country’s
defense doctrine.” President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad asserted during an April 9, 2009, speech that “those who
accumulate nuclear weapons are backwards in political terms.”
But the United States and other governments continue to be concerned based on the argument that Iran may be
pursuing, at a minimum, the capability to produce nuclear weapons. It is difficult to discriminate a peaceful
nuclear program from a nuclear weapons program. In addition, military nuclear programs may coexist with
civilian programs, even without an explicit decision to produce nuclear weapons.
The main source of proliferation concern is Tehran’s construction of a gas-centrifuge-based uranium-
enrichment facility. Iran claims that it wants to produce low-enriched uranium (LEU) fuel for its planned light-
water nuclear reactors. Although Iranian officials have expressed interest in purchasing nuclear fuel from other
countries, they assert that Tehran should have an indigenous enrichment capability as a hedge against possible
fuel supply disruptions. Gas centrifuges enrich uranium by spinning uranium hexafluoride gas at high speeds to
increase the concentration of the uranium-235 isotope. Such centrifuges can produce both LEU, which can be
used in nuclear power reactors, and highly enriched uranium (HEU), which is one of the two types of fissile
material used in nuclear weapons. HEU can also be used as fuel in certain types of nuclear reactors. Iran also
has a uranium-conversion facility, which converts uranium oxide into several compounds, including uranium
hexafluoride.
One more thing of concern is the heavy-water reactor, which Iran is constructing at Arak. Although Tehran says
that the reactor is intended for the production of medical isotopes, it is a proliferation concern because its spent
fuel will contain plutonium well suited for use in nuclear weapons. Spent nuclear fuel from nuclear reactors
contains plutonium, the other type of fissile material used in nuclear weapons. In order to be used in nuclear
weapons, however, plutonium must be separated from the spent fuel—a procedure called “reprocessing.” Iran
has said that it will not engage in reprocessing.
In addition to the dual-use nature of the nuclear programs described above, Tehran’s interactions with the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) have contributed to suspicions that Tehran has a nuclear weapons
program. In the past, Iran has taken actions that interfered with the IAEA’s investigation of its nuclear program,
including concealing nuclear activities and providing misleading statements. Although the IAEA has gotten a
more complete picture of Iran’s nuclear program since its investigation began in 2002, the agency still wants
Tehran to provide more information.
Current Nuclear hullabaloo
In August 2002, the National Council of Resistance on Iran (NCRI), an Iranian exile group, revealed
information during a press conference (some of which later proved to be accurate) that Iran had built nuclear-
related facilities at Natanz and Arak that it had not revealed to the IAEA. States-parties to the nuclear
Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) are obligated to conclude a safeguards agreement with the IAEA. In the case of
non-nuclear-weapon states-parties to the treaty (of which Iran is one), such agreements allow the agency to
monitor nuclear facilities and materials to ensure that they are not diverted for military purposes.
Still, the agency’s inspections and monitoring authority is restricted to facilities that have been declared by the
states-parties. Protocols to IAEA safeguards agreements dictate the agency’s ability to investigate clandestine
nuclear facilities and activities by increasing the agency’s authority to inspect certain facilities and demand
additional information from states-parties. The IAEA’s statute requires the agency’s Board of Governors to
refer cases of non-compliance with safeguards agreements to the UN Security Council. Prior to the NCRI’s
revelations, the IAEA had expressed concerns that Iran had not been providing the agency with all relevant
information about its nuclear programs, but had never found Iran in violation of its safeguards agreement. In
fall 2002, the IAEA began to investigate Iran’s nuclear activities at Natanz and Arak, and inspectors visited the
sites the following February.
The IAEA board adopted its first resolution, which called on Tehran to increase its cooperation with the
agency’s investigation and to suspend its uranium enrichment activities, in September 2003. Later, Iran
concluded an agreement with France, Germany, and the United Kingdom, collectively known as the “E3,” to
suspend its enrichment activities, sign and implement an additional protocol to its 1974 IAEA safeguards
agreement, and comply fully with the IAEA’s investigation. As a result, the IAEA board decided to refrain
from referring the matter to the UN Security Council.
The investigations revealed that Iran had engaged in a variety of clandestine nuclear-related activities, some of
which violated Iran’s safeguards agreement. These included plutonium separation experiments, uranium
enrichment and conversion experiments, and importing various uranium compounds.
After October 2003, Iran continued some of its enrichment-related activities, but Tehran and the E3 agreed in
November 2004 to a more detailed suspension agreement. However, Iran resumed uranium conversion in
August 2005 under the leadership of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who had been elected two months
earlier. Iran announced in January 2006 that it would resume research and development on its centrifuges at
Natanz. In response, the IAEA board adopted a resolution February 4, 2006, that referred the matter to the
Security Council. Later Tehran announced that it would stop implementing its additional protocol.
In June 2006, China, France, Germany, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, collectively known
as the “P5+1,” presented a proposal to Iran that offered a variety of incentives in return for Tehran taking
several steps to assuage international concerns about its enrichment and heavy-water programs. The proposal
called on the government to address the IAEA’s “outstanding concerns through full cooperation” with the
agency’s ongoing investigation of Tehran’s nuclear programs, “suspend all enrichment-related and reprocessing
activities,” and resume implementing its additional protocol.
European Union High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy Javier Solana presented a
revised version of the 2006 offer to Iran in June 2008. Representatives from the P5+1 discussed the new
proposal with Iranian officials in July 2008. Tehran has told the IAEA that it would implement its additional
protocol “if the nuclear file is returned from the Security Council” to the agency. It is, however, unclear how
the council could meet this condition. Iran’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Manouchehr Mottaki told reporters
October 7, 2009, that Iran is not discussing ratification of the Protocol.
The 2006 offer’s requirements have also been included in several UN Security Council resolutions, the most
recent of which, Resolution 1835, was adopted September 27, 2008. However, a November 2009 report from
ElBaradei to the Security Council and the IAEA board indicated that Tehran has continued to defy the council’s
demands by continuing work on both its uranium enrichment program and heavy-water reactor program. Iran
issued another proposal in early September 2009, which described a number of economic and security issues as
potential topics for discussion, but only obliquely mentioned nuclear issues and did not explicitly mention
Iran’s nuclear program
Geneva Meeting- October 2009
During an October 1, 2009 meeting in Geneva with the P5+1 and Solana, Iranian officials agreed in principle to
a proposal that would provide fuel enriched to 19.75% uranium-235 for Iran’s U.S.-supplied Tehran Research
Reactor, which produces medical isotopes and operates under IAEA safeguards. Iran asked the agency in June
2009 to provide a new supply of fuel for the reactor, which will run out of fuel in approximately 18 months.
Later, the United States and Russia presented a proposal to the IAEA (which the agency conveyed to Iran) for
providing fuel for the reactor. Iranian officials have stated that, absent an agreement with international
suppliers, Iran will produce its own fuel for the reactor. According to the proposal, Iran would transfer
approximately 1,200 kilograms of its low-enriched uranium hexafluoride to Russia, which would either enrich
the uranium to 19.75% uranium-235 or produce the LEU from Russian-origin uranium. Russia would then
transfer the low-enriched uranium hexafluoride to France for fabrication into fuel assemblies. Finally, France
would transfer the assemblies to Russia for shipment to Iran. Iran had, as of October 30, 2009, produced 1,763
kilograms of low-enriched uranium hexafluoride containing less than 5% uranium-235.
More recently, Iranian officials have suggested that Tehran would accept a compromise in which it would ship
the LEU out of the country in phases. These officials have suggested that the LEU would be simultaneously
exchanged for fuel on an Iranian island or in a third country, such as Turkey.
Iran’s Cooperation with the IAEA
Iran and the IAEA agreed in August 2007 on a work plan to clarify the outstanding questions regarding
Tehran’s nuclear program. Iran maintains that it has not conducted any work on nuclear weapons. Iran and the
IAEA have had a series of discussions regarding these issues. The agency has provided Iran with documents or
(in some cases) descriptions of documents, which themselves were provided to the IAEA by several
governments, indicating that Iranian entities may have conducted studies related to nuclear weapons
development. The IAEA has asked Tehran about other information suggesting that the country may have
pursued nuclear weapons, such as
1. information about a high level meeting in 1984 on reviving Iran’s pre-revolution nuclear programme
 2. the scope of a visit by officials” associated with Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization “to a nuclear
installation in Pakistan in 1987”
3. information on 1993 meetings between Iranian officials and members of a clandestine procurement
network run by former Pakistani nuclear official Abdul Qadeer Khan; and
4. information about work done in 2000 which apparently related to reprocessing.
The agency also wants Iran to provide more information on nuclear-related procurement, production, and
research activity by entities linked to Iran’s military and defense establishments. These included attempts to
obtain items, such as spark gaps, shock wave software, and neutron sources, which could be useful for
developing nuclear weapons. In addition, ElBaradei’s May 2008 report notes that “substantial parts” of Iran’s
centrifuge components “were manufactured in the workshops of the Defence Industries Organization.”
ElBaradei’s November 2008 report points out that the IAEA, with the exception of the document related to
uranium metal, has “no information on the actual design or manufacture by Iran” of components (nuclear or
otherwise) for nuclear weapons. That report, as well as subsequent reports from ElBaradei, also suggests that
Iran and the IAEA are at an impasse. Tehran has not cooperated with the agency on these matters since
ElBaradei’s September 2008 report.
Current Status of Iran’s Nuclear Programs
Some non-governmental experts and former U.S. officials have argued that, rather than producing fissile
material indigenously, Iran could obtain such material from foreign sources. A National Intelligence Estimate
(NIE) made public December 3, 2007, states that the intelligence
community “cannot rule out that Iran has acquired from abroad—or will acquire in the future—a nuclear
weapon or enough fissile material for a weapon.” Iran is continuing work on a fuel manufacturing plant that,
when complete, is to produce fuel for the Arak and Darkhovin reactors. The plant has produced fuel rods and
appears to be nearly complete.
Uranium Enrichment
Iran has a pilot centrifuge facility and a larger commercial facility, both located at Natanz. The latter is
eventually to hold more than 47,000 centrifuges. Former Vice President Gholamreza Aghazadeh, who also
headed Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization until July 2009, explained in February 2009 that Iran’s goal is to
install all of them by 2015.
Individual centrifuges are linked together in cascades; each cascade in the commercial facility contains 164
centrifuges. According to ElBaradei’s November 2009 report, Iran was, as of November 2, feeding uranium
hexafluoride into 24 cascades (3,936 centrifuges) of first generation (IR-1) centrifuges and is operating at least
another 12 cascades (1,968 centrifuges) without feedstock. Tehran is also installing and testing additional IR-1
centrifuges in the facility.
Iran’s efforts to augment the facility’s enrichment capacity have slowed in recent months
In addition to its centrifuge work, Iran produced approximately 541 metric tons of uranium hexafluoride
between March 2004 and August 10, 2009. Prior to 2009, Tehran apparently improved its ability to produce
centrifuge feedstock of sufficient purity for light-water reactor fuel; whether Iran is currently able to produce
feedstock pure enough for weapons-grade HEU is unclear.
The extent to which Iran’s progress is sustainable is open to question. Former Pakistani nuclear official Abdul
Qadeer Khan described Pakistan’s first-generation centrifuges as “unsuccessful” in a 1998 interview. Iran’s
ability to produce additional feedstock for centrifuges may be hindered by its dwindling supply of uranium
oxide; Tehran is apparently running out of foreign supplied uranium oxide and, although Iran is producing more
of the material from indigenously mined uranium, it had not yet transferred any indigenously produced uranium
oxide to its uranium conversion facility as of June 2009.
Qom Facility
Despite the intelligence assessment described in the previous paragraph, Iran revealed that it was constructing a
new gas-centrifuge-based enrichment facility in September 2009. Iranian officials have said that the facility is
for peaceful purposes and that Tehran has acted in accordance with its international obligations. In addition to
the Qom facility, Iranian officials have indicated that Tehran intends to construct ten additional centrifuge
plants—a goal that many analysts argue is virtually unachievable.
Plutonium
Iran acknowledged to the IAEA in 2003 that it had conducted plutonium-separation experiments—an admission
which aroused suspicions that Iran could have a program to produce plutonium for nuclear weapons.
Arak Reactor
Iran says that its heavy-water reactor, which is being constructed at Arak, is intended for the production of
medical isotopes. According to a May 5, 2008, presentation by Ambassador Ali Asghar Soltanieh, Iran’s
Permanent Representative to the International Atomic Energy Agency, the reactor is to substitute for an
“outdated” LEU-fueled research reactor in Tehran that has been in operation since 1967.
The reactor is a proliferation concern because its spent fuel will contain plutonium better suited for nuclear
weapons than the plutonium produced by lightwater moderated reactors, such as the Bushehr reactor. In
addition, Iran will be able to operate the reactor with natural uranium, which means that it will not be dependent
on supplies of enriched uranium. Salehi stated September 26, 2009, that the reactor would be “operational”
within the next three or four years.
Bushehr Reactor
Iran is also constructing near the city of Bushehr a 1,000-megawatt nuclear power reactor moderated by light
water. According to ElBaradei’s August report, loading fuel into the reactor was scheduled to take place during
October and November 2009, but this has not yet occurred.
Iran Nuclear Program 2010
Top American military officials said in April 2010 that Iran could produce bomb-grade fuel for at least one
nuclear weapon within a year, but would most likely need two to five years to manufacture a workable atomic
bomb. International inspectors said in May that Iran has now produced a stockpile of nuclear fuel that experts
say would be enough, with further enrichment, to make two nuclear weapons.
On Feb. 9, 2010, Ali Akbar Salehi, the head of Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization, said scientists at the Natanz
nuclear facility south of Tehran had begun processing uranium to a purity level of 20 percent to provide fuel for
a research reactor producing medical isotopes, raising alarms in Israel and the West.
Enriching uranium to 20-percent purity is high enough for use in a medical reactor but significantly lower than
the 90-percent levels needed for nuclear weapons. The worry is that any effort to produce 20-percent enriched
uranium would put the country in a position to produce weapons-grade uranium in a comparatively short time.
The decision by Iran to pursue further enrichment elicited sharp reactions in several countries. The United
States has been seeking United Nations backing for new sanctions, and has been talking with Britain and
France, its closest allies on the United Nations Security Council, as well as Germany. Those countries have
long supported tougher measures, which have been resisted by Russia and China. But both Russia and China
have signaled new willingness to consider sanctions.
On Feb. 18, 2010, the United Nations’ nuclear inspectors declared for the first time that they had extensive
evidence of “past or current undisclosed activities” by Iran’s military to develop a nuclear warhead. The report,
the first under the new director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency, Yukiya Amano, also
concluded that the nation’s weapons-related activity apparently continued “beyond 2004.” The I.A.E.A. report
confirmed that Iran has enriched small quantities of uranium to 20 percent, but made no assessment of how
close it might be to producing a nuclear weapon. It cited recently collected evidence that conveyed a picture of
a concerted drive in Iran toward a weapons capability.
In April, Mr. Obama announced a new nuclear strategy designed to ease fears in non-nuclear states that the
United States might ever use atomic weapons against them. But Mr. Obama pointedly excluded countries like
Iran and North Korea that have failed to live up to their obligations under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.
The questions of Iran’s sincerity was again raised by its announcement on May 17 of an agreement negotiated
by Turkey and Brazil that could offer a short-term solution to its ongoing nuclear standoff with the West, or
prove to be a tactic aimed at derailing efforts to bring new sanctions against Tehran. The deal calls for Iran to
ship 2,640 pounds of low enriched uranium to Turkey, where it would be stored. In exchange, after one year,
Iran would have the right to receive about 265 pounds of material enriched to 20 percent from Russia and
France. The terms mirrored a deal with the West last October that had fallen apart when Iran backtracked, but
by May 2010 the material to be shipped represented a far smaller portion of its enriched uranium.
The International Atomic Energy Agency reported that Iran has now produced over 5,300 pounds of low-
enriched uranium, all of which would have to undergo further enrichment before it could be converted to bomb
fuel.
Until recently, all of Iran’s uranium had been enriched to only 4 percent, the level needed to run nuclear power
reactors. While increasing that to 20 percent purity does not allow Iran to build a weapon, it gets the country
closer to that goal. The inspectors reported that Iran had installed a second group of centrifuges – machines that
spin incredibly fast to enrich, or purify, uranium for use in bombs or reactors – which could improve its
production of the 20 percent fuel.
The Fourth Round of Sanctions
On June 9 2010, the United Nations Security Council leveled its fourth round of sanctions against Iran’s
nuclear program, but the measures did little to overcome widespread doubts that they — or even the additional
steps pledged by American and European officials — would accomplish the Council’s longstanding goal:
halting Iran’s production of nuclear fuel.
The new resolution, hailed by President Obama as delivering “the toughest sanctions ever faced by the Iranian
government,” took months to negotiate and major concessions by American officials, but still failed to carry the
symbolic weight of a unanimous decision. Twelve of the 15 nations on the Council voted for the measure,
while Turkey and Brazil voted against it and Lebanon abstained.
After the Obama administration imposed additional sanctions on more than a dozen Iranian companies and
individuals with links to the country’s nuclear and missile programs, the European Union followed suit on June
17 2010 with what it called “inevitable” new measures against Tehran. The main thrust of the sanctions is
against military purchases, trade and financial transactions carried out by the Islamic Revolutionary Guards
Corps, which controls the nuclear program and has taken a more central role in running the country and the
economy.
The United States had sought broader measures against Iran’s banks, insurance industry and other trade, but
China and Russia were adamant that the sanctions not affect Iran’s day-to-day economy.
July 2, 2010
President Obama signed into law new unilateral American sanctions on Iran that go beyond the penalties
imposed by the United Nations in June 2010. The new law, passed by Congress on overwhelmingly bipartisan
votes last week, tries to further restrict investment in Iran’s energy sector and cut off financing for the Islamic
Revolutionary Guards Corps that oversees nuclear and missile programs. It also cracks down on federal
contractors that do business with Iran.
The new sanctions contribute to a strategy under which the United States, Australia, Canada and Europe take
individual actions on top of the measures approved by the United Nations Security Council in June. With
Russia and China holding veto power on the council, there were limits on how far the United Nations would go
in penalizing Iran. But the subsequent unilateral actions are intended to increase the pain on the Tehran
government.
The law signed by Mr. Obama imposes penalties on foreign entities that sell refined petroleum to Iran or assist
Iran with its domestic refining capacity. It also requires that American and foreign businesses that seek
contracts with the United States government certify that they do not engage in prohibited business with Iran.
A New York Times analysis in March, 2010 found that the federal government had awarded more than $107
billion in contract payments, grants and other benefits over the past decade to foreign and multinational
American companies while they were doing business in Iran. That included $15 billion paid to companies that
defied American sanctions by making large investments that helped Iran develop its vast oil and gas reserves.
The law produced one of the few moments of consensus in Washington. Joining Mr. Obama on stage at the
White House was Representative Eric Cantor of Virginia, the second-ranking House Republican.
Iran’s Bushehr nuclear plant operative from 21.08.2010
After a delay of more than five years, Iran has begun operating its Bushehr nuclear reactor, the heads of the
Iranian and Russian atomic agencies announced on 21.08.2010.
The 1,000-megawatt facility is designed to generate electricity, and experts and military officials in Israel, the
United States and Western Europe say the prospect the reactor will be used in Iran’s military nuclear program is
extremely small.
The head of Iran’s atomic energy agency, Ali Akbar Salehi, held a news conference at Bushehr on 21.08.2010
with the head of Russia’s Rosatom state nuclear power company, Sergei Kiriyenko. Salehi said a symbol of
Iran’s peaceful use of nuclear technology had been launched despite pressure by Western countries.
On Saturday the 21st August, 2010, the United States sent a calming message to Israel stating that the new
reactor was designed for peaceful purposes for producing electricity and does not threaten Israel.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
*****

World-class Green Terminal T3 opened at IGI Airport, New Delhi

Monday, July 5th, 2010
Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh on 3.07.2010 inaugurated the swanky, world-class Terminal 3 of the
Indira Gandhi International Airport in New Delhi, saying it signalled the arrival of new India, committed to join
the ranks of modern, industrialised nations of the world. .
Hailing the new terminal as exemplifying India’s resolve to bridge fast enough the infrastructure deficit in the
country, Dr. Singh said T3, built in just 37 months at a cost of about Rs. 10,000 crore, has established new
global benchmarks.
Yet another reason for satisfaction, the Prime Minister said, was that it “proves the success of the Public-Private
Partnership model in execution of large infrastructure project.”
Sprawling over an area of 5.4 million square feet, the new terminal building is said to be the world’s sixth
largest. Though spanking new and modern airports in Bangalore and Hyderabad have already been opened, the
IGI airport at Delhi dwarfs both of them.
The Prime Minister unveiled a plaque to mark the formal inauguration of the new terminal in the presence of
United Progressive Alliance chairperson and Congress president Sonia Gandhi, Civil Aviation Minister Praful
Patel, Delhi Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit and G.M. Rao, Chairman of the GMR group that led the international
consortium which built the terminal. While international operations from T3 will begin from July 14, 2010,
domestic operations will start from July 31, 2010.
Dr. Singh said that it was estimated that India’s aviation sector has the potential to absorb up to $120 billion of
investment by 2020. Analysts predict that domestic traffic could reach 160 to 180 million and international
traffic in excess of 50 million by 2020, he pointed out. “In a span of a few years, India has become the 9th
largest aviation market in the world. We now have 10 scheduled airlines operating in our country, compared to
two in 1990. In the same period, the scheduled aircraft deployed by the Indian carriers has gone up four times,
from 100 to about 400,” the Prime Minister said.
Emphasising the need to create safe, secure efficient and environment friendly systems conducive to healthy
growth of civil aviation sector, the Prime Minister said the regulatory and policy framework also needs to be
aligned with the needs of the civil aviation industry to encourage serious investment. Towards achieving these
goals, he said, the government has strengthened the Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) and set up
the Airport Economic Regulatory Authority (AERA).
Pointing out that Delhi airport has improved its rank sharply in terms of Air Service Quality (ASQ)
performance from 101 in 2007 to 21 in 2010, Dr. Singh expressed the hope that after the opening of T-3 the
airport would shortly rank within the first 10 airports of the world.
Terminal 3 (T3) has 78 aerobridges, 168 check-in counters
With all foreign carriers shifting their bases from the existing Terminal 2 to the new, swanky Terminal 3 of the
IGI Airport in Delhi on July 14, 2010, the first fully integrated terminal is all set to become operational.
The plush T3 will see Air India’s flight AI-102 docking in straight from New York on July 14, 2010. It will
take off from T3 later. The shiny glass and steel structure has 78 aerobridges, more than Singapore’s Changi
airport, and 168 check-in counters and is fully equipped to receive the super-jumbo Airbus A-380, world’s
largest passenger aircraft.
Spread over 4 km, 80 per cent of T3 is made of glass supported by metal frames. The nine-level terminal
building would be used for 90 per cent of the entire passenger movement at the IGI Airport.
Comfortable lounges, nap and shower rooms will add to passenger comfort in the airport which will have a mix
of restaurants, bars, cafes and fast food outlets in around 20,000 sq meter of commercial space.
Besides three functional runways catering to T3 terminal, it will have 92 automatic walkways and a multi-level
air-conditioned car park to accommodate 4,300 cars, both first in India. There is a 100-room transit hotel and
business lounge inside the terminal itself.
Around 800 Flight Information Display Systems have been used for live flight information and 8,000 speakers
installed for public address system. Most modern technology has been put to use for check-in process and
baggage retrieval at the new terminal, which can handle 12,800 bags in an hour.
Common User Passenger Processing System and an advanced 5 level in-line Baggage Handling System with
explosive detection technology would be operational to ensure quicker processing and higher security.
Besides 95 immigration counters, the new terminal boasts of numerous escalators and walkalators, including
one claiming to be the longest in Asia at 118 m. About 3000 security cameras have been installed to keep an
eye on every nook and corner of the airport premises.
Almost 20,000 square metres of retail area offers duty free stores have been set up by the famous Irish duty-free
chain Aer Rianta International. Passengers would get an experience of a huge mall inside the terminal itself
with all top brands ranging from Gucci and Versace to L’Oreal and Dior having their outlets selling items
ranging from apparel, cosmetics, perfumes, jewellery, watches to tobacco and liquor.
Famous food and beverage brands like Pizza Hut, KFC, Costa Coffee, Copper Chimney, Flavours, Cafe Ritazza
and The Food Village are also opening their shops at both domestic and international areas of the terminal
building.
T3 will be one of the few green airports in the world, having eco-friendly features like energy-efficient
buildings, high-performance air-conditioning, use of municipal waste to generate electricity, rain water
harvesting, waste-water treatment and reuse of treated water.
Designed as per the Indian Green Building Council’s rating system, T3 will have a high level of green cover
with landscaping of 70 acres outside and 10,000 square metres inside the building.
Numerous varieties of plants, trees and shrubs are being planted. While most of the plants are indigenous, few
exotic varieties of orchids have been sourced from Thailand and Mexico. Over 9 lakh plants will provide a
green cover for the airport and the landscaping will have a large number of fountains and soothing lighting.
An Emirates Airbus A380 flew in from Dubai with over 500 passengers, marking the world’s largest
commercial aircraft’s arrival at the Terminal-3 (T3) of Delhi’s Indira Gandhi International Airport (IGIA) on
15.07.2010.
The Emirates EK516 landed around 3:00 pm on 15.07.2010 in heavy downpour around the airport.
The Airbus A380 flight was part of a drill to reaffirm the operational readiness of the world’s sixth largest
passenger terminal.
T3 has a capacity to handle 34 million passengers per annum and will be fully operational from July 28 after
the synchronisation process among various airport agencies is complete.
*****

India plays a crucial role in kick-starting the global economy

Thursday, June 24th, 2010
The World Bank’s total financial commitment to India’s development agenda is set to touch $9.3 billion by the
end of its fiscal year ending June. Spread across 25 new projects, the loan assistance is aimed at helping the
country sustain the much needed high growth to lift millions out of poverty.
At a press conference in New Delhi on 23.06.2010, World Bank Country Director in India Roberto Zagha said
the total expected lending 2010 (July-June 2010) would include $2.6 billion as interest-free credits from the
International Development Association (IDA) and $6.7 billion in the form of long-term, low interest loans from
the International Bank of Reconstruction and Development (IBRD).
Till date, both IBRD and IDA-aided projects with a total new commitment of $8.3 billion had already been
approved, while the remaining projects worth $1 billion were to be presented before the Bank’s board over the
next few days, he said.
Mr. Zagha noted that while a part of this lending was in support of the government’s response to the global
financial crisis, another significant portion was aimed at helping India in removing infrastructure constraints to
high growth and expand the delivery of essential social services such as better schools, roads and electricity to
the people. “The Government of India is accelerating its response to its development challenges and so are we,”
he said.
The loan assistance also includes a $2 billion package to provide capital to some of the public sector banks to
help them in maintaining their credit expansion and prevent a shortfall of capital from affecting the country’s
economy in the wake of the global economic crisis.
Pointing to the huge funding needs of India’s fast growing economy such as the estimated requirement of $500
billion for infrastructure development alone during the current Plan period, Mr. Zagha said: “While our annual
lending in 2010 represents a significant contribution for the Bank Group, it accounts for less than one per cent
of India’s gross domestic product (GDP), and is a modest sum given India’s vast needs.”
The increase in Bank commitments is also in line with the guidance from G-20, which had, during the summit
of November 2008, directed international financial institutions (like the World Bank) to step up lending to the
emerging economies to sustain their growth and thus help global recovery. “India has played a crucial role in
kick-starting the global economy by maintaining high levels of growth and it is important for the Bank to have
been able to respond to India’s request for additional support,” Mr. Zagha said.
******

Criteria for Classical Language Status

Thursday, June 24th, 2010
V.C. Kulandaiswamy
There is lack of clarity even among Tamil scholars on the issue of criteria for according classical status to a
language. It is therefore necessary to examine the attributes that qualify a language to be reckoned as classical.
The concept of Classicism had its origin in Europe. The term ‘classical’ is derived from the Latin word
‘classicus’, which belongs to the 2{+n}{+d} century A.D. From Latin, it was adopted in French and later in
English from French.
One does not come across a definition of a classical language as such in dictionaries or encyclopaedias. There
does not seem to exist anywhere an authoritative list of classical languages.
Some Tamil scholars have given the impression in articles and speeches that the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) has an authorised list of classical languages and that it has
specified criteria for a classical language. To my letter of December 26, 2007 to UNESCO, I received a reply
on January 24, 2007 that it had not established any criteria for designation of classical languages, and that it did
not have a list of languages approved as classical languages. “It is a matter which is beyond UNESCO’s
mandate,” the letter said.
The Union government, while considering a representation from the Tamil Nadu government for endorsing the
classical status of Tamil, approached the Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi, for its opinion. The President of the
Sahitya Akademi constituted an expert committee under his chairmanship. The committee, in a meeting on
September 2, 2004, observed: “It was noted that the criteria for defining a classical language are not mentioned
anywhere. But abstracting the standard features of what are universally accepted as Classical Languages (such
as Sanskrit, Latin and Greek), it was agreed that the following criteria [mentioned in later paragraphs] be
applied in the case of such a designation henceforth.”
It is thus clear that the criteria for granting classical status to a language have not been stipulated explicitly.
Against this background, we may consider the basis on which languages such as Greek and Lain were
designated as classical languages.
A study of the issue leads us to the finding that the literary contributions of ancient Greece and Rome, in Greek
and Latin, were considered by scholars as classical, and these two languages were designated classical
languages. In other words, it is the literature that is assessed as classical, and by virtue of the literature, the
language is termed classical.
What is the definition of classical literature that forms the basis for a language to be termed classical? The
Grolier Academic Encyclopaedia says: “The word classicism in literature refers to those elements of style or
content such as reason, clarity, order, restraint and humanitarian outlook that characterised the writing of
ancient Greeks, ranging from Homer, Plato and Aristotle.”
The following explanation appears in the Encyclopaedia Brittanica: “When used to refer to an aesthetic attitude,
Classicism invokes those characteristics normally associated with the art of antiquity, harmony, clarity,
restraint, universality and idealism.”
The criteria for determining classical status are therefore derived from Greek and Latin literature and are not
based on any independent design. The characteristics of Greek and Latin literature, by and large, are: Antiquity,
Harmony, Clarity, Restraint, Serenity, Idealism, Universality, Reason, Order and Humanism.
The Sahitya Akademi’s expert committee mentioned four criteria for a classical language. One is the high
antiquity of early texts/recorded history of over 1500 to 2000 years. The second is a body of ancient
literature/texts that is considered a valuable heritage by generations of speakers. The third criterion is that the
literary tradition should be original and not borrowed from another speech community. Fourthly, the classical
language and literature should be distinct from the modern, and there may also be a discontinuity between the
classical language and its later forms or offshoots.
It is seen that the criteria are based only on the characteristics of literature. Kamil V. Zevelabil, European
scholar and an exponent of the classical status of Tamil, stated in his book, The Smile of Murugan: On Tamil
Literature of South India: “But the early Tamil poetry was rather unique not only by virtue of the fact that some
of its features were so unlike everything else in India, but, by virtue of its literary excellence; those 26,350 lines
of poetry promote Tamil to the rank of one of the great classical languages of the world” (Pages 1-2). Dr.
Zvelebil based his decision only on the quality of the literature.
The term classical is also liberally used in the sense of excellence in quality. In the case of the Japanese
language, the literature of the period 794 A.D.-1185 A.D. is considered to be classical. In the case of French,
the literature of the latter part of the 17{+t}{+h} century, that is, after the establishment of the French
Academy, was considered to be classical. In English, the literature from 1660 to 1714 A.D. was considered
classical.
When interpreted as excellence in quality, every language can claim to have a period when its literature could
be termed classical. Some Tamil scholars can claim that the Kamba Ramayanam is a work of classical
literature: others may stake the claim in favour of Sekkilar’s Periapuranam. These issues are altogether different
from this discussion, which is on the set of classical languages of the world — classical languages in the sense
in which Greek and Latin are referred to as classical languages.
As mentioned earlier, the concept of classicism is of European origin and we have adopted it. In the case of
languages, the criteria are derived form Greek and Latin literature. In any set of criteria formulated, this aspect
must be reflected. The criteria specified by the Akademi’s expert committee do not provide for this
requirement.
Keeping in mind the universally accepted characteristics of classical literature which qualify a language for
classical status, we may for general guidance marginally modify the criteria specified by the expert committee.
We may reformulate them, considering all the attributes derived mainly from Greek and Latin literary
traditions.
First, the language has high antiquity, of about 1500 to 2000 years, for its literature. Second, it has a body of
ancient literature meeting the core attributes of classicism and is held as a valuable heritage bequeathed to
humanity. Third, the literary tradition is original and not borrowed from another speech community. Fourth, the
classical language and literature being distinct from modern, there may also be discontinuity between the
classical language and later forms or offshoots.
(The author, a Sahitya Akademi award winner for Tamil in 1988, is vice-chairman of the Central Institute of
Classical Tamil.)
Courtesy: The Hindu
*****

Bhopal Gas Leakage Tragedy and its Tragic Verdict

Monday, June 21st, 2010
Thangai VS Annan
On June 7th 2010, the nation has had to relive the gruesome memory of the aftermath of that fateful night of
December 3, 1984 of Bhopal. Those heartrending cries of helplessness and the spasms of the deadly end that
people met — men and women, children and the infirm which outraged the nation and our people — are being
played out again to disturb our cozy little cocoons.
After long span of 25 years, Bhopal gas tragedy verdict has been finally announced today by Chief Judicial
Magistrate (CJM), Mohan P. Tiwari. The verdict has been issued against the eight accused former employees of
U.S based Union Carbide India Ltd. The accused include Keshub Mahindra, Vijay Gokhale, Kishore Kundar, J
Mukund, R B Roy Chowdhary, S.P.Chowdhary, K.V.Shetty and Shakeel Quereshi. They have been convicted
under Sec 304(A) “causing death by negligence” and 304 (Part II) “culpable homicide not amounting to
murder” of Indian Penal Code.
The long wait of 26 years for justice in the gas leak disaster has come to a shameful end. This has caused a
sense of tragedy and betrayal no less in magnitude than the original disaster itself. It was not confined to the
country. In most parts of the world, public opinion and media have castigated the judicial outcome of Bhopal.
There seems to be a sense of outrage at allowing Union Carbide’s top brass to get away.
What happened exactly?
In the early hours of Monday, Dec. 3, 1984, a toxic cloud of methyl isocyanate (MIC) gas enveloped the
hundreds of shanties and huts surrounding a pesticide plant in Bhopal, India. Later, as the deadly cloud slowly
drifted in the cool night air through streets in surrounding sections, sleeping residents awoke, coughing,
choking, and rubbing painfully stinging eyes. By the time the gas cleared at dawn, many were dead or injured.
Four months after the tragedy, the Indian government reported to its Parliament that 1,430 people had died. In
1991 the official Indian government panel charged with tabulating deaths and injuries updated the count to
more than 3,800 dead and approximately 11,000 with disabilities.
The plant was operated by Union Carbide India Limited (UCIL), just over 50 percent of which was owned by
Union Carbide Corporation. The first report of the disaster reached Union Carbide executives in the United
States more than 12 hours after the incident. By 6:00 a.m. in the U.S., executives were gathering with technical,
legal, and communications staff at the company’s Danbury, Connecticut headquarters. Information was sparse
but, as casualty estimates quickly climbed, the matter was soon recognized as a massive industrial disaster.
The company claimed that the gas was formed when a disgruntled plant employee, apparently bent on spoiling
a batch of methyl isocyanate, added water to a storage tank. The water caused a reaction that built up heat and
pressure in the tank, quickly transforming the chemical compound into a lethal gas that escaped into the cool
night air.
Ironically, the plant at Bhopal had its origin in a humane goal: supplying pesticides to protect Indian
agricultural production. The pesticides made at Bhopal were for the Indian market and contributed to the
nation’s ability to transform its agricultural sector into a modern activity capable of feeding one of the world’s
most heavily populated regions.
It produced the pesticide carbyryl (trademark Sevin). In 1979 a methyl isocyanate (MIC) production plant was
added to the site. MIC, an intermediate in carbaryl manufacture, was used instead of less hazardous but more
expensive materials. UCC understood the properties of MIC and its handling requirements.
The night the gas leaked, the company refused to divulge any details of the antidote needed to treat the gas leak
victims. From then to now, the government has made no effort to find out what that antidote was, nor has it
incorporated the research data collected by Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) to treat survivors.
The 1985 reports give a picture of what led to the disaster and how it developed, although they differ in details.
Causes of the Disaster
Factors leading to the gas leak include:
1. The use of hazardous chemicals (MIC) instead of less dangerous ones
2. Storing these chemicals in large tanks instead of over 200 steel drums.
3. Possible corroding material in pipelines
4. Poor maintenance after the plant ceased production in the early 1980s
5. Failure of several safety systems (due to poor maintenance and regulations).
6. Safety systems being switched off to save money—including the MIC tank refrigeration system which
alone would have prevented the disaster.
The problem was made worse by the plant’s location near a densely populated area, non-existent catastrophe
plans and shortcomings in health care and socio-economic rehabilitation. Analysts claimed that the parties
responsible for the magnitude of the disaster are the two owners, Union Carbide Corporation and the
Government of India, and to some extent, the Government of Madhya Pradesh.
Much speculation arose in the aftermath. The closing of the plant to outsiders (including UCC) by the Indian
government, and the failure to make data public contributed to the confusion. The CSIR report was formally
released 15 years after the disaster. The authors of the ICMR studies on health effects were forbidden to publish
their data until after 1994. UCC has still not released their research about the disaster or the effects of the gas
on human health. Soon after the disaster UCC was not allowed to take part in the investigation by the
government. The initial investigation was conducted entirely by the government agencies – Council of
Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) under the directorship of Dr. Varadarajan and Central Bureau of
Investigation (CBI).
In November 1984, most of the safety systems were not functioning. Many valves and lines were in poor
condition. Tank 610 contained 42 tons of MIC, much more than safety rules allowed. During the nights of 2–3
December, a large amount of water entered tank 610. A runaway reaction started, which was accelerated by
contaminants, high temperatures and other factors. The reaction generated a major increase in the temperature
inside the tank to over 200 °C (400 °F). This forced the emergency venting of pressure from the MIC holding
tank, releasing a large volume of toxic gases. The reaction was sped up by the presence of iron from corroding
non-stainless steel pipelines. It is known that workers cleaned pipelines with water. They were not told by the
supervisor to add a slip-blind water isolation plate. Because of this, and the bad maintenance, the workers
consider it possible for water to have accidentally entered the MIC tank.
The Repercussion of the leakage
Thousands of people had succumbed by the morning hours. There were mass funerals and mass cremations as
well as disposal of bodies in the Narmada river. 170,000 people were treated at hospitals and temporary
dispensaries. 2,000 buffalo, goats, and other animals were collected and buried. Within a few days, leaves on
trees yellowed and fell off. Supplies, including food, became scarce owing to suppliers’ safety fears. Fishing
was prohibited as well, which caused further supply shortages.
A total of 36 wards were marked by the authorities as being “gas affected”, affecting a population of 520,000.
Of these, 200,000 were below 15 years of age, and 3,000 were pregnant women. In 1991, 3,928 deaths had
been certified. Independent organizations recorded 8,000 dead in the first days. Other estimations vary between
10,000 and 30,000. Another 100,000 to 200,000 people are estimated to have permanent injuries of different
degrees. The acute symptoms were burning in the respiratory tract and eyes, blepharospasm, breathlessness,
stomach pains and vomiting. The causes of deaths were choking, reflexogenic circulatory collapse and
pulmonary oedema. Findings during autopsies revealed changes not only in the lungs but also cerebral oedema,
tubular necrosis of the kidneys, fatty degeneration of the liver and necrotising enteritis. The stillbirth rate
increased by up to 300% and neonatal mortality rate by 200%.
Medical staffs were unprepared for the thousands of casualties. Doctors and hospitals were not informed of
proper treatment methods for MIC gas inhalation. They were told to simply give cough medicine and eye drops
to their patients. The gases immediately caused visible damage to the trees. Within a few days, all the leaves
fell off. 2,000 bloated animal carcasses had to be disposed of.
“Operation Faith”
On December 16, the tanks 611 and 619 were emptied of the remaining MIC. This led to a second mass
evacuation from Bhopal. Complaints of a lack of information or misinformation were widespread. The Bhopal
plant medical doctor did not have proper information about the properties of the gases. An Indian Government
spokesman said that “Carbide is more interested in getting information from us than in helping our relief work.”
As of 2008, UCC had not released information about the possible composition of the cloud. Formal statements
were issued that air, water, vegetation and foodstuffs were safe within the city. At the same time, people were
informed that poultry was unaffected, but were warned not to consume fish.
Temporary Effects of the Disaster
The leakage caused many short term health effects in the surrounding areas. Apart from MIC, the gas cloud
may have contained phosgene, hydrogen cyanide, carbon monoxide, hydrogen chloride, oxides of nitrogen,
monomethyl amine (MMA) and carbon dioxide, either produced in the storage tank or in the atmosphere.
The gas cloud was composed mainly of materials denser than the surrounding air, stayed close to the ground
and spread outwards through the surrounding community. The initial effects of exposure were coughing,
vomiting, severe eye irritation and a feeling of suffocation. People awakened by these symptoms fled away
from the plant. Those who ran inhaled more than those who had a vehicle to ride. Owing to their height,
children and other people of shorter stature inhaled higher concentrations. Many people were trampled trying to
escape.
Long term effects on humanity
Victims of Bhopal disaster started asking for Warren Anderson’s extradition from USA. It is estimated that
20,000 have died since the accident from gas-related diseases. Another 100,000 to 200,000 people are estimated
to have permanent injuries.
The quality of the epidemiological and clinical research varies. Reported and studied symptoms are eye
problems, respiratory difficulties, immune and neurological disorders, cardiac failure secondary to lung injury,
female reproductive difficulties and birth defects among children born to affected women. Other symptoms and
diseases are often ascribed to the gas exposure, but there is no good research supporting this.
There is a clinic established by a group of survivors and activists known as Sambhavna. This is the only clinic
that will treat anybody affected by the gas, or the subsequent water poisoning, and treats the condition with a
combination of Western and traditional Indian medicines, and has performed extensive research.
Union Carbide as well as the Indian Government long denied permanent injuries by MIC and the other gases. In
January 1994, the International Medical Commission on Bhopal (IMCB) visited Bhopal to investigate the
health status among the survivors as well as the health care system and the socio-economic rehabilitation.
Compensation from Union Carbide
The Government of India passed the Bhopal Gas Leak Disaster Act that gave the government rights to represent
all victims in or outside India. UCC offered US$ 350 million, the insurance sum. The Government of India
claimed US$ 3.3 billion from UCC. In 1999, a settlement was reached under which UCC agreed to pay US$470
million (the insurance sum, plus interest) in a full and final settlement of its civil and criminal liability. When
UCC wanted to sell its shares in UCIL, it was directed by the Supreme Court to finance a 500-bed hospital for
the medical care of the survivors. Bhopal Memorial Hospital and Research Centre (BMHRC) was inaugurated
in 1998. It was obliged to give free care for survivors for eight years.
Economic rehabilitation
After the accident, no one under the age of 18 was registered. The number of children exposed to the gases was
at least 200,000. Immediate relief was decided two days after the tragedy. Relief measures commenced in 1985
when food was distributed for a short period and ration cards were distributed. Widow pension of the rate of Rs
200/per month (later Rs 750) was provided.
One-time ex-gratia payment of Rs 1,500 to families with monthly income Rs 500 or less was decided. Each
claimant was to be categorised by a doctor. In court, the claimants were expected to prove “beyond reasonable
doubt” that death or injury in each case was attributable to exposure. In 1992, 44 percent of the claimants still
had to be medically examined.
From 1990 interim relief of Rs 200 was paid to everyone in the family who was born before the disaster. The
final compensation (including interim relief) for personal injury was for the majority Rs 25,000 (US$ 830). For
death claim, the average sum paid out was Rs 62,000.
Effects of interim relief were more children sent to school, more money spent on treatment, more money spent
on food, improvement of housing conditions. The management of registration and distribution of relief showed
many shortcomings.
In 2007, 1,029,517 cases were registered and decided. The number of awarded cases was 574,304 and number
of rejected cases 455,213. Total compensation awarded was Rs.1,546.47 crores. Because of the smallness of the
sums paid and the denial of interest to the claimants, a sum as large as Rs 10 billion is expected to be left over
after all claims have been settled.
33 of the 50 planned work-sheds for gas victims started. All except one was closed down by 1992. 1986, the
MP government invested in the Special Industrial Area Bhopal. 152 of the planned 200 work-sheds were built.
In 2000, 16 were partially functioning.It is estimated that 50,000 persons need alternative jobs, and that less
than 100 gas victims have found regular employment under the government’s scheme.
Today –
16th June 2010
Concerned over the uproar on the Bhopal gas leak judgment, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on 14.06.2010
directed the Group of Ministers (GoM), headed by home minister P Chidambaram, to report to the cabinet
within 10 days on all aspects relating to the tragedy. Manmohan Singh directed that the GoM may meet
immediately to take stock of the situation arising out of the recent court judgement, to assess the options and
remedies available to the government on the various issues involved and to report to the cabinet within 10 days
claimed a statement from the prime minister’s office (PMO).
The GoM, set up to look into all issues relating to the Bhopal disaster, was reconstituted recently with
Chidambaram as the head of the panel. The empowered GoM also comprises health and family welfare minister
Ghulam Nabi Azad, law minister M Veerappa Moily, minister for urban planning S Jaipal Reddy, minister for
roads and highways Kamal Nath, tourism minister Selja, minister for fertilisers and chemicals MK Alagiri,
minister of state in the PMO Prithviraj Chavan and environment minister Jairam Ramesh. Madhya Pradesh’s
minister in-charge of rehabilitation will be a permanent invitee to the panel.
June 20th 2010
The deluge of information around the Bhopal gas tragedy clearly establishes that everyone let down the victims.
But perhaps the biggest failure has been on the part of the state that did not provide proper treatment that the
victims deserved. But right from the day of the accident to now, victims and their families have received very
little healthcare support despite specific orders by the Supreme Court.
But some have now come forward to claim that the company did have an antidote which they did not share with
anyone.
Some employees claim that they were made to stand in front of a basin, water was sprayed into their eyes and a
tablet was given to stop the breathlessness and vomiting. So the company’s dispensary had the treatment but
they didn’t give it to anyone else outside. If they had then quite a few others would have been saved.
So doctors continued to treat the symptoms caused by the deadly gas like acute breathlessness, eye injuries,
vomiting and skin burns. But since the toxic elements that caused them were not treated right at the onset,
victims were left struggling with lifelong ailments.
The key reason why this could have happened was shown by a study done on the victims which found that MIC
broke down in the body into cyanide which circulated in the blood stream create treatment protocols for the
sick.
One of the two monitoring committees set up by the Supreme Court to oversee medical care for the gas tragedy
victims said that after 50 visits, 50 meetings and six reports to the apex court, there has been no change in the
working of these hospitals.
Even now registration of gas victims was not being done properly Health books of patients containing
investigations and prescriptions were not being maintained Health records of patients prior to the issue of
health books is difficult to trace. Funds allocated for procuring medicines were not being spent and therefore,
the supply of drugs was likely to dry up soon.
More than 25 years later, there is still no relief for those who survived one of India’s worst industrial disasters.
They know that along with Union Carbide, which denied them primary treatment, their own government let
them down by its callous indifference.
Litigations
Over two decades since the tragedy, certain civil and criminal cases remain pending in the United States
District Court, Manhattan and the District Court of Bhopal, India, against Union Carbide, (now owned by Dow
Chemical Company), with an Indian arrest warrant also pending against Warren Anderson, CEO of Union
Carbide at the time of the disaster. Greenpeace asserts that as the Union Carbide CEO, Anderson knew about a
1982 safety audit of the Bhopal plant, which identified 30 major hazards and that they were not fixed in Bhopal
but were fixed at the company’s identical plant in the US. In June 2010, seven ex-employees, including the
former chairman of UCIL, were convicted in Bhopal of causing death by negligence and sentenced to two years
imprisonment and a fine of about $2,000 each, the maximum punishment allowed by law. An eighth former
employee was also convicted but had died before judgment was passed.
Government Measures
Waking up to a string of injustices to the victims of Bhopal gas tragedy, the government is likely to file a
curative petition against the dilution of criminal charges against former Union Carbide officials and move a
fresh plea to the US to extradite former chairman Warren Anderson to stand trial in India.
The Group of Ministers (GoM) headed by Home Minister P. Chidambaram that met twice on 18.06.2010 is
learnt to have agreed with Attorney General G.E. Vahanvati, who favoured a curative petition against the 1996
Supreme Court verdict diluting charges against the accused to causing death due to a rash and negligent act.
At its first meeting, the GoM discussed the government’s legal options. Chidambaram said they had “reached
some tentative conclusions” that would be firmed up in the report to be submitted to the PM.
At its second meeting later in the evening that focused on health-related issues, the ministerial panel also
wondered why the Supreme Court appointed trustees — chaired by former Chief Justice of India A.M. Ahmadi
— to the Bhopal Memorial Hospital that was set up in the aftermath of the gas tragedy.
Incidentally, Justice Ahmadi headed the SC Bench that diluted the charges against Union Carbide officials, a
verdict that reduced the maximum jail term for the tragedy from 10 years to two years. Justice Ahmadi said he
had offered to quit but the SC rejected his request.
Sources said the conclusions referred to by Chidambaram included the petition to “cure” the defect in the 1996
verdict and making a renewed bid to seek Anderson‘s extradition.
Planning Commission releases Rs.982 crore for victims
Hours before the Group of Ministers (GoM) headed by Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram met on
18.06.2010, the Planning Commission is understood to have released Rs.982 crore to the Madhya Pradesh
government for rehabilitation of the Bhopal gas tragedy victims.
There was no official word on the reported approval of funds. The funds released for sustainable economic and
medical rehabilitation of the victims would need the approval of the GoM, official sources said.
It is understood that the GoM will give broad guidelines on the use of the funds.
The State’s proposal, in the shape of an action plan, had been pending for long with the Commission.
It had earlier rejected the action plan on the grounds that the proposals were not convincing.
However, changes and circumstances and public outrage against the low compensation for the victims are
understood to have forced the Commission to review its stand and release the funds.
In its proposal, the State government accepted that 16,000 people had died and 5,000 women were widowed in
the 1984 disaster due to the toxic waste that polluted theenvironment in and around the abandoned Union
Carbide factory in Bhopal.
The action plan for rehabilitation is divided into four components — medical, economic, social and
environmental.
It is well-known that the victims received poor medical care. Under the action plan, 40 independent work sheds
and a special industrial estate with 152 work sheds — to employ the victims as per their decreased capacities,
owing to their medical condition after inhaling the toxic gas — were proposed, but the State government had
slipped on this issue.
Rs. 1,500-crore package for Bhopal victims recommended
A road map to address the legal, medical, humanitarian, environmental and other aspects of the Bhopal gas leak
disaster was presented on 20.06.2010 by the Group of Ministers (GoM) to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.
He has called a special Cabinet meeting for June 25, 2010 to discuss the report.
The GoM recommends a Rs. 1,500-crore package for the victims (Rs. 1,320 crore from the Centre and Rs. 180
crore from the Madhya Pradesh government), enhancing the compensation for the kin of the dead to Rs. 10
lakh, for the permanently disabled to Rs. 5 lakh and for the temporarily disabled to Rs. 1 lakh. It has also
recommended that those stricken with cancer and other serious ailments be given Rs. 2 lakh. However, previous
handouts will be deducted from the amount payable.
A sum of Rs. 300 crore required for the clean-up operation will be paid by the Centre, but it will continue to
pursue the case against Dow Chemical in the Madhya Pradesh High Court in Jabalpur.
The report also recommended fresh steps for extradition of Mr. Anderson and the filing of a curative petition in
the Supreme Court to secure enhanced punishment for the guilty.
CBI moves curative petition in Supreme Court
The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) has moved a curative petition in the Supreme Court challenging the
1996 judgement of the apex court, delivered by the then chief justice A M Ahmadi, that had diluted the charges
against the eight accused in the 1984 Bhopal gas tragedy.
“The Petitioner (CBI) by way of the present Curative Petition is seeking restoration of the charges of Section
304 Part II of IPC against the Respondents/accused persons which were quashed by this Hon’ble Court without
any consideration of the material placed by the prosecution at that stage,” said agency in its petition settled by
Attorney General G E Vahanvati. It deals with the stringent charge of culpable homicide not amounting to
murder, which attracts maximum punishment of a 10-year jail term. However, due to dilution of the charges,
the accused were tried under section 304A of the IPC, which provides a maximum punishment of two years of
jail.
“Categorical evidence has now come to light, which unequivocally points to the commission of offences under
Section 304 Part II of the IPC by the Respondents/accused persons. The accused persons getting away with
minimal charges under Section 304-A, despite categorical evidence pointing to the commission of offences
under Section 304 Part II of the IPC has resulted in a colossal failure of justice. This failure of justice adversely
affects not only the victims in particular but also the society and the nation as a whole,” said petition drafted by
advocate Devadatt Kamat.
It said: “The assumption underlying the deletion of the charges under Section 304 Part II of the IPC breaks
down when one takes into consideration the fact that there was structural and operation defects in the Plant —
aspects which the Respondents/accused as persons responsible for running the Plant could not have been said to
be oblivious of.”
CBI said: “This court failed to consider the fact that the Operational Safety Survey Report conducted by the
UCC authorities, which outlined the defects in the plant was also placed on record and it was specifically
submitted that the report was sent to Mr. Warren Anderson and to Mr. Keshub Mahindra i.e. Accused No. 1 and
2 respectively.”
*****

Probe Panel/Commission Report on 1985 bombing of Air India 182-Kanishka in Canada

Monday, June 21st, 2010
Ramya Bharathi
After waiting 25 years for a closure, families of the victims of the worst terrorist attack in Canadian history, the
bombing of Air India 182, were on 17.06.2010 told by a Commission of Inquiry that the Canadian government
was responsible for failing to act upon credible information indicating that the attack was imminent.
In a scathing report by the Commission, its head, the former Canadian Supreme Court Justice, John Major,
noted: “Government agencies were in possession of significant pieces of information that, taken together,
would have led a competent analyst to conclude that Flight 182 was at high risk of being bombed by known
Sikh terrorists in June 1985.”
Flight 182, nicknamed Emperor Kanishka and operating on the Montréal-London-Delhi-Bombay route, was
blown up by a bomb at an altitude of 31,000 feet on June 23, 1985. The Boeing 747-237B aircraft crashed into
the Atlantic Ocean in Irish airspace, killing all 329 people aboard, including 280 Canadians – many of Indian
origin – and 22 Indians.
The report also issued a sharp criticism of the structure of Canadian security agencies and their lack of
coordination. “There is a lack of institutionalised coordination and direction in national security matters.” It
added that Canadian agencies had developed a culture of managing information in a manner designed to protect
their individual institutional interests.
In particular, the report recommended that the National Security Adviser ought to be given much greater
powers to intervene and resolve disputes between the Canadian Security and Intelligence Services (CSIS) and
the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP).
The Commission argued that the “current practice of attempting to limit the information the CSIS provides to
the RCMP in order to prevent its disclosure in potential criminal proceedings is misguided, as disclosure
obligations at trial are engaged by potential relevance, not by which agency has seen the information.” It further
noted that the result of such efforts to deny intelligence to the police was an “impoverished response” to
terrorist threats.
The Commission further criticised the process of the post-bombing inquiry, pointing out that the CSIS often
failed to disclose promptly to the RCMP information relevant to the criminal investigation, particularly
information from human sources, or it disclosed information without sufficient detail or in a manner that
prevented the RCMP from using the information.
The report also attacked the government’s response to victim families. It said Canadian government agencies
consistently opposed external review and attempted, “at times successfully,” to avoid or delay such reviews.
Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper on 17.06.2010 assured family members of victims of the 1984 Air
India Kanishka bombing that the government would respond “positively” to the recommendations made by an
inquiry committee and said compensation would be offered to all.
Mr. Harper met the families of the victims, mostly of Indian-origin, hours after the report was made public.
Government spokesman Dimitri Soudas told the families at a special meeting that the government would
respond “positively” to recommendations made by the panel headed by Justice John Major.
In an earlier written response, Mr. Harper said his government launched the inquiry “to bring closure to those
who still grieve and to ensure that measures are taken to prevent such a tragedy in the future.”
“We thank Commissioner Major for his work and once again extend our deepest sympathies to the families and
friends for the loved ones they lost,” the Prime Minister said.
Mr. Major said his report was so important that the government should also establish an oversight or watchdog
body to ensure that his recommendations were implemented.
Inquiry lawyers said the changes would not necessarily incur “astronomical” costs.
Counsel Mark Freiman said the proposals were not aimed at creating a new bureaucracy, but “we need to find a
higher level of decision-making” when the legitimate interests of, say, the Canadian Security Intelligence
Service and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police collide.”
He said a “lack of effective decision-making and information available” was key to the sequence of actions that
failed to prevent the crash.
******

To go from mediocrity to excellence in Legal Education in India

Monday, June 21st, 2010
Prof N.R. Madhava Menon
At a National Consultation organised by the Law Ministry during May 1-2, 2010, Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh described legal education in India as a “sea of institutionalised mediocrity with a few islands of
excellence,” and stressed the need for dramatic reform in terms of its scope and quality. He wanted the legal
education system to be sensitive to the needs of the marginalised sections of society, particularly in the context
of globalisation and the retreat of the state from some of its traditional roles. He felt that in future, domestic
legal mechanisms will increasingly interact with both international and foreign legal systems and that the law
schools should prepare themselves to face consequent challenges. The reforms he suggested included multi-
disciplinarity in legal studies, flexible curricula, improved service conditions for law teachers, continuing
education programmes for legal professionals and placement-internship programmes for all students.
This subject has indeed received the attention of several expert committees recently, including the National
Knowledge Commission and the Committee on Renovation and Rejuvenation of Higher Education (the Yash
Pal Committee). These commissions and committees found three fundamental drawbacks in the objects,
structure and content of legal education as it is being imparted in nearly a thousand law colleges in India, most
of them functioning in the private sector.
First of all, the objects of legal education in the changing socio-economic context are neither clear nor
prioritised. The Advocates Act and the Bar Councils seem to think that the only object of legal education is to
produce lawyers to practise in courts. Today, people seek legal education for a variety of purposes: to meet the
demands of trade, commerce, industry, governance and international relations. The practising profession itself
is getting increasingly internationalised, warranting the study of other legal systems and practices. These
multiple goals raise questions of content, structure and regulation.
Currently, the content of legal education is considered to be a function of the regulatory bodies (read Bar
Council of India) and the universities are obliged to follow it. This has adversely affected curriculum
development in terms of serving the multiple objects of legal education and inhibited innovation and
experimentation that are essential for academic and professional excellence. In a sense, it has alienated law
schools from its essential function of legal research and development.
Law grows when it engages with society and interacts with other branches of knowledge. Engagement with
social problems and movements make legal education relevant and contextual. For this to happen, a liberal,
holistic and decentralised approach to curriculum planning and development is necessary, for which each
university teaching law should have the primary responsibility. This was the essence of the National
Knowledge Commission’s and the Yash Pal Committee’s recommendations. In other words, according to the
expert committees the future of legal education will depend on how the role of universities (law schools) is
conceived on the one hand, and on what the goals and objects of legal education are determined to be, on the
other. Whichever way one looks at the situation, one thing is clear: the existing regulatory mechanism under the
Advocates Act, 1961 is far too weak and inadequate to chart the future course of legal education.
Access and equity are important considerations in higher education, and this is particularly so in law education.
The Bar Council’s efforts over the last 50 years did succeed in making the so-called legal education accessible
to all sections and keeping the costs low for students. But in the process, quality was neglected or allowed to be
diluted. Many universities practically avoided their responsibilities, and put the entire blame on the Bar
Council. An attempt was made at the instance of the Bar Council to improve quality by introducing the five-
year integrated LL.B. programme, and by establishing a series of autonomous National Law Schools. But they
have remained islands “in a sea of mediocrity” — as the Prime Minister described it.
The challenge before legal educators and the regulators of higher education today is two-fold.
First, how to promote competitive excellence in a global context in the few National Law Schools and others of
its kind that are maintaining some degree of quality in education. Secondly, how to take the mediocre
institutions — which are too many in number — to improve their performance towards achieving some degree
of professionalism and academic excellence in the shortest possible time.
The major problems cited in this regard are inadequacy of resources including lack of competent teachers in
adequate numbers. Given that most of these institutions are privately managed and have very little investment
and faculty resources, it is not possible to transform them unless the managements themselves mobilise the
finances. Others that are in the government sector, including university departments, can prepare plans for
development and seek funds from governments, Central and State. There exists a case to increase tuition fees
and development charges while making the institutions provide better teaching and learning facilities to
consumers of education.
Finally, if quality is to be improved the key institutions for regulating legal education should be the universities
themselves. Let there be competition among universities to deliver quality educational services. The external
regulator’s function should be limited to setting goals, setting minimum standards, and facilitating the exercise
of academic autonomy by individual institutions. In this regard, the proposal of the Knowledge Commission for
a multi-member single regulator involving all stakeholders is an excellent idea that deserves attention. The
shortage of teachers can be addressed partly through a flexible approach in faculty composition: this may
include more visiting and adjunct teachers, partnership arrangements, contractual engagement of professionals
and so on. There could also be an organised plan to prepare teachers by selected institutions with special
support from government.
It will take a decade or more to create a research environment in the existing law schools, particularly for
cutting-edge research that contribute to law reform and development. Meanwhile, the recommendation of the
Knowledge Commission to set up a few advanced research centres that can attract available talent to plan and
develop legal research is worthy of immediate attention. This is where the Central government should invest, as
it did in the field of scientific and industrial research in the early 1960s and 1970s. They can be networked with
the law schools of the region: this will be of mutual advantage.
The initiative on Second Generation Reforms developed by the Union Law Ministry (2010) and the Task Force
on Legal Education constituted by the Union Ministry of Human Resource Development should work together
to develop a plan of action to push forward the agenda of legal education reforms. This should serve not only
the needs of the practising profession but also the emerging demands of society and government for law trained
persons. The Judicial Academies training judges should tie up with selected law schools of the region to enrich
the content and process of judicial education and training, while providing opportunities to law schools to
understand and inform themselves of the problems and challenges of the administration of justice. Bar Councils
should set up a chain of continuing legal education centres, similarly tying up with law schools for mutual
benefit. What the nation needs now is an organised movement involving legal educators, lawyers and judges,
not only to learn the practice of law but to transform law and legal institutions to maximise justice in society
and to put legal education at the centre for better governance under democracy and rule of law.
(Professor N.R. Madhava Menon is founder-director of the National Law School of India in Bangalore, the
National University of Juridical Sciences in Kolkata and the National Judicial Academy in Bhopal.) Courtesy:
The Hindu

The great China-Pak nuclear nexus

Monday, June 21st, 2010
New Zealand will host the annual plenary meeting of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) in Christchurch on
June 24, 2010. Though not listed in the formal agenda, the proposed China-Pakistan deal to set up two more
nuclear reactors at Chashma is likely to come up.
When China joined the NSG it told the group that the Sino-Pakistan nuclear cooperation agreement permitted
China to export the Chashma-2 reactor to Pakistan, small research reactors, and the fuel for these units.
On the basis of previous Chinese statements, the United States is expected to argue that the supply of additional
power reactors would not be grandfathered. In that sense, the Christchurch meeting will demonstrate how far
China is prepared to abide by its commitments to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the NSG guidelines.
The Indian example is not a precedent since India’s exemption had to go through the US legislative scrutiny
and the NSG exemption. Pakistan cannot compare its non-proliferation record with that of India. The
exoneration of A Q Khan by the judiciary of charges of unauthorized nuclear trade clearly implies that
Pakistani proliferation had the approval of successive governments in Islamabad. The International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA) is still to get access to Khan. The proliferation, Iran being uppermost in international
concern, started with a Pakistani deal with that country.
While there are fears in the West that Iranian acquisition of nuclear weapons may trigger an arms race in West
Asia as Saudi Arabia is likely to go nuclear to counter Iranian proliferation, the impact of likely Pakistani
expansion of its nuclear arsenal — exceeding India’s manifold — which has been reported on by the Stockholm
International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) on the west Asian situation, has hardly received any attention.
Iran as a Shia Muslim state suffered half a million casualties at the hands of then Sunni leadership of Iraq and
was subjected to attacks with weapons of mass destruction (chemical weapons) at the hands of Sunni Saddam
Hussein.
Shias are targets of al-Qaida and its associated Sunni extremist organizations such as Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-
Mohammad and others. Iran and Pakistan were in a state of covert war when Taliban ruled Afghanistan with
Pakistani support. While Pakistan supported the Taliban, Iran supported the majority of Dari speaking people,
especially the Northern Alliance. Reports from Washington media indicate that there have been secret missile
deals between China and Saudi Arabia after 9/11. Even in the 1980s, as Pakistan assembled its nuclear weapons
with Chinese proliferation help, it sold long-range CSS-2 missiles to Saudi Arabia. Those missiles did not make
sense unless they had nuclear warheads. Since Saudi Arabia was the financier of Pakistani nuclear programme
the logical inference was the Saudi missiles will get the Pakistani nuclear warheads when required.
With the Shia majority rule in Iraq the three Shia states — Iran, Iraq and Azerbaijan, all oil-rich states, are
rising in power and influence and this is a morale-booster for the oppressed Shia minorities in Sunni-dominated
countries. The Shia-Sunni animosity goes back to the early years of the origin of Islam itself.
The Iranian nuclear ambitions are likely to be more to counter a two-front encirclement of Shias by Sunni
Pakistan and Sunni Saudi Arabia. China appears to be taking full advantage of this conflict to make deals for oil
with Saudi Arabia as well as Iran by selling them missiles, lending tacit support to Iran on sanctions and
providing Pakistan additional capacity to make plutonium warheads to supply Saudi Arabia. Many observers
believe the supply of civil nuclear reactors is only a cover for China to continue to sustain its nuclear
proliferation to Pakistan going back to Bhutto’s agreement with China in June, 1976. According to the
disclosures of two US nuclear scientists, Thomas Reed and Danny Stillman in their book ‘The Nuclear
Express’, Chinese even conducted the first bomb test for Pakistan on 26th May 1990 at their Lop Nor test site.
So strong is the commitment of China to Pakistan’s nuclear capability.
China has a penchant to carry on successful business in conflict zones like Sudan or Afghanistan. Increased
tension in the Af-Paf region or West Asia will make both confronting sides rely on China for missiles. Iran too
depends on Beijing to lighten the rigours of sanctions. Now, US scientists have discovered enormous mineral
resources in Afghanistan. China is already in the mining business in that country. They will have an interest in
ensuring the US and Western multinationals are kept out of this newly discovered mineral treasure. It is time
US and its allies looked afresh at the Iranian proliferation issue giving full consideration to the China-Pakistan
nexus and the Shia-Sunni divide.
Courtesy: Times of India
*****

Plan for National Commission for Higher Education endorsed

Sunday, June 20th, 2010
The Central Advisory Board of Education (CABE) on 19.06.2010 broadly endorsed the setting up of the
proposed National Commission for Higher Education and Research (NCHER) as an apex/regulatory body,
entrusted with framing policy, and to bring within its ambit, medical education and other disciplines of higher
education and research.
Though there was general consensus at the 57th meeting of the CABE – the highest advisory body to Centre
and States on education – it was decided that the State governments and other members could send in written
comments and suggestions within four weeks to enable the task force on NCHER to finalise the draft of the
Bill, which would then be presented to the Ministry of Human Resource Development (HRD) for consideration.
This was done in response to some States expressing apprehension that the move would “infringe” upon their
autonomy.
“The task force members will include the minutes of the meeting in their final draft and appropriately place it
before the authorities. I hope the task force members who were present at the meeting would have taken note of
it,” Union Human Resource Development Minister Kapil Sibal said.
There is a turf war going on between the HRD Ministry and other Ministries over bringing all disciplines of
higher education within the purview of NCHER. While the Union Health and Family Welfare Ministry is
reluctant to part with medical education, the Law Ministry and the Bar Council of India is opposed to the idea
of giving away legal education. Agriculture being a State subject will need Constitutional amendment to be
brought under the NCHER.
The proposal for the National Academic Depository Bill 2010, for the creation and maintenance of a national
electronic database of academic records and awards, also received a nod at the meeting. It will now be sent to
the Cabinet for approval and placed before Parliament in the monsoon session, Mr. Sibal said.
On implementation of the Right to Education, the States expressed some practical problems and demanded that
the Centre share at least 90 per cent of the cost. “I told the States that while the sharing pattern was yet to
finalised, it would not be possible for the Centre to bear 90 per cent of the cost. However, the concerns have
been taken note of,” the Minister added.
Come 2011, all States will have a common curriculum at senior secondary level in science and mathematics, a
step that would pave the way for a possible common entrance test for admission into universities. State
Education Ministers on 19.06.2010 endorsed the Centre’s move to have a core curriculum in science and
mathematics at class XI and XII.
The Council of School Board of Education has already prepared the core curriculum. The State boards can
frame their syllabus on the basis of the curriculum.
“The ministers endorsed the core curriculum prepared by the Council. They also endorsed the idea of having a
core curriculum in Commerce,” HRD Minister Kapil Sibal said. The core curriculum will bring uniformity in
the course content in the school boards. This will give a level playing field to students from urban and rural
areas, Mr. Sibal said. It will be helpful in holding a common entrance test for admission into the universities.
******

Bill proposed to allow adoption by Single Woman

Sunday, June 20th, 2010
The Bill seeking to amend the Guardians and Wards Act, 1890 and the Hindu Adoptions and
Maintenance Act 1956 to pave the way for adoption by widows and single women will be passed in
the coming session of Parliament, said Jayanthi Natarajan, Chairperson of the Parliamentary Standing
Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice. The Personal Laws ( Amendment) Bill,
2010, was introduced in Rajya Sabha on April, 22, 2010 and referred to the standing committee for
eliciting public opinion on the issue.
Talking to reporters after holding discussions with officials of the State government and various Public
Sector Undertakings ( PSUs), Ms. Natarajan said there was unanimous opinion in favour of the Bill.
The committee had already visited Mumbai and Bangalore.
Ms. Natarajan said the issue of adopting a “ flexible policy,” with regard to promotion, leave and
vacation for women in government jobs, was also discussed. “ Many women refuse to accept
promotional transfers citing family responsibility.
The committee has suggested that the PSUs and other government agencies could formulate a flexible
promotion and transfer policy for women employees.”
While discussing the issue of sexual harassment of women in the workplace, the committee evaluated
whether the guidelines set up by the Supreme Court in Vishaka case were being followed. She said
the Centre was considering enacting a law in this regard and the private sector could be covered at a
later stage.
The meeting on 19.06.2010 also discussed in detail the infrastructure facilities, appointments in
subordinate courts and the possibility of courts functioning in shifts, re- employment of retired judges
and setting up fast track courts for speedy disposal of cases with regard to rape, sexual harassment
and cases involving senior citizens.
Ms. Natarajan said the situation in Tamil Nadu was better in terms of infrastructure. Vacancies were
filled immediately and judges were given training periodically. She said no representation was made to the
committee in connection with making Tamil a court language.
*****

Move to get State Civil Service Officers for IAS

Sunday, June 20th, 2010
The government of India has proposed special examinations to induct young officers recruited through the State
Civil Services into the elite Indian Administrative Service (IAS). Faced with a shortfall of at least 560 IAS
officers across India, a proposal for the UPSC to hold “limited competitive examinations” to allow young
officers serving in the states to join the IAS is under active consideration of the Prime Minister’s Office.
A similar move to make up the acute shortfall of IPS officers through a “limited competitive examination” for
young officers in Central Police Organisations (CPOs), Central Paramilitary Forces (CPFs) and state police
forces had been firmed up by the Union ministry for home affairs (MHA) in March, 2010.
The proposal had been struck down by the UPSC, prompting the home ministry to approach the PMO to
overrule the UPSC’s decision. The Union home minister, Mr P. Chidambaram, will be meeting the law
minister, Mr Veerappa Moily, and the minister of state in the ministry of personnel, Mr Prithviraj Chavan, on
Friday to elicit their views. The Union home minister, Mr P. Chidambaram, will be meeting the law minister,
Mr Veerappa Moily, and the minister of state in the ministry of personnel, Mr Prithviraj Chavan, on 18.06.2010
to settle contentious issues like age criteria, and other modalities involved in holding such exams. “We will be
taking the views of the stakeholders to resolve any complications in view of the concerns expressed by the
UPSC. A final view will be taken after we study their suggestions,” an Ministry Home Affairs official said.
*****

The Alarming Oil Spill – Gulf of Mexico

Wednesday, June 16th, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
April 20th
A deep-water oil drilling rig known as the MODU Deepwater Horizon exploded and caught fire in the Gulf of
Mexico on April 20th 2010 with 126 people on board. At least seven people were critically injured in the 10
p.m. blast about 50 miles southeast of Venice and were receiving medical treatment in the New Orleans area
and Alabama, according to the Coast Guard. The Deepwater Horizon was a 9-year-old semi-submersible
Mobile Offshore Drilling Unit (MODU), a massive floating, dynamically positioned drilling rig built by
Hyundai Heavy Industries that could operate in waters up to 8,000 feet (2,400 m) deep and drill down to 30,000
feet
The incident which shook the world during April this year 2010 has been termed as Deepwater Horizon oil spill
(also referred to as the BP oil spill, the Gulf of Mexico oil spill, the BP oil disaster or the Macondo blowout.
The gusher, now estimated to be flowing at 35,000 to 60,000 barrels (1,500,000 to 2,500,000 US gallons; 5,600
to 9,500 cubic metres) of crude oil per day, originates from a deepwater wellhead 5,000 feet (1,500 m) below
the ocean surface. It has not been possible to ascertain the exact spill flow rate due to the difficulty of installing
measurement devices at that depth and is a matter of ongoing debate. The resulting oil slick covers a surface
area of at least 2,500 square miles (6,500 km2), with the exact size and location of the slick fluctuating from
day to day depending on weather conditions. Scientists have also reported immense underwater plumes of oil
not visible at the surface.
Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano said during a White House briefing that designating the spill as
one of “national significance” means that “the US can draw down assets from across the country” to assist with
cleanup. She said 1,100 people are working on the cleanup effort, which as on that date had collected 685,000
gallons of oil and water from the polluted Gulf. The White House said 174,060 feet of flotation booms had been
deployed to corral the floating oil.
The spill will result in an environmental disaster, with extensive impact already on marine and wildlife habitats.
It has also damaged the Gulf of Mexico fishing and tourism industries. With a variety of ongoing efforts to
stem the flow of oil at the wellhead, crews have been working to protect hundreds of miles of beaches, wetlands
and estuaries along the northern Gulf coast, using skimmer ships, floating containment booms, anchored
barriers, and sand-filled barricades along shorelines. The U.S. Government has named the British company BP
as the responsible party in the incident, and officials have said the company will be held accountable for all
cleanup costs resulting from the oil spill. BP is the operator and principal developer of the Macondo Prospect
with 65% of interest, while 25% is owned by Anadarko Petroleum Corporation, and 10% by MOEX Offshore
2007, a unit of Mitsui.
The Deep-water Horizon was drilling an exploratory well at a water depth of approximately 5,000 feet (1,500
m) in the Macondo Prospect located in the Mississippi Canyon Block 252, in the United States exclusive
economic zone about 41 miles (66 km) off the Louisiana coast in the Gulf of Mexico. It was at this time that the
explosion took place. Production casing was being run and cemented by Halliburton Energy Services. It was
due to be tested for integrity and a cement plug set to temporarily abandon the well for later completion as a
subsea producer.
In their permit to drill the well, BP estimated the worst case flow at 162,000 barrels per day. On April 28, 2010,
based on satellite pictures, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration estimated that the leak was
likely 5,000 barrels (210,000 US gallons; 790 cubic metres) a day.
The spread of the oil was initially increased by strong southerly winds caused by an impending cold front. By
April 25, the oil spill covered 580 square miles (1,500 km2) and was only 31 miles (50 km) from the
ecologically sensitive Chandeleur Islands. An April 30 estimate placed the total spread of the oil at 3,850
square miles. The spill quickly approached the Delta National Wildlife Refuge and Breton National Wildlife
Refuge, where dead animals, including a sea turtle, were found.
On May 14, the report said that a publicly available model called the Automated Data Inquiry for Oil Spills
indicates about 35 percent of a hypothetical 114,000 barrels (4,800,000 US gal; 18,100 m3) spill of light
Louisiana crude oil released in conditions similar to those found in the Gulf now would evaporate, that between
50 and 60 percent of the oil would remain in or on the water, and the rest would be dispersed in the ocean.
By June 4, the oil spill had landed on125 miles (201 km) of Louisiana’s coast, had washed up along Mississippi
and Alabama barrier islands, and was found for the first time on a Florida barrier island at Pensacola Beach. On
June 9, oil sludge began entering the Intracoastal Waterway through Perdido Pass after floating booms across
the opening of the pass failed to stop the oil.
The rig’s blowout preventer, a fail-safe device fitted at source of the well, did not automatically cut off the oil
flow as intended when the explosion occurred. BP attempted to use remotely operated underwater vehicles to
close the blowout preventer valves on the well head 5,000 feet (1,500 m) below sea level, a valve-closing
procedure taking 24–36 hours. BP engineers have attempted a number of techniques to control or stop the oil
spill. The first and fastest was to place a 125-tonne (280,000 lb) container dome over the largest of the well
leaks and pipe the oil to a storage vessel on the surface. But the effort did not succeed.
BP next tried to shut down the well completely using a technique called “top kill”. The process involves
pumping heavy drilling fluids through two 3-inch (7.6 cm) lines into the blowout preventer that sits on top of
the wellhead. This would first restrict the flow of oil from the well, which then could be sealed permanently
with cement. On May 27, the U.S. Coast Guard, who is coordinating the government response, expressed that
engineers had succeeded in stopping the flow of oil and gas into the Gulf of Mexico.
The next contingency option was the Lower Marine Riser Package (LMRP) Cap Containment System. The
operational plan first involves cutting and then removing the damaged riser from the top of the failed blowout
preventer to leave a cleanly-cut pipe at the top of the BOP’s LMRP. The cap is designed to be connected to a
riser from the Discoverer Enterprise drillship and placed over the LMRP with the intention of capturing most of
the oil and gas flowing from the well. BP is also working on a system that will allow it to flow oil from the
choke and kill valves on the BOP through a subsea manifold to the Q4000 service platform operated by Helix
Energy Solutions Group, with processing capacity for about 5,000 barrels (210,000 US gallons; 790 cubic
metres) of oil per day. Q4000 will be paired with Sealion Shipping owned well testing vessel Toisa Pisces
Wildlife and environmental groups accused BP of holding back information about the extent and impact of the
growing slick, and urged the White House to order a more direct federal government role in the spill response.
The spill threatens environmental disaster due to factors such as petroleum toxicity and oxygen depletion. More
than 400 species live in the islands and marshlands at risk, including the endangered Kemp’s Ridley turtle. In
the national refuges most at risk, about 34,000 birds have been counted, including gulls, pelicans, roseate
spoonbills, egrets, terns, and blue herons. As of June 10, dead animals found in the spill zone included 1131
dead birds, 331 sea turtles, 38 dolphins and other mammals, and 1 reptile. There may be other dead animals that
go unfound. It is possible the Gulf Stream sea currents may spread the oil into the Atlantic Ocean.
ALABAMA BEACHES
Beaches in Orange Beach, Ala., where large amounts of crude and tar balls washed ashore on Saturday, were
mostly clean after crews worked through the night and in the early morning clearing the oil. Clear plastic bags
sat in piles, full of sand and tar balls, and some empty stretches of beach were still littered with grapefruit sized
tar patties.
FLORIDA’S SHORES
Winds continued to blow two patchy, orange oil plumes from the spill toward the white sands of the western
Florida Panhandle in the first week of June 2010, as skimmers worked to collect the crude before it came
ashore. The Florida Department of Environmental Protection said one of the slicks is as close as 3 miles south
of Pensacola Pass, an inlet next to a stretch of the Gulf Islands National Seashore and the tourist hotels of
Pensacola Beach.
Sunday, June 13, 2010
Oil collected on the water’s surface near the site of the Deepwater Horizon oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico. Oil
continued to flow from the wellhead some 5,000 feet below the surface. The Coast Guard demanded that BP
step up its efforts to contain the oil gushing into the Gulf of Mexico by the end of the weekend, telling the
British oil giant that its slow pace in stopping the spill is becoming increasingly alarming as the disaster fouled
the coastline in ugly new ways. Workers loaded bags of contaminated sand as they clean up oil from the
Deepwater Horizon spill along the beach.
NEW ORLEANS
BP mounted a more aggressive response to the oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico as it started deploying undersea
sensors to better measure the ferocious flow of crude while drawing up new plans to meet a government
demand that it speed up the containment effort ahead of President Barack Obama’s visit to the coast. The
financial ramifications of the disaster are growing by the day as the White House and states put pressure on BP
to set aside billions of dollars to pay spill-related claims in a move that could quickly drain the company’s cash
reserves and hasten its path toward possible bankruptcy.
One of the actions BP took Sunday was to use robotic submarines to position sensors inside the well to gauge
how much oil is spilling. The robots were expected to insert the pressure sensors through a line used to inject
methanol – an anti-freeze meant to prevent the buildup of ice-like slush – into a containment cap seated over
the ruptured pipe. BP was installing the sensors at the request of a federal team of scientists tasked with
estimating the flow. The necessary equipment was first identified last week, and the installation procedures
were approved over the weekend.
BP is currently capturing about 630,000 gallons of oil a day, but hundreds thousands more are still escaping
into the Gulf. The company has said that it could begin siphoning an additional 400,000 gallons a day by
burning it using a specialized boom being installed on a rig – and any new success would be welcome news for
Obama.
Obama wanted an independent, third party to administer an escrow account paid for by BP to compensate those
with “legitimate” claims for damages. The amount of money set aside will be discussed during talks this week
between the White House and BP, but the request will most definitely be in the billions.
Waste Management received a contract from BP to transport waste produced by cleanup crews assigned to
work the stretch of the coastline. Ken Haldin, a Waste Management spokesman, said Sunday that the company
has designated 65 trucks and 535 containers that are being filled with solid oil waste.
Waste Management has designated three landfills in three different states that are operated by the company to
handle the oily refuse. Before the refuse is dumped, it has to be analyzed by both the waste removal company
and by local government environmental authorities to make sure it is nonhazardous.
Waste Management also is handling some of the liquid waste skimmed from the ocean by cleanup crews, and
has set up special equipment, including vacuum trucks, along the docks that separates oil from the water. Once
separated, the oil will be resold to oil services companies.
The oil spill is gaining international ramifications with furore growing between the US and the UK. Already
during the first week of June 2010, the normally smooth waters of US-British relations were rocked by growing
signs of strain over objections to US treatment of the officers and stockholders of BP, a big-oil company listed
on the London stock exchange. Some British officials and the London press are of the view that US officials –
President Obama topping the list – were increasingly mixing anti-British vitriol into their growing frustration
with the formerly “British Petroleum” named, formerly British-owned BP.
On Friday, the European Union announced it was responding to a request by US authorities for various types of
booms to help contain the spilled oil.
Sweden, Germany, Norway, the UK, and the European Maritime Safety Agency all responded with offers and
are working “flat out” to deliver the equipment as soon as possible. The Netherlands responded to an earlier
request by providing three sweeping arms which are already operating in the Gulf.
But the oil leak is also having unanticipated international repercussions, with the US already quietly discussing
the Gulf disaster and its potential extended impact with Cuba, the country most likely to be the first non-US
victim if the oil slick advances beyond Florida into the Caribbean.
The US, which has modestly expanded contacts with the Cuban government under the Obama administration,
has had some low-level discussions with the Cubans about the Gulf oil leak and is keeping channels of
communication open in light of the oil’s potential trajectory according to State Department officials.
But some oil experts say the US needs to look beyond the current catastrophe to consider a potential future oil
disaster. With Cuba set to commence oil exploration in its northern territorial waters sometime in the next six to
nine months, they see a stark scenario under which the US embargo on Cuba would prevent American oilfield
and petroleum-technology companies from taking part in any disaster response.
Mr. Piñón, a former Conoco and BP oil executive, says the Obama administration should do for petroleum
equipment and services trade with Cuba what the Clinton administration did for agricultural trade – exempt it
from the embargo.
An executive order paving the way for US companies to intervene in a Cuban oil disaster was one of the
recommendations of a Cuba Task Force organized by the Brookings Institution in Washington. Piñón serves on
the task force and co-authored a recent paper analyzing Cuban oil issues in light of the Gulf disaster.
Before the Gulf spill, much of the focus of analysis of Cuba’s move into oil exploration and production was on
the impact it will have on the current regime, Cuba’s relations with current oil-supplier Venezuela, and an
eventual transition government in Havana.
In the meanwhile, more than 130 lawsuits relating to the spill have been filed.
******

European Union in a Changing World

Sunday, June 13th, 2010
Thangai VS Annan
The EU was set up in the aftermath of World War Two to bring peace, stability and prosperity to Europe.
Europe’s mission in the 21st century is to:
• provide peace, prosperity and stability for its peoples;
• overcome the divisions on the continent;
• ensure that its people can live in safety;
• promote balanced economic and social development;
• meet the challenges of globalisation and preserve the diversity of the peoples of Europe;
• uphold the values that Europeans share, such as sustainable development and a sound environment,
respect for human rights and the social market economy.
The Council of the European Union, which represents the member states, is the EU’s main decision-taking
body. When it meets at Heads of State or Government level, it becomes the European Council whose role is to
provide the EU with political impetus on key issues.
The European Parliament, which represents the people, shares legislative and budgetary power with the Council
of the European Union.
The European Commission, which represents the common interest of the EU, is the main executive body. It has
the right to propose legislation and ensures that EU policies are properly implemented.
The ten historic steps taken by the European Union over the years are given below-
• On 9 May 1950, the Schuman Declaration proposed the establishment of a European Coal and Steel
Community (ECSC), which came into force with the Treaty of Paris of 18 April 1951. This put in
place a common market in coal and steel between the six founding countries (Belgium, the Federal
Republic of Germany, France, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands).
• The Six countries then decided, on 25 March 1957 with the Treaty of Rome, to build a European
Economic Community (EEC) based on a wider common market covering a whole range of goods and
services. Customs duties between the six countries were completely abolished and common policies,
notably on trade and agriculture, were also put in place during the 1960s.
• Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom decided to join the Community on seeing the success of the
Union. This first enlargement, from six to nine members, took place in 1973. At the same time, new
social and environmental policies were implemented, and the European Regional Development
Fund (ERDF) was established in 1975.
• In 1979, the first elections to the European Parliament were held by direct universal suffrage. These
elections are held every five years.
• In 1981, Greece joined the Community, followed by Spain and Portugal in 1986. This strengthened
the Community’s presence in southern Europe and made it all the more urgent to expand its regional aid
programmes.
• The worldwide economic recession in the early 1980s brought with it a wave of ‘euro-pessimism. In
1985 the European Commission, under its President Jacques Delors, published a White Paper setting out
a timetable for completing the European single market by 1 January 1993. This ambitious goal was
enshrined in the Single European Act, which was signed in February 1986 and came into force on 1
July 1987.
• The Berlin Wall fell in 1989, leading to the unification of Germany in October 1990 and the coming of
democracy to the countries of central and eastern Europe as they broke away from Soviet control. The
Soviet Union itself ceased to exist in December 1991. The new Treaty on European Union was
adopted by the European Council, composed of presidents and/or prime ministers, at Maastricht in
 December 1991. The Treaty came into force on 1 November 1993. By adding areas of
intergovernmental cooperation to existing integrated Community structures, the Treaty created the
European Union (EU).
• Austria, Finland and Sweden joined the EU on 1 January 1995. The Berlin Wall was pulled down in
1989 and the old divisions of the European continent gradually disappeared.
• By then, the EU was on course for its most spectacular achievement yet, creating a single currency.
The euro was introduced for financial (non-cash) transactions in 1999, while notes and coins were
issued three years later in the 12 countries of the euro area (also commonly referred to as the euro zone).
The euro is now a major world currency for payments and reserves alongside the US dollar. Europeans are
facing globalisation. New technologies and ever increasing use of the Internet transform the economies, but
also bring social and cultural challenges.
In March 2000, the EU adopted the ‘Lisbon strategy’ for modernising the European economy and enabling it
to compete on the world market with other major players such as the United States and the newly industrialised
countries. The Lisbon strategy involves encouraging innovation and business investment and adapting Europe’s
education systems to meet the needs of the information society.
Still, unemployment and the rising cost of pensions are putting pressure on national economies, making reform
all the more necessary. Voters are increasingly calling on their governments to find practical solutions to these
problems.
• Scarcely had the European Union grown to 15 members when preparations began for a new enlargement
on an unprecedented scale. In the mid-1990s, the former Soviet-bloc countries (Bulgaria, the Czech
Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia), the three Baltic states that had been part of the
Soviet Union (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania), one of the republics of former Yugoslavia (Slovenia) and
two Mediterranean countries (Cyprus and Malta) began knocking at the EU’s door.
The EU welcomed this chance to help stabilise the European continent and to extend the benefits of European
integration to these young democracies. Negotiations on future membership opened in December 1997. The EU
enlargement to 25 countries took place on 1 May 2004 when 10 of the 12 candidates joined. Bulgaria and
Romania followed on 1 January 2007.
Current Scenario
The European Union’s influence in world affairs is on the increase. The process of integration, the launch of the
euro and the progressive development of a common foreign and security policy are all providing the EU with
political and diplomatic status to match its undoubted economic and commercial clout.
With quite a few strategic foreign policy objectives, the Union first seeks to establish a stable Europe with a
stronger voice in the world. The recent wars in Bosnia and Kosovo and the bloody fighting in Chechnya
underline how important it is to secure peace, democracy and respect for human rights throughout Europe.
Enlargement can help achieve that by creating an internal market of over 500 million consumers and ending the
long divide in Europe.
Being the world’s biggest trading partner, the EU is also determined to secure its international competitiveness
while at the same time promoting global commerce through further liberalisation of world trade rules – a
process that it believes will be of particular benefit to developing countries.
Until recently, there were three main components to the Union’s external activities: trade policy, development
aid and the political dimension. The Union now wants to reinforce these capabilities, if and when necessary,
trying to use force where its vital interests are at stake and be able to respond more effectively to crises. The
significance is not on fighting wars or creating a European army. It means greater cooperation between EU
members in carrying out humanitarian and peacekeeping tasks. The Union is also becoming more involved in
security issues, taking on greater responsibility for ensuring peace and stability in parts of the world close to its
own spheres of influence.
The Union attacks issues ranging from the need to fight the spread of AIDS and famine and to govern migration
flows to the campaigns against drugs and terrorism. They all require closer transnational cooperation since the
problems of today’s world can only really be solved by working together.
By broadening and deepening its contacts with partners, incorporating economic, trade and political dimensions
into those relationships, the European Union is adapting itself continuously its external policies and priorities..
It can now count on a diversity of interregional partnerships and cooperation agreements with countries on all
five continents.
Global commitment
Around a few years ago, the complete panoply of external relations was handled by just two Commission
departments. Now there are six. Overall coordination is assured by the External Relations Commissioner, Chris
Patten. He is helped by his colleagues who are in charge of sectoral policies – Poul Nielson (Development and
Humanitarian Aid), Günter Verheugen (Enlargement) and Pascal Lamy (Trade). He also works in close contact
with Javier Solana, the Secretary-General of the Council of Ministers and the first High Representative for the
Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP).
The Union has an widespread network around the world, which helps it to formulate and implement policy.
With quite a lot of foreign embassies in Brussels accredited to the EU, the Commission has over 120 of its own
delegations in third countries. Through this the Union’s bilateral links with nations of hugely differing size and
wealth are improved, promoting the EU’s policies and values and keeping Brussels informed of developments
on the ground.
The EU has regular summit meetings, once or twice a year, with its major partners such as the United States,
Japan, Russia and Canada. Both trade oriented and political discussions take place, including ways to protect
the environment, tackle international crime and drug trafficking and promote human rights. The Union makes
its views known in various multilateral forums such as the United Nations, the World Bank and the
Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe and works with them to better secure the common
objectives of peace and security.
Common foreign and security policy
The European Union’s common foreign and security policy (CFSP) was introduced in 1993 by the Treaty on
European Union (Maastricht Treaty), following over 20 years of political cooperation between the EU
countries.
Since then, some 70 common positions have been adopted on foreign policy issues ranging from the Balkans to
East Timor and from the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons to counter-terrorism. Once adopted, Member
States are required to adhere to common positions, which the Presidency defends at the United Nations.
Trade: removing barriers, spreading growth
Since 1999, almost a fifth of all world exports accrues towards the EU making it the world’s biggest trading
partner. Since its earliest days, the EU has been committed to removing trade barriers between its individual
members on the grounds that this will stimulate economic prosperity and national and individual well-being. It
has championed the same principles on the world stage.
The multilateral trading system has been progressively liberalised through a series of international negotiations
over the past half-century. During that time, the following has happened
• world trade has grown seventeen – fold
• world production has more than quadrupled
• world per capita income has doubled and
• average tariffs applied by industrialised countries have dropped from 40 % in 1940 to under 4 %.
The EU believes that multilateral trade liberalisation can yield very substantial benefits for the global economy
and that much of this should go to developing regions. This will in turn improve social conditions worldwide.
The Union is one of the strongest advocates of continuing this trend by pressing for as wide an agenda as
possible in the next round of World Trade Organisation (WTO) talks involving 137 countries. Despite the
setback at the ministerial meeting held in Seattle in December 1999, the EU is still committed to a broad
agenda and is convinced the benefits will be significant.
Two European Commission studies conclude that further trade liberalisation could help sustainable
development and bring about an annual welfare gain for the world of up to 420 billion euro. Economic growth
translates into employment as the Union itself has shown with the creation of half a million new jobs after the
abolition of its own internal trade barriers.
This could mean more business opportunities, more efficient allocation of resources and more wealth. Further
reductions in tariffs will enable business to better exploit export potential because trade flows will be driven
increasingly by quality, price and service and be less impeded by artificial obstacles like tariffs.
World Trade Organisation
EU believes that the next WTO negotiations should not be limited to the narrow agenda of agriculture and
services left over from the last Uruguay round. It must cover both traditional topics and new issues to allow all
participants to have an interest in the negotiations and meet the needs of the economy of the 21st century.
When a new round of WTO negotiations is launched, the Union believes it should cover at least four main areas
if it is to be comprehensive and successful. In the EU’s view, the round should:
• improve market access across the board, including agriculture, services and non-agricultural products;
• set rules in a number of new areas such as investment, competition and trade facilitation;
• focus more on development
• address a number of civil society concerns, by clarifying WTO rules on trade and environmental
agreements, labelling, public health and the application of the precautionary principle.
Japan
The second largest national economy after the United States, accounting for two thirds of Asian GDP and 14 %
of the global economy, Japan is one of the Union’s major trading partners and its third largest foreign market.
While there had been friction during the 1980s over trade imbalances and the difficulties European firms
encountered in exporting to Japan 1991 saw a a constructive relationship between the two partners. There was
an approval of an EU strategy in 1995 on Europe and Japan. This will launch a ‘decade of Japan-Europe
cooperation’ beginning in 2001 in four key areas: promoting peace and security, strengthening the economic
and trade partnership, coping with global and societal challenges and bringing people and cultures together.
One of the Union’s major concerns has been to ensure that European exporters and investors are not prevented
from entering the Japanese market by unnecessarily restrictive red tape and bureaucratic regulations. They
achieved this since 1995 through the regulatory reform dialogue aimed at removing structural and other
obstacles facing exporters. The Union is also keen to see fewer obstacles to European investment in Japan.
Japanese direct foreign investment is seven times greater in the EU than European investment in Japan.
Asia
During the past two decades, EU-China trade increased more than 20 fold and was worth 70 billion euro in
1999. China is the Union’s third largest non-European trading partner after the United States and Japan and the
EU is China’s fourth largest source of imports. In 1999, the Union became the largest foreign direct investor in
the country, excluding Hong Kong, with 4.5 billion euro. It has been a strong supporter of Chinese membership
of the World Trade Organisation and has worked closely with the United States to help bring this about. In
summer 2000, the two parties completed their lengthy bilateral negotiations on China’s accession to the WTO.
Under the terms of the EU-China WTO accession agreement, China agreed to substantial reductions on import
tariffs for over 150 leading European exports, ranging from machinery to wines and spirits. This will make it
easier for European distributors and companies to operate in China.
Relations with India too are also moving up a gear as they broaden from dialogue and cooperation to
partnership. That shift was epitomised by major initiatives in 2000. These included the first EU-India Summit
and wider contacts between officials, policy-makers, opinion formers and civil society.This is in addition to the
extensive commercial contacts which already exist. The EU is India’s most important partner in trade,
investment and development cooperation. Indian exports to the Union grew from 1.8 billion euro in 1980 to 9.8
billion euro in 1998. Similar growth can be seen in trade going in the other direction which has risen from 2.4
billion to 9.5 billion euro.
Latin America and Mexico
The EU has organised its relations with Latin American countries around the recognition of three sub-regional
groups: Central America, the Andean Community and Mercosur, as well as individual countries like Chile and
Mexico. The Andean countries enjoy easier access to the European market under the ‘generalised system of
preferences’ and the EU works closely with them on a programme to tackle drug trafficking. Caribbean
countries enjoy trade preferences with the EU, while Cuba is the only Latin American country not to have
signed a cooperation agreement with the Union.
Promoting development, fighting poverty
The Union provides 55 % of all international official assistance, and is by far its biggest trader and foreign
investor. It grants non-reciprocal trade preferences, along with more favourable arrangements for the least
developed.
The marginalisation of many economies, the increase in poverty in the world, the need to manage better
environmental interdependencies, the destabilising effects of migration, and the consequences of armed
conflicts, natural disasters and pandemics are major concerns for everyone and Europe’s citizens
understandably expect effective EU action in tackling them.
New emphasis on helping the world’s poor
The Union’s fights against poverty is the central thrust of the EU’s development policy efforts as it concentrates
its attention on a more limited number of policy areas.
Foreign direct investment into developing countries has soared in the past decade, rising from 29 billion euro in
1990 to 185 billion euro in 1998. But it is unevenly spread. Some 55 % goes to the top five developing nations,
while the 48 least developed, many of them in Africa, receive less than 1 %.
The EU limits its activities to those areas where it can offer comparative advantages and added value. It has
selected six: trade for development, regional integration and cooperation, macroeconomic policies linked with
poverty reduction strategies, reliable and sustainable transport, food security and sustainable rural development
strategies, and institutional capacity building to consolidate good governance and the rule of law.
ACP-EU Partnership
The lynchpin of the EU’s development policy is the Cotonou Agreement which binds it with African,
Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries and is the most ambitious and comprehensive agreement between
developed and developing countries.
The Cotonou Agreement was signed in June 2000 in the capital of Benin, which is the origin for the informal
name of the agreement. It sets out an integrated and comprehensive approach to development, poverty
eradication, trade and a political dialogue that includes conflict prevention, human rights and democratisation
and issues of mutual concern such as migration. The EU has agreed to implement an immigration and asylum
policy founded on the principle of partnership with the originating countries and regions.
The Union has agreed special trade concessions for all least developed countries, of which 39 are signatories of
the Cotonou Agreement.
Human rights
The importance which the European Union attaches to respect for human rights around the world was
underlined by two developments in 1999. For the first time, responsibility for this area was given to one
Commissioner – Chris Patten, the External Relations Commissioner. The second, was the publication of the
first annual report on human rights documenting the EU’s policies, priorities and practices in this area.
This commitment to human rights and a legal framework are reflected in the Union’s common foreign and
security policy provisions and in its development cooperation programme. Every new agreement between the
EU and a third country includes a human rights clause allowing for trade benefits and development cooperation
to be suspended if abuses are established.
Recent News
June 11, 2010
The E.U. has moved environmental standards for biofuels used in Europe, requiring biofuels to deliver
“substantial reductions” in greenhouse gas emissions and not result in conversion of forests or wetlands,
according to a statement from the European Commission.
The plan calls for industry, governments and NGOs to set up “voluntary schemes” which certify that biofuels
used in the E.U. meet sustainability criteria. The “sustainable biofuel certificates” will be policed by
independent auditors.
*****

China – Taiwan Conflict

Wednesday, June 9th, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
The tensions between China and Taiwan find their roots in the 1949 Chinese revolution, when communists led
by Chairman Mao claimed control of the mainland. The then Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek withdrew to
Taiwan, with two million refugees, vowing to reclaim the mainland. China’s main motive to keep Taiwan under
their jurisdiction is that it will strengthen China strategically. The Communist Government in Beijing has sworn
to all the international nations that whatever power required shall be applied keep the island conquered under
them. Mainland China has considered Taiwan a renegade province ever since communist forces drove the
nationalists off the mainland in 1949. China has repeatedly threatened to use military power against the island if
it declares independence and has staged a series of naval exercises off the coast of Taiwan.
The actual conflict arises from The Taiwan relations Act which was established to combat communism and aid
in the spread of globalization and capitalism. The Act declares that if any outside Nation attacks Taiwan, the
US should come to its defense. Since it was made during the Cold War Era, the situation does not prevail now.
The China Government is ready to support the economic and political stability in entire East Asia but do not
want to come into any compromise where Taiwan’s Independence is concerned. While Chinese leaders prefer
peaceful means for dealing the pro independence course of Taiwan’s pro independence course, the potential for
a major conflict remains high. Whenever the Taiwanese moves towards independence they are backed by the
US Neo conservatives. They look up to China as a potential military rival and have been putting greater arms
sale from US.
History
With the incursion of so many refugees in 1949, bitterness grew between the millions of native Taiwanese and
the mainland newcomers. The tensions reached such a point that Chiang imposed a “perpetual” martial law
over the island for the next 38 years. Thousands of opponents were executed under his rule, and severe
restrictions were placed on civil and political liberties.
1945-1949 Civil War
The end of the World War II saw Taiwan being handed over to the control of mainland China, under the
Kuomintang (nationalist) government of General Chiang Kai-shek. The move brought to an end more than 50
years of Japanese control.
Chiang left no stone unturned to quickly formalise the island’s status as a province of China. Taiwan itself
initially welcomed liberation from Japanese rule, but many quickly came to resent the corruption of the new
government and what was seen as the exploitation of Taiwanese resources for mainland post-war
reconstruction. Taiwanese industry, which had been closely tied to Japan, was redirected to supply the needs of
the mainland and the island’s economy slid into crisis. Unemployment soared and, as protests grew, a brutal
crackdown took place in 1947.
This led to the “the White Terror” when an estimated 18,000 – 30,000 members of the island’s native-born
political and academic elite were executed as Chiang’s government asserted its control. For decades afterwards
the government insisted the action was a crackdown on communists and gangsters.
The war with the Japanese came to an end but not so the civil war on the mainland with Mao Zedong’s
communist forces resuming more fiercely than ever with the communists increasingly gaining the upper hand.
As defeat loomed hundreds of thousands of Chiang’s soldiers defected to the communist side.

1949-1955 Withdrawal to Taiwan

In October 1949 Chairman Mao’s communists took control on the mainland. Chiang Kai-shek withdrew his
Kuomintang army to Taiwan, taking with him China’s entire gold reserves. He was followed by more than 1.5
million refugees who fled with him adding to resentment among native Taiwanese against what they saw as a
mainland invasion.
In December Chiang declared Taipei the temporary capital of China, vowing that he would eventually “recover
the mainland”. He also issued a decree imposing perpetual martial law – an order not rescinded until 38 years
later. As part of the claim to represent all China, all the institutions of mainland government were transferred to
Taiwan, including the parliament, which had representatives for all mainland provinces.
Harsh restrictions were imposed on civil and political liberties by Chiang’s government, jailing or executing
thousands of opponents and clamping down on the use of native Taiwanese dialects.
Initially the US kept well out of the stand-off between the two Chinas. But with the outbreak of the Korean War
in 1950 and Chinese troops fighting in Korea, Taiwan was seen as part of the west’s bulwark against
communist expansionism. The US poured in money and military supplies. A planned communist invasion in
1950 was thwarted when President Truman ordered the US 7th Fleet into the Taiwan Straits.
U.S. President Harry S. Truman ordered the 7th Fleet into the Taiwan Strait to prevent possible Chinese attack
on the island. It was the first time the United States had intervened in the conflict between the island and
mainland. The U.S. considered Taiwan a buffer against communist expansion in Asia and provided the island
money and military supplies.

1955-1972 Cold War Fortress

Despite sporadic attacks from the mainland Taiwan enjoyed huge economic growth during the 1950s and early
60s, backed up by massive inflows of US funds and demand for its products.
Domestically President Chiang’s was a increasingly dictatorial ruler, backed up by the military secret service,
the Taiwan Garrison Command. Chiang’s position was under challenge from two sides. On the one hand there
was growing support for outright independence among the native
During the 1960s some native Taiwanese, upset by the rule of the mainland minority, began to call for
independence from China. It was during this time that focus shifted from reclaiming the mainland to developing
the island itself.
Taiwanese resented what they saw as minority rule by mainlanders. On the other, there was the ever-present
threat of communist invasion.
As the Kuomintang government began to absorb a younger generation of mainlanders and native Taiwanese,
the focus slowly began to shift from reconquest of the mainland to the development of the island itself. But
much of the real power remained firmly in the hands of President Chiang and his son, Chiang Ching-kuo.
In the late 1960s Taiwan began to lose out to the shifting tide of Cold War politics. Washington and Beijing
developed closer ties to counter what they saw as Soviet expansionism and it seemed that Taiwan was losing
the support of its principal international backer. But it was also during this period that the U.S. and other
countries began improving relations with China as a way to prevent Soviet expansionism
In 1971 with international favour swinging towards Beijing, Taipei lost possession of China’s seat on the UN
Security Council to the mainland government. In disgust Chiang walked out of the UN.

1972-1986
Yet another hard blow came by Taiwan when US President Richard Nixon’s made his historic visit to China in
1972, paving the way for Washington and Beijing to establish diplomatic relations seven years later. Under its
“one China” policy Beijing insisted that countries wanting to establish diplomatic relations must automatically
break off official ties with Taipei and during the 1970s other western countries and their allies followed
Washington’s lead.
To counter act this, pro-Taiwan members of the US Congress passed the Taiwan Relations Act, allowing for the
sale of defence equipment to Taiwan and providing vague guarantees for the island’s security. Nonetheless as
China made its way onto the world stage Taiwan found itself increasingly pushed off it.
President Chiang died in 1975 and three years later his son replaced him as president, raising opposition alarm
that the appointment heralded the start of a Chiang dynasty.
In 1979 opposition groups organised a protest rally in the southern city of Kaohsiung to mark International
Human Rights Day.
The United States formally recognized the People’s Republic of China, severing official diplomatic relations
with Taiwan, now under the rule of Chiang’s son, Chiang Ching-kuo. The U.S. move meant that America
accepted Beijing’s “one China” mandate and abandoned its defense pact with the island. Within months,
though, the U.S. Congress reinstated unofficial economic ties with Taiwan, including the sale of arms.
Democratic movements began to stir on Taiwan in 1979. A rally in the southern city of Kaohsiung turned
violent and was crushed by police. The leaders were arrested and later defended by a little-known, but
successful, maritime commerce lawyer named Chen Shui-bian. Chen, twenty years later, would become the
first non-Nationalist party elected Taiwanese president.
During the 1980s a series of financial scandals rocked the Kuomintang government and criticism grew of
Taiwan’s continued one-party rule. In 1985 Chiang opened talks with the domestic opposition and a year later
Taiwan’s first opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party, was born.

1986-1999 Path to Democracy

During the 1980s the process of democratisation became increasingly brisk. The dropping of martial law in
1987 and the death of President Chiang Ching-kuo a year later opened the door to a new era of Taiwanese
politics as Lee Teng-hui became the island’s first native-born president. Taiwan dropped its martial law in
1987, only a year before the death of Chiang Ching-kuo. On Chiang’s death, Vice President Lee Teng-hui
became the first native islander to become president, and in 1990, the National Assembly elected him to a full
six-year term.
In 1989 as pro-democracy protests swept China, Taiwan held its first elections in which parties other than the
Kuomintang were allowed to stand. A year later surviving members of parliament representing provinces on the
mainland were retired, ending Taipei’s claim to be the government of all China.
Taiwan’s confidence increased. It began to court diplomatic ties, offering trade and aid in return. Dialogue also
developed with Beijing but moves towards Taiwan asserting its de facto independence drew angry reactions
from the mainland.
Lee tried to strengthen diplomatic relations with countries around the world, including the U.S. In 1995
relations threatened to boil over when President Lee’s visit to the US and the build up to Taiwan’s first
democratic presidential elections sparked a tense military stand-off. Many in Taiwan said the mainland was
trying to influence voting in the election by the show of force.
The U.S. responded by sending warships to the straits, in what would become the largest show of naval force
since the Vietnam War. President Clinton ordered to aircraft carrier battle groups to patrol the area. The
elections went forward as planned and Lee decisively won a second term.
With President Lee re-elected by popular mandate in 1996, Taiwan’s relations with the mainland continued on
a rollercoaster ride. Economic links slowly expanded but Beijing remained edgy about Taiwan acting as an
independent state. Any hint that Taiwan was moving towards independence produced warnings of military
intervention.
The Hong Kong handover
In 1997, as Britain prepared to return control of Hong Kong to China, Taiwan conducted live military exercises
in the Straits. Experts said it was to demonstrate that Taiwan would not quietly follow the Hong Kong example.
The United States began shipping fighter jets to Taiwan that year, and on the island itself the pro-independence
Democratic Progressive Party won municipal elections.
In 1999, President Lee announced that Taiwan enjoyed a “special state-to-state relationship” with China. This
statement of implied state sovereignty angered Beijing. Taipei backed away from the position, but talks
between the two leaderships were cut off.

2000-2002 Independence Dilemma

A new rift between Taiwan and China was threatened by the election to the presidency in March 2000 of Chen
Shui-bian of the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).
But Chen, a former lawyer with a populist touch, took care not to antagonise Beijing during the election.
He promised not to declare independence so long as Beijing did not use force against Taiwan. He also pledged
not to hold a referendum on independence or reunification and offered several concessions and gestures
towards China, such as opening up direct trade links.
But China remained distrustful of Chen’s motives, regularly claiming his real ambition was to attain full
independence for the island.
The lack of progress with China, which continued to refuse to hold talks with Chen, may have prompted him to
take a harder line.
In August 2002 he made a veiled threat to hold a referendum and referred to China and Taiwan as each being a
country on either side of the Taiwan Strait – “one side, one country”.
China has always seen Taiwan as a renegade province and Mr Chen’s comments were seen by some as a coded
call for formal independence.
Analysts said the comments appeared to have been designed to win the support of independence activists inside
the DPP. But with China hanging on his every word, Mr Chen must have known his comments would infuriate
Beijing too.
A Timeline of Relations between Taiwan and China
1949 – Communist forces led by Mao Zedong defeat Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalists, driving him and more
than a million followers to Taiwan. Chiang sets up a government-in-exile and vows to “recover the mainland”.
1954 – The U.S. signs a mutual-defense treaty with Taiwan.
1958 – China attacks the island of Quemoy, a base for about 100,000 Nationalist troops in the Taiwan Strait, in
a bid to “liberate” Taiwan. The U.S. deploys the Seventh Fleet; the Chinese back off.
1971 – Taiwan is expelled from the United Nations and its seat given to China, following a secret visit to
Beijing by the then U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.
1972 – U.S. President Richard Nixon visits China, paving the way for the resumption of full diplomatic
relations between the two nations and leading to the end of formal U.S. ties with Taiwan.
1979 – The U.S. cuts formal links with Taiwan and agrees to abide by Beijing’s “one China” policy
1987 – Taiwan lifts martial law after 38 years and allows its nationals to visit relatives in China for the first
time
1988 – Lee Teng-hui becomes the island’s first native Taiwanese President, and democratic reforms begin to
take hold
1989 – China fears that Taiwan will declare a formal split after the pro-independence Democratic Progressive
Party (DPP) fares well in parliamentary and local-government polls.
1993 – The first high-level talks between China and Taiwan take place in Singapore
1995 – A visit to the U.S. by President Lee prompts China to perform missile tests and military exercises in the
Taiwan Strait just before the island’s first presidential election by universal suffrage. Lee wins.
1999 – Lee infuriates Beijing by saying China and Taiwan enjoy a “special state-to-state relationship,”
implying that Taiwan is an independent sovereign nation.
2000 – DPP candidate Chen Shui-bian, also a native Taiwanese, is elected President, ending more than 50 years
of Kuomintang rule.
2001 – Taiwan eases restrictions on its companies wanting to invest in China. Two journalists from the
mainland’s Xinhua News Agency become the first Chinese reporters to visit Taiwan under the island’s new
“open door” policy
2002 – President Chen defines the status quo as “one country on each side of the Taiwan Strait,” sparking
criticism from Beijing and his domestic opponents
2003 – A Taiwan airliner makes the first civilian flight to the mainland since 1949. Chen, meanwhile,
announces plans for a referendum on election day on March 20, 2004, to ask voters whether the island should
increase its defense budget and engage in dialogue with Beijing
2005 – Taiwanese and Chinese airlines fly the first nonstop charter flights between the two sides for the
Chinese New Year.
2008- Taiwan Presidential election
Shortly after its legislative elections, Taiwan held a presidential election on March 22, 2008. Former President
Chen Shui-Bian was a second-term incumbent, and thus barred from re-election. The two official candidates
were the Democratic Progressive Party’s Frank Hsieh and the Kuomintang’s Ma Ying-Jeou. Ma Ying-Jeou won
the election by a large margin
Today’s Scenario – May 26, 2010
A Chinese ballistic and cruise missile buildup targeting Taiwan could ultimately undermine the strategic
security of other nations in Asia as well as the United States, certain reports.
China is believed to have more than 1,000 missiles trained on Taiwan. While Taiwan has an autonomous
government, Beijing claims the island state as its territory and has threatened to use force should it pursue
formal independence.
“Driven in large measure by a Taiwan scenario, China’s capacity to conduct a successful aerospace campaign
to quickly gain a decisive advantage in the air is growing faster than the defenses that its neighbors, including
Taiwan, Japan, perhaps India, and even U.S. forces operating in the Western Pacific, can field,” the
Washington Times quoted the report, Evolving Aerospace Trends in the Asia-Pacific Region, as stating.
Highly accurate long-range missiles developed by Beijing “are altering the strategic landscape,” the document
says, noting that such weapons include ground-launched cruise missiles and ballistic missiles with non-nuclear
warheads.
Because of their speed, precision, and difficulties in fielding viable defenses, these systems — if deployed in
sufficient numbers — have the potential to provide [China] with a decisive military edge in the event of conflict
over territorial or sovereignty claims as per analysts Ian Easton and former Air Force Maj. Mark Stokes.
The analysts add that the buildup could prompt China’s neighbors to seek similar defense capabilities and that
China’s missile-based strategy has the potential to start an arms race in long-range precision strike capabilities.
China has also begun work on a ballistic missile that could target an aircraft carrier, according to the
assessment.
The nation has deployed short-range missiles to installations at Ganzhou, Jinhua, Leping, Meizhou and
Yongan, and medium-range missiles to bases at Chuixiong, Chizhou, Kurle, Laiwu and Qimen, the document
states.
The country has placed land-based cruise missiles at its Guiyang, Liuzhou and Yichun bases, the analysis
asserts.
The report warns that over time, the same capabilities arrayed against Taiwan could be brought to bear in
pursuit of other sovereignty claims around the country.
Combined with improvements to China’s air capabilities and regional monitoring systems, its missile
development has “profound strategic implications for the U.S.,” according to the document. Reporters warn that
given the certainty of the Asia-Pacific to U.S. global interests, China’s aerospace development certainly
warrants further attention.
China is this month to carry out its largest military exercises of the year aimed at sending a ’substantial
warning’ to Taiwan separatists. While a recent Pentagon report warns that China is considering further coercive
moves, Beijing accuses the United States of fabricating a ‘China threat’ to continue arms sales to Taiwan.
Although cross-straits relations have improved in recent months, with Beijing and Taipei seeking closer
business links, muted saber rattling continues.
The China Taiwan Conflict seems to go a long way before any constructive measures are taken on both sides.

*****

Parliamentary Procedures of India – Part 1

Friday, June 4th, 2010
Thangai VS Annan
Dear Indian Civil Services Aspirants,
This Article on the Parliamentary Procedures of India will be of immense use for your preparation to the Civil
Services Exams and subsequent personality test. Best wishes for your success. Go ahead:
Parliamentary procedure, often used interchangeably with “parliamentary law,” is more correctly defined as
parliamentary law in combination with the rules of order that a given assembly or organization has adopted.
Parliamentary law is:
1. rules of the game of democracy.
2. rules that govern procedures by which civil and criminal laws are made and adopted.
3. rules and customs that govern deliberative and decision-making assemblies and organizations.
Principles
Parliamentary law is based upon
1. the will of the majority;
2. the right of the minority to be heard;
3. protection of the rights of absentees;
4. courtesy and justice for all; and
5. consideration of one subject at a time.
Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in the Rajya Sabha contain various procedural devices to enable
members to raise matters of public importance on the floor of the House. By conventions and practices some
other devices have also developed without having any specific sanction of the rule book.
According to the Constitution of India, the union legislative body is called the Parliament. Also called as
Sansad in Hindi, the Parliament includes the President and the two Houses – the Council of States (Rajya
Sabha) and the House of the People (Lok Sabha). This kind of system, with two Houses, is called a bicameral
legislature.
Rajya Sabha:
The Upper House of Parliament is the Rajya Sabha (Council of States). It has a maximum of 250 members, out
of which 12 members are nominated by the President for their expertise in specific fields of art, literature,
science, and social services. The remaining 238 members are elected by the States and Union Territories.
Every member serves for a term of six years. At the end of two years, one third of its members retire. The Rajya
Sabha is a permanent body and unlike the Lok Sabha, it cannot be dissolved at any time. Both Houses have
equal legislative powers. But in the area of finance the Lok Sabha is given overriding powers. The Vice-
President of India is the ex-officio Chairman of the Rajya Sabha. A Deputy Chairman is however elected from
among its members, who take care of the day-to-day working of the House.
Lok Sabha:
The Lok Sabha (House of the People) is the Lower House of the Parliament. The members are directly elected
by the people of the country. Eligible candidates are all citizens who have attained 18 years of age and are
otherwise not disqualified to vote under the law. The maximum strength of the Lok Sabha can be 552 members.
While up to 530 members can represent territorial constituencies in the states, up to 20 members would
represent the Union Territories, and two members would be appointed by the President to represent the Anglo-
Indian community if there is inadequate representation of the community. The minimum age for qualification
as a member of the Lok Sabha is 25 years. Each Lok Sabha is formed for a period of five years, at the end of
which the House is dissolved. The House can be dissolved before the completion of the term or it can be
extended by a Proclamation of Emergency. The period of extension cannot exceed one year at a time. A
Speaker and a Deputy Speaker, elected by the members of the Lok Sabha, conduct day-to-day business. The
Deputy Speaker presides during the absence of the Speaker.
Government of India
The formal, constitutional head of Republic of India is the President. Once the Lok Sabha elections are over,
the President invites the leader of the party or parties with the majority of votes in the Lok Sabha, to form the
Government. The President appoints the leader of the majority party as the Prime Minister and on the advice of
the Prime Minister appoints other ministers. The ministers can be chosen from both Houses of Parliament.
The political power is vested with the Prime Minister and his team of ministers. The Council of Ministers
constitutes the Government of India and the government is headed by the Prime Minister. The Council of
Ministers, headed by the Prime Minister, is responsible for the governance of the country and is collectively
responsible to the Lok Sabha. If the Lok Sabha passes a motion of no-confidence against the Council of
Ministers, they are under constitutional obligation to resign. As the leader of the majority, the Prime Minister is
also the Leader of the House. He has to perform certain parliamentary functions like proposing dates of calling
the House in session to the Speaker and drawing up programme of the official business.
The leader of the largest party in opposition in each House is designated as the Leader of the Opposition.
Functions of Parliament
Where India is concerned, the members of the Parliament also belong to the Council of Ministers. There is an
overlap of the legislative and executive functions for several members. For those members who are part of the
Council of Ministers, there is an additional responsibility of the executive as compared to those who are not in
the Council of Ministers.
The broad functions of Parliament can be described as follows:
1. Legislative: To pass laws
2. Supervisory: To ensure that the executive (i.e. government) performs its duties satisfactorily.
3. Representative: To represent the views and aspirations of the voters in Parliament.
4. “Power of the Purse”: To approve and oversee the revenues and expenditures proposed by the government
President’s role
The President is directly elected by an electoral college that includes elected members of both Houses of
Parliament and the elected members of the Legislative Assemblies of the States. The President performs certain
constitutional functions:
1. He summons the two Houses of Parliament to meet from time to time.
2. He has the power to discontinue a session in the two Houses and dissolve the Lok Sabha.
3. The President has to agree to sign a Bill before it can become a law.
4. If the Houses are not in session, the President can enact or promulgate Ordinances having the same validity
as a law passed in Parliament.
5. The President has the power to appoint Speaker of the Lok Sabha and the Chairman of Rajya Sabha on an
interim basis.
6. The President has the right to address either or both Houses of Parliament.
7. The President has the power to call both Houses for a joint sitting in case a dispute arises over passing a Bill.
In the joint sitting, the matter is decided by majority vote.
8. He nominates 12 members of the Rajya Sabha and has the right to nominate two members from the Anglo
Indian community to the Lok Sabha if they are under-represented.
9. He invites the leader of the majority party to form the Government after a new Lok Sabha is duly elected.
Special powers of Rajya Sabha
1. Rajya Sabha can declare that it would be in the national interest for the Parliament to make laws on any
subject in the State List ; and
2. Rajya Sabha is empowered to make laws creating one or more All India Services, which would be common
to the Union and State, if it is deemed to serve the national interest.
3. The services such as the Indian Administrative Service, Indian Police Service, and All-India Judicial Service
are part of the All India Services.
Qualifications and disqualifications for being a Member of Parliament
To be qualified to become a Member of Parliament a person must be:
1. a citizen of India;
2. not less than 30 years of age in the case of the Rajya Sabha
3. not less than 25 years in the case of the Lok Sabha; and
4. a voter for any parliamentary constituency in India, (in the case of the Rajya Sabha a candidate must be
registered as an elector in the State or Union Territory from where he is to be chosen).
There are, however, certain disqualifications for becoming a member. A person would be ineligible for being a
member of either House of Parliament if the person:
1. holds any office of profit under the government other than an office declared by Parliament by law not to
disqualify its holder;
2. is of unsound mind;
3. is an un-discharged insolvent;
4. has ceased to be a citizen of India;
5. is so disqualified by any law made by Parliament;
6. is so disqualified on the ground of defection
Besides, certain laws enumerate further disqualifications. Also a person should not have been convicted or
punished, among other things,
1. for promoting enmity between different groups or convicted for the offence of bribery
2. for preaching and practising social crimes such as untouchability, dowry, sati,
If he has been punished or convicted because of the above charges, he will be disqualified from being chosen as
a member. There are also disqualifications on the ground that the person is convicted for an offence and
sentenced to imprisonment; and for a government servant dismissed for corruption or for disloyalty to the State.
Definition of a Bill
The Parliament or the central legislative (or law making) body has as one of its primary functions that of
making laws. Any legislative proposal can be brought before the Parliament. The draft of a legislative proposal
is known as a Bill. For a Bill, whether it is introduced by the Government or a private member, to become law
or Act of Parliament it should receive the approval of the President of India.
Types of the Parliamentary Bills
Broadly, there are two types of Bills:
1. Government Bills: Any Bill initiated by the government is a Government Bill.
2. Private Members’ Bills: If the Bill is sponsored by any private member (a member who is not part of the
Council of Ministers is referred to as a private member) in either House of Parliament, it is known as a Private
Members’ Bill.
Although most laws are made through Government Bills, the Private Members’ Bill serves the purpose of
highlighting any changes needed in the existing law or the need for a particular legislation.
Bills may be further classified on the basis of their content.
1. Ordinary Bills: Any Bill which is not a Constitution Amendment Bill or a Money Bill is classified as an
Ordinary Bill.
a. Original Bills (embodying new proposals, ideas or policies),
b. Amending Bills (to modify, amend or revise existing Acts),
c. Consolidating Bills (to consolidate existing law on a particular subject),
d. Expiring Laws (Continuance) Bills (to continue an expiring Act), and
e. Bills to replace Ordinances issued by the President.
2. Money and Financial Bills: Money and Financial Bills are treated separately from these Bills, because of
their special features.
3. The Constitution (Amendment) Bills: These refer to Bills that seek to amend the Constitution of India
Drafting of a Parliamentary Bill
The legislative proposal or the Bill should be drafted by the concerned ministry after weighing the various
political, administrative, financial, legal and constitutional implications. This is done after consultation of the
other ministries or State governments. Advice is also sought from the Ministry of Law, the Attorney General of
India, and other interest groups. The Ministry, then, prepares a proposal and examines it thoroughly before
submitting it to the Cabinet. Once the Cabinet approves the proposal, it is given the shape of a Bill to be
brought before the House.
Passage of an Ordinary Bill in Parliament
A Bill goes through three readings in both Houses before it becomes an Act.
First Reading: During the First Reading, the Bill is introduced by the minister in-charge after the Speaker grants
permission to do so. The Bill is then published in the Gazette of India. If the Bill has already been published in
the Gazette with the Speaker’s assent, the stage of introducing the Bill in the House can be bypassed.
Second Reading: The Second Reading is the most vital stage for the Bill because it is scrutinized thoroughly
during this period. This Reading is divided in two stages.
First Stage in Second Reading:
Initially, only the principles of the Bill are discussed. There is no in-depth discussion about the details of the
Bill. The Bill may be
• referred to a Select Committee of Lok Sabha,
• to a Joint Committee of the Houses with the concurrence of Rajya Sabha and/or
• It may be circulated for the purposes of eliciting opinion. These committees are appointed on a temporary
basis in order to consider particular Bills referred to them.
At this time, either of the two Houses might refer the Bill to Departmentally Related Joint Standing Committee
of both Houses. This Committee also considers the Bill clause by clause and its members can move
amendments to various clauses. The Committee can also take evidence of experts, associations or public bodies
who are interested in the subject. After each clause and schedule have been considered and adopted by the
Committee, the Lok Sabha Secretariat prepares a report. This report is presented to the House for its
consideration.
Eliciting Opinion:
The Parliament may pass a motion that a Bill should be circulated to elicit the opinions of local bodies,
associations, individuals or institutions. In such a case, the Secretariat of the House circulates letters to all the
state governments and Union Territories asking them to publish the Bill in their respective local Gazettes. The
period for eliciting opinion is generally mentioned in the motion. If no mention is made, the State governments
have to send the opinions within three months of adopting the motion. The opinions are then tabled in
Parliament. The Bill again passes through the Committee stage. At this point, the House can debate on the Bill
as reported by the Committee. The debate is confined to the Bill as reported by the Committee.
The Second Stage: After the House decides to debate the Bill as reported by the Committee, the members
discuss each clause of the Bill separately. They can also amend the clauses. This is a long process where each
clause and amendment is discussed, adopted or rejected by the House. If an Amendment is accepted, it becomes
a part of the Bill.
Third Reading: At this stage, the Bill is discussed solely to determine whether to approve or reject it. Only
certain verbal, formal and consequential amendments are allowed to be moved at this stage. In order to pass an
Ordinary Bill, the simple majority of members present and voting is required.
Once the Bill has been approved by the originating House, it is sent to the other House. It goes through all the
three stages again. In case a Bill is passed by the originating House but rejected by the other House, the
President has the power to call a joint sitting of the two Houses. The decision to accept or reject a Bill is taken
by the majority of the total number of members of both Houses present and voting.
After both Houses of Parliament passes a Bill, it is presented to the President for his assent. If the President
does not agree to sign the Bill, it is rejected. However, the President generally acts on the advice of the Council
of Ministers, so he generally does not withhold consent against the advice of the ministers. He has the right to
seek information and clarification about the Bill. If the President gives his assent, the Bill becomes an Act.
Money Bill
According to the Constitution of India, a Bill is considered to be a Money Bill if it contains only provisions
dealing with all or any of the following matters, namely:
(a) the imposition, abolition, remission, alteration or regulation of any tax;
(b) the regulation of money borrowed by the Government of India or any guarantee given by the Government
of India. The Bill can also consider amendment of the law with respect to any financial obligations undertaken
or to be undertaken by the Government of India;
(c) the custody of the Consolidated Fund or the Contingency Fund of India , the payment of moneys into or the
withdrawal of moneys from any such Fund;
(d) the appropriation of moneys out of the Consolidated Fund of India;
(e) the declaring of a new item to be expenditure charged on the Consolidated Fund of India. Also, if there is
any increase in the amount of any such expenditure;
(f) the receipt of money on account of the Consolidated Fund of India or the public account of India or the
custody or the issue of such money or the audit of the accounts of the Union or of a State; or
(g) any matter incidental to any of the matters specified in sub-clauses (a) (f)
Only on the recommendation of the President, the Money Bill can only be introduced in the Lok Sabha. Also,
the Speaker of the House has the final authority to decide whether a Bill is a Money Bill or not. A Money Bill
cannot be introduced in Rajya Sabha nor can it be referred to a Joint Committee of Houses or be considered at a
Joint Sitting of the two Houses.
After being passed in the Lok Sabha, the Bill is sent to the Rajya Sabha. The Rajya Sabha may not amend
Money Bills but can recommend amendments. A Money Bill should be returned to the Lok Sabha within 14
days or the Bill is deemed to have passed both Houses in the form it was originally passed by the Lok Sabha.
The Lok Sabha has the discretion to accept or reject the recommended Amendments made by the Rajya Sabha.
The President does not have the power to return a Money Bill for reconsideration unlike an Ordinary Bill.
Financial Bill
Any Bills relating to revenue or expenditure is a Financial Bill. Those Bills which make provisions for any of
the matters specified in the Money Bills but do not contain solely those matters are known as Financial Bills.
For e.g. a Bill contains taxation clause, but does not deal solely with taxation. Financial Bill also includes
matters involving expenditure from the Consolidated Fund.
Differences between a Money Bill and a Financial Bill
1. All Financial Bills are not Money Bills.
2. A Financial Bill is considered to be a Money Bill solely when it contains matters specified in the
Constitution for a Money Bill.
3. Only those Financial Bills would be considered as Money Bills, which are certified by the Speaker.
4. A Financial Bill, which contains any matters specified for a Money Bill but does not deal exclusively with
such matters, has two features in common with a Money Bill:
5. It cannot be introduced in the Rajya Sabha
6. It cannot be introduced except on the recommendation of the President.
7. But, if the Bill is not classified as a Money Bill, the Rajya Sabha has full powers to reject or amend it as it
does in the case of Ordinary Bill. In case of disagreement over a Bill between the Houses, the President can call
for a joint sitting to resolve the deadlock.
8. A Financial Bill, which involves expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of India, is treated in the same
manner as an Ordinary Bill. Hence, it can be introduced in both the Houses and the Rajya Sabha has the full
power to reject or amend it. It also does not require the recommendation of the President for its introduction.
However, the President’s recommendation is necessary before the Bill can be passed by both the Houses.
Appropriation Bill
As the name suggests, the Appropriation Bill seeks to give legal authority to the Government to appropriate
expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of India. The Constitution says that no money can be withdrawn from
the Consolidated Fund without the enactment of law by the Parliament. A Bill that incorporates all the demands
for grants voted by the Lok Sabha as well as the expenditures charged on the Consolidated Fund, is introduced
in the Lok Sabha. This Bill is known as the Appropriation Bill. It is passed in the same manner as any other
Bills. But no amendments can be proposed to the Bill. After the Bill is passed by the Lok Sabha, the Speaker
certifies it as a Money Bill. Rajya Sabha can make recommendations over the Bill but it does not have the
power to amend or reject the Bill. Thereafter, the Bill is presented to the President for his assent.
Finance Bill
The Finance Bill incorporates all the financial proposals of the Government for the following year. It is
ordinarily introduced in the Lok Sabha every year, immediately after the Budget is presented. Discussions on
the Bill are restricted to matters relating to general administration and local grievances within the sphere of
responsibility of the Union Government. No discussion is permitted on the details of particular estimates. This
Bill has to be considered and passed by the Parliament and assented to by the President within 75 days after its
introduction. This Bill is certified as a Money Bill. Thus, Rajya Sabha can only make recommendations to the
Bill. It is up to the Lok Sabha to accept or reject such recommendations.
Bill becoming an Act
Firstly, a Bill has to be approved by both Houses of Parliament. Once the Bill is approved, it is sent to the
President for his assent. No Bill can become an Act without the assent of the President.
Amendment of the Constitution of India
The Parliament has the power to amend the Constitution of India through a set of procedures laid down in
Article 368. It is initiated by introducing a Bill in either House of the Parliament. Such a Bill may be introduced
either by the government or a private member. Generally, Constitution (Amendment) Bills brought forward by
a minister are introduced in the Lok Sabha. The Constitution (Amendment) Bill goes through three stages of
reading before the Bill is passed. Articles of the Constitution have been classified into three categories for the
purpose of amendment:
• Articles amendable by simple majority ;
• Articles, which require special majority for their amendment, i.e., by a majority of the total membership of
that House and by a majority of not less than two-thirds of the members of the House present and voting;
• Articles, which require a special majority as well as ratification by the legislatures of not less than one- half of
the States. The Constitution does not provide for any time limit within which the States must give their consent
for the ratification of a Constitution (Amendment) Bill, referred to them for this purpose.
Parliamentary privilege vs Contempt of the House
Parliamentary privilege can be defined as the set of special rights enjoyed by each House of Parliament and its
Committees collectively as a constituent part of Parliament and by members of each House individually. For
example: A member has immunity from any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote
given by him in Parliament. When any of these rights and immunities are disregarded or attacked by any
individual or authority, the offence is called a breach of privilege, and is punishable under the law. However,
the privileges have not been codified by law.
If any act obstructs either House of Parliament or its Committees from discharging their duties, it might amount
to Contempt of the House. For example, offering bribes to members to influence them in their Parliamentary
conduct is also a form of Contempt of Parliament.
*****

Parliamentary Procedures of India – Part 2

Friday, June 4th, 2010
Thangai VS Annan
Dear Indian Civil Services Aspirants,
This Article on the Parliamentary Procedures of India will be of immense use for your preparation to the Civil
Services Exams and subsequent personality test. Best wishes for your success. Go ahead:
Question Hour in Parliament
The first hour of every sitting in both Houses of Parliament is known as the Question Hour. During Question
Hour, the Members of Parliament have the right to question any administrative and governmental policy related
to the national as well as the international sphere. The questions asked in both Houses of Parliament are
generally addressed to the ministers. These questions can be categorised as Starred Questions, Unstarred
Questions, and Short Notice Questions. A member has to give notice to the Secretary-General of the concerned
House that he wants to ask a question.
Question hour in other legislatures
This sort of a process where elected representatives ask questions that are replied by the Prime Minister or other
government ministers is part of parliamentary tradition in many other countries. The Question Hour in the
Indian Parliament is similar to the Prime Minister’s Questions in the House of Commons in the United
Kingdom, the First Minister’s Questions in the Scottish Parliament and National Assembly for Wales, the
Question Period in the federal Parliament and provincial legislatures of Canada and the Question Time in
Australia and New Zealand.
Types of Parliamentary Questions:
There are three categories of questions addressed to ministers. They are:
• Starred Questions: Questions which have to be answered orally on the floor of the House, carrying an
asterisk mark are called starred questions. The member is allowed to ask a supplementary question after the
reply from the Minister concerned.
• Unstarred Questions: Questions answered in a written form and which do not carry the asterisk mark are
called unstarred questions. After the reply has been provided, no supplementary question can be asked.
• Short Notice Questions: A minimum 10 day notice is to be given to ask a question in Parliament normally.
However, if a Member seeks to ask a question urgently and cannot wait for 10 days, in such cases it is allowed
to ask the question before 10 days. Such questions are called short notice questions.
Business after Question Hour
After the Question Hour, the House takes up miscellaneous items of work before proceeding to the main
business of the day. These may consist of one or more of the following:-
Adjournment Motions, Questions involving breaches of Privileges, Papers to be laid on the Table,
Communication of any messages from Rajya Sabha, Intimations regarding President’s assent to Bills, Calling
Attention Notices, Matters under Rule 377, Presentation of Reports of Parliamentary Committee, Presentation
of Petitions, – miscellaneous statements by Ministers, Motions regarding elections to Committees, Bills to be
withdrawn or introduced.
Zero Hour in Parliament
Dictionaries describe a Zero Hour as “the hour at which a planned, especially military operation is timed to
begin” or “a crucial moment” or a time set for the beginning of an attack’.
Zero Hour denotes the time immediately following the Question Hour in both Houses of Parliament. It starts at
12 noon. It came to be called an ‘Hour” also because very often it continued for one full hour, until the House
rose for lunch at 1 p.m. However, the duration of the Zero Hour has varied over the years. It is not possible to
predict what kind of matters might be raised during Zero Hour as there is no mention of any “Zero Hour” in the
rules of the Parliament. It is the press who coined the term “Zero Hour” during the early 1960s, when the
practice of raising urgent matters of public importance without prior notice developed. Although
euphemistically called Zero Hour, it may not last for an hour; it may last for some time which may be half-an-
hour or more or less. Sometimes it may also occupy full one hour or may even extend beyond an hour,
depending on the number of matters which members may like to raise and the gravity and importance of such
matters. It is also not necessary that there would be a Zero Hour every day during the session.
Half-an-Hour Discussion
Any matter of sufficient public importance, which has been the subject of recent questions in the Lok Sabha can
be discussed during a Half-an-Hour Discussion. Usually, the discussions take place in the last half-an-hour on
Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays. During the discussion, the member who has given notice makes a short
statement and not more than four members who have intimated earlier and have secured one of the four places
in the ballot are permitted to ask a question each for further elucidating any matter of fact. Thereafter, the
Minister concerned replies. There is no formal motion before the House nor voting.
Discussion on Matters of Urgent Public Importance
Members may raise discussions on matters of urgent public importance with the permission of the Speaker.
Such discussions may take place on two days in a week. No formal motion is moved in the House nor is there
any voting on such a discussion.
Debate in the House
After the member who initiates discussion on an item of business has spoken, other members can speak on that
item of business in such order as the Speaker may call upon them. Only one member can speak at a time and all
speeches are directed to the Chair. A matter requiring the decision of the House is decided by means of a
question put by the Speaker on a motion made by a member.
Division
A division is one of the forms in which the decision of the House is ascertained. Normally, when a motion is
put to the House members for and against it indicate their opinion by saying “Aye” or “No” from their seats.
The Chair goes by the voices and declares that the motion is either accepted or negatived by the House. If a
member challenges the decision, the Chair orders that the lobbies be cleared. Then the division bell is rung and
an entire network of bells installed in the various parts and rooms in Parliament House and Parliament House
Annexe rings continuously for three and a half minutes. Members and Ministers rush to the Chamber from all
sides. After the bell stops, all the doors to the Chamber are closed and nobody can enter or leave the Chamber
till the division is over. Then the Chair puts the question for second time and declares whether in its opinion the
“Ayes” or the “Noes”, have it. If the opinion so declared is again challenged, the Chair asks the votes to be
recorded by operating the Automatic Vote Recording Equipment.
Automatic Vote Recording System
With the announcement of the Speaker for recording the votes, the Secretary- General presses the button of a
key board. Then a gong sounds serving as a signal to members for casting their votes. For casting a vote each
member present in the Chamber has to press a switch and then operate one of the three push buttons fixed in his
seat. The push switch must be kept pressed simultaneously until the gong sounds for the second time after 10
seconds.
There are two Indicator Boards installed in the wall on either side of the Speaker’s Chair in the Chamber. Each
vote cast by a member is flashed here. Immediately after the votes are cast, they are totalled mechanically and
the details of the results are flashed on the Result Indicator Boards installed in the railings of the Speaker’s and
Diplomatic Galleries.
Divisions are normally held with the aid of the Automatic Vote Recording Equipment. Where so directed by
the Speaker in terms of relevant provision in the Rules of Procedure etc. in Lok Sabha, Divisions may be held
either by distribution of ‘Aye’/'No’ and ‘Abstention’ slips to members in the House or by the members
recording their votes by going into the lobbies.
There is an Indicator Board in the machine room showing the name of each member. The result of Division and
vote cast by each member with the aid of Automatic Vote Recording Equipment appear on this Board also.
Immediately a photograph of the Indicator Board is taken. Later the Photograph is enlarged and the names of
members who voted ‘Ayes’ and for ‘Noes’ are determined with the help of the photograph and incorporated in
Lok Sabha Debates.
Quorum of the Houses of Parliament
Each session of the Lok Sabha can be initiated with a quorum of 55 members (one–tenth of the total
membership), including the Speaker or the person acting as such. Quorum should be ascertained at the
beginning of the sitting each day, before the Speaker takes the Chair. The quorum to constitute a meeting of
Rajya Sabha is one-tenth of the total number of members of the House, i.e. 25 members.
Prorogation of the House of Parliament
A prorogation means an order of the President which terminates the session of the House. The House may be
prorogued any time. Usually, however, prorogation follows the adjournment of the sitting of the House without
fixing a day for re-convening . The period between prorogation of the House and its reassembly in a new
session is termed as ‘inter-session period’.
The President acts on the advice of the Prime Minister before exercising his powers of deferring the House. The
Prime Minister, in turn, may consult the Cabinet before the advice is submitted to the President.
Ordinance
Ordinance simply put is a law made by the executive. In a democracy like India wherein the principle of
separation of powers, it is the prerogative of the legislature to make laws. However if the parliament is not in
session and when such extra-ordinary unforeseen and emergent circumstances exist wherein the legislation
can’t wait, then the President is empowered under the article 123 to legislate by promulgating ordinances.
Ordinances carry the full force of a law similar to one made by the legislature which also implies that it has
similar limitations like ordinary laws i.e an ordinance is null and void if it violates fundamental rights etc.
POTO (Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance) which later became POTA (Prevention of Terrorism Act) when the
Parliament approved it in a joint sitting, was an example of an Ordinance. The President can issue Ordinances if
he is satisfied that conditions exist that render it necessary to take immediate action. However, he cannot do so
if both Houses of Parliament are in session. He may issue an Ordinance to enforce the provisions of a Bill
pending before a House or to enforce the provisions of a Bill already passed by one House but not yet passed by
the other House. An Ordinance may also be introduced on an entirely new matter to be replaced subsequently
by a Bill. An Ordinance promulgated by the President has the same force and effect as an Act of Parliament.
The Ordinance ceases to operate at the expiration of six weeks from the reassembly of the Parliament. Both
Houses of Parliament have to approve the Ordinance within that period. If it is not approved by one of the
Houses, the Ordinance expires. The President can also withdraw it at any time.
‘Calling’
Every member (with prior consent of the Speaker) has the right to call the attention of a minister on any matter
of urgent public importance. This concept is unique to India. ‘Calling Attention’ allows a member to highlight
failure or inadequate action of Government on any important matter of public importance. This is similar to an
adjournment motion without its censure aspect. The minister is allowed to make a brief statement or request a
later date for making a statement.
Motion
In the Parliament, a member may introduce a motion in the form of a proposal. Thus, a Motion is a proposal for
eliciting decision or expressing the opinion of the House on a matter of public importance. Every question to be
decided by the House must be proposed as ‘Motion’. The consent of the Speaker or the Chairman is also
essential to initiate a motion.
All motions, notice of which is received in the Lok Sabha Secretariat under the rules, shall be classified under
the following categories, namely:–
1. Substantive Motions
2. Substitute Motions and
3. Subsidiary Motions, which are further divided into three classes:–
a. Ancillary Motions,
b. Superseding Motions, and
c. Amendments.
A Motion passes through four stages:
(i) Moving the Motion, (ii) Proposing the question by the Speaker/Chairperson, (iii) Debate or discussion where
permissible, and (iv) Vote or decision of the House.
Government motions generally aim at obtaining approval of the House for some policy or action of the
government. But motions moved by private members focus on eliciting opinion of the House on a particular
matter.
The rules governing these motions shall be as follows:–
Substantive Motions- A substantive motion is a self-contained independent proposal submitted for the
approval of the House and drafted in such a way as to be capable of expressing a decision of the House, e.g., all
resolutions are substantive motions.
Substitute Motions – Motions moved in substitution of the original motion for taking into consideration a
policy or situation or statement or any other matter are called substitute motions. Such motions, though drafted
in such a way as to be capable of expressing an opinion by themselves, are not strictly speaking substantive
motions inasmuch as they depend upon the original motion.
Subsidiary Motions- They depend upon or relate to other motions or follow upon some proceedings in the
House. They by themselves have no meaning and are not capable of stating the decision of the House without
reference to the original motion or proceedings of the House. Subsidiary motions are further divided into:–
(a) Ancillary Motions -They are motions which are recognized by the practice of the House as the regular way
of proceeding with various kinds of business. The following are the example of ancillary motions, namely:–
(i) That the Bill be taken into consideration.
(ii) That the Bill be passed.
(b) Superseding Motions.-They are motions which, though independent in form, are moved in the course of
debate on another question and seek to supersede that question. In that class fall all the dilatory motions. The
following motions are superseding motions in relation to the motion for taking into consideration a Bill:–
(i) That the Bill be re-committed to a Select Committee.
(ii) That the Bill be re-committed to a Joint Committee of the Houses.
(iii) That the Bill be re-circulated for eliciting further opinion thereon.
(iv) That consideration of the Bill or the debate on the Bill be adjourned sine die or to some future date.
(c) Amendments – They are subsidiary motions which interpose a new process of question and decision
between the main question and its decision. Amendments may be to the clause of a Bill, to a resolution or to a
motion, or to an amendment to a clause of a Bill, resolution or motion.
How is a motion moved in the Parliament
The Speaker calls the member concerned to move the motion and make a speech on the allotted day.
Thereafter, the Speaker places the motion before the House. The members who have given prior notice initiate
amendments and substitute motions and the discussion follows. At the conclusion of the discussion, the
amendments/ substitute motions are put to the vote of the House and disposed of.
Adjournment Motion
In Parliamentary parlance, ‘adjournment’ means a break or termination of the debate on a
Motion/Resolution/Bill in the House. Adjournment of the House terminates the sitting of the House. It may also
signify a brief break during a sitting of the House. Adjournment sine-die means termination of the sitting
without any definite date being fixed for its next sitting.
‘No-day-yet-named motion’
If the Speaker admits notice of a motion but no date is fixed for its introduction, then it is called a ‘No-day-yet-
named motion’. These are placed before the Business Advisory Committee, which selects the motions for
discussion in the House and also allots time for the same. The government motions get precedence over the
private members’ motions, as ‘No-day-yet-named motions’ are discussed in government time.
Motion of confidence and a motion of no-confidence
The changing political composition of the Parliament has led to a new procedure known as the Motion of
Confidence in the Council of Ministers. This practice has evolved in recent times whenever no single political
party is in a position to command the majority of the House. The procedure followed is as follows: a one line
motion under Rule 184 “that this House expresses its confidence in the Council of Ministers” is moved by the
Prime Minister on the direction of the President.
The Council of Ministers remains in office as long as they enjoy the confidence of the Lok Sabha. If the Lok
Sabha expresses a lack of confidence in the Council of Ministers, the Government is constitutionally bound to
resign. In order to ascertain the confidence, the rules provide for moving a motion to this effect, which is called
a No-confidence motion. A motion of No-confidence, once admitted, has to be taken up within 10 days of the
leave being granted. Rajya Sabha is not empowered to entertain a motion of No-confidence.
Censure Motion
A Censure Motion is a specific type of a No-confidence Motion. While a motion of no-confidence need not
specify any grounds on which it is based, a censure motion must reveal the grounds on which it is based. This
type of motion is moved for the specific purpose of censuring the government for certain policies and actions.
Censure motion can be moved against the Council of Ministers or an individual minister for the failure to act or
not to act or for their policy, and may express regret, indignation or surprise of the House at the failure of the
minister.
Resolution in the Parliament
A Resolution is a procedural means or a Substantive Motion to initiate a discussion on any matters of general
public interest. It might record either approval or disapproval by the House for an act or policy of the
government or convey a message, or commend, urge or request an action, or call attention to a matter or
situation for consideration by the government, or in such other forms as the Speaker may consider appropriate.
Similarly, in the Rajya Sabha resolutions may be in the form of declaration of opinion by the House or in such
other forms as the Chairperson considers appropriate Resolutions may be classified as private members’
resolutions, government resolutions and statutory resolutions. The last two and a half hours of a sitting every
alternate Friday are allotted for the discussion on the private members’ resolutions.
Government resolutions are initiated by ministers to seek the approval of the House for international treaties,
conventions or agreements to which the government is a party. Statutory resolutions may be moved either by a
minister or by a private member. Such resolutions are always tabled in pursuance of a provision in the
Constitution or an Act of Parliament.
Difference between a motion and a resolution
All Resolutions fall in the category of Substantive Motions. But all motions need not necessarily be substantive.
Further, all motions are not necessarily put to vote of the House, whereas all the resolutions are required to be
voted upon.
Budget
A Budget is an “annual financial statement” or an estimate of receipts and expenditure of the Government of
India. It is presented for the ensuing financial year, which at present begins on the 1 st of April every year in
such form as the Finance Minister may, after considering the suggestions, if any, of the Estimates Committee,
settle. There shall be no discussion of the Budget on the day on which it is presented to the House.
Demands for Grants
The Budget includes the estimated inflows and outflows of the Government for three years. It gives the actual
expenditure for the preceding year, the revised estimates for the current year and the budget estimates for the
next year. A separate demand shall ordinarily be made in respect of the grant proposed for each Ministry,
provided that the Finance Minister may include in one demand grants proposed for two or more Ministries or
Departments or make a demand in respect of expenditure which cannot readily be classified under particular
Ministries. Each demand shall contain first a statement of the total grant proposed and then a statement of the
detailed estimate under each grant divided into items.
The Pre-Budget Economic Survey is prepared by the Finance Ministry. The survey studies the overall
economic development in the country. It mainly focuses on areas like banking and capital markets, prices,
industry, agriculture and infrastructure. Other topics include trends in Gross Domestic Product (GDP), demand
and supply factors, fiscal developments to name a few.
Preparation and Presentation of the general Budget in India
The overall responsibility of preparing the budget rests with the Budget Division within the Finance Ministry.
The division takes cognizance of the availability of funds as well as the proposals from the numerous
departments and ministries. It also consults the Comptroller and Auditor-General. The budget, however, needs
the final approval of the Prime Minister before it can be presented in the Lok Sabha. The President decides on
which day the budget is to be presented. By convention, it is presented on the last day of February.
Budget presentation in Parliament
The Budget is presented in two parts:
• Railway Budget , pertaining to Railway finance; and
• General Budget, which gives an overall picture of the financial position of the Government of India,
excluding the Railways.
The Railway Budget and the General Budget are presented in the Lok Sabha by the Minister of Railways and
the Minister of Finance, respectively. The speech announcing the General Budget is divided into two parts:
Part A: dealing with the general economic survey of the country; and
Part B: containing the taxation proposals for the ensuing financial year.
Following the budget presentation, the annual financial statement relating to the Government of India (duly
authenticated by the Finance Minister) is laid on the table. Also, the Finance Bill is introduced at this time.
Vote on Account
If the Budget is not approved by 1st April or the current financial year, the Indian Constitution allows the Lok
Sabha to grant a Vote-on-Account. Generally, the passage of the budget crosses the beginning of the financial
year and it becomes necessary for the government to have enough funds to run the administration of the
country. Thus, Vote on Account is a special provision, which empowers the Lok Sabha to make any grant in
advance for a part of any financial year, pending the completion of the budgetary process.
Normally, the Vote on Account is granted for two months for a sum equivalent to one-sixth of the estimated
expenditure for the entire year under the various demands for grants. During an election year, the Vote on
Account may exceed that time. This provision is invoked once the general discussion on the Budget is over and
before the discussion on demands for grants is taken up. In case of Railway Budget, which is passed before 31st
March, no Vote on Account is needed, except during an election year.
A motion for vote on account shall state the total sum required and the various amounts needed for each
Ministry, Department or item of expenditure which compose that sum shall be stated in a schedule appended to
the motion.
Amendments may be moved for the reduction of the whole grant or for the reduction or omission of the items
whereof the grant is composed.
Discussion of a general character may be allowed on the motion or any amendments moved thereto, but the
details of the grant shall not be discussed further than is necessary to develop the general points.
In other respects, a motion for vote on account shall be dealt with in the same way as if it were a demand for
grant
Approval of the Budget in the Parliament
The procedure for approving the Budget in the Parliament involves many steps:
(a) Presentation of the Budget: The Finance Minister introduces the Budget in the Lok Sabha, in February,
with a speech giving an overview of the budget. A copy of the Budget is laid on the table of the Rajya Sabha at
the conclusion of the Finance Minister’s speech in the Lok Sabha. There is no discussion of the Budget on the
day in which it is presented.
(b) Discussion on the Budget: The Parliament allots some time for discussion after the presentation. The
Budget is discussed in two stages – the ‘General Discussion’ followed by a detailed “discussion and voting on
the demands for grants”. Besides, there are other opportunities for further discussions on financial proposals
during consideration and passing of Appropriation Bill and Finance Bill. The Rajya Sabha is restricted to
discussing the budget in general terms.
(c) Voting on Demands: After the prescribed period of debate is over, the Speaker uses his power to stop all
discussions and put all outstanding demands for grants to vote. This power is known as “Guillotine”. Voting on
demands is the exclusive preserve of the Lok Sabha. Demands for grants are subjected to Cut Motions by the
members of the Lok Sabha.
(d) Appropriation Bill: The Bill is introduced after all demands for grants are passed by the Lok Sabha. The
Bill paves the way for the enactment of Appropriation Act and is certified as a money Bill. It allows the
government to withdraw money from the Consolidated Fund of India.
(e) Finance Bill: This Bill includes all taxation proposals including any amendments and paves the way for
enacting the Finance Act.
Demands for Grants with regard to the Budget
Demands for Grants can be defined as requests made by the Executive to the Lok Sabha for the authority to
spend the amount asked for. Thus, they are related to the expenditure part of the Budget. The demands have to
be made in the form of motions. Members may disapprove a policy pursued by the Ministry or suggest
measures for economy in the administration or focus attention of the Ministry to specific local grievances.
Members can do so by moving subsidiary motions, called Cut Motions.
Cut Motion
A cut Motion is a veto power given to the members of the Lok Sabha to oppose the demand of Financial Bill
discussed by the Government. This can be effective tool to check the strength of the Government. If a cut
motion is adopted by the House and the Government doesn’t have the write numbers, it is obliged to resign.
A motion may be moved to reduce the amount of a demand in any of the following ways:-
(a) ‘that the amount of the demand be reduced to Re.1/-’ representing disapproval of the policy underlying the
demand. Such a motion shall be known as ‘Disapproval of Policy Cut’.
a. A member giving notice of such a motion shall indicate in precise terms the particulars of the policy which
he proposes to discuss.
b. The discussion shall be confined to the specific point or points mentioned in the notice and it shall be open to
members to advocate an alternative policy;
(b) ‘that the amount of the demand be reduced by a specified amount’ representing the economy that can be
effected.
a. Such specified amount may be either a lump sum reduction in the demand or omission or reduction of an
item in the demand. T
b. The motion shall be known as ‘Economy Cut’.
c. The notice shall indicate briefly and precisely the particular matter on which discussion is sought to be raised
and speeches shall be confined to the discussion as to how economy can be effected;
(c) ‘that the amount of the demand be reduced by Rs.100/-’ in order to ventilate a specific grievance which is
within the sphere of the responsibility of the Government of India.
a. Such a motion shall be known as ‘Token Cut’ and
b. The discussion thereon shall be confined to the particular grievance specified in the motion.
Admissibility of cut motions
In order that notice of motion for reduction of the amount of demand may be admissible, it shall satisfy the
following conditions, namely:-
1. it shall relate to one demand only;
2. it shall be clearly expressed and shall not contain arguments, inferences, ironical expressions, imputations,
epithets or defamatory statements;
3. it shall be confined to one specific matter which shall be stated in precise terms;
4. it shall not reflect on the character or conduct of any person whose conduct can only be challenged on a
substantive motion;
5. it shall not make suggestions for the amendment or repeal of existing laws;
6. it shall not refer to a matter which is not primarily the concern of the Government of India;
7. it shall not relate to expenditure charged on the Consolidated Fund of India;
8. it shall not relate to a matter which is under adjudication by a court of law having jurisdiction in any part of
India;
9. it shall not raise a question of privilege.
10. It shall not revive discussion on a matter which has been discussed in the same session and on which a
decision has been taken;
11. it shall not anticipate a matter which has been previously appointed for consideration in the same session;
12. it shall not ordinarily seek to raise a discussion on a matter pending before any statutory tribunal or
statutory authority performing any judicial or quasi-judicial functions or any commission or court of enquiry
appointed to enquire into, or investigate any matter:
13. The Speaker may in his discretion allow such matter being raised in the House as is concerned with the
procedure or stage of enquiry, if he is satisfied that it is not likely to prejudice the consideration of such matter
by the statutory tribunal, statutory authority, commission or court of enquiry; and
14. It shall not relate to a trivial matter.
*****

British Elections 2010

Tuesday, June 1st, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
The Labour Party won the 2005 UK general election with 35.3% of the popular British vote. The Conservative
Party was just a few points behind with 32.3% of the votes, but because of the first past the post voting system,
the Labour Party had a significant majority with 356 parliamentary seats (MPs) compared to 198 seats for The
Conservative Party.
2010 Elections
The United Kingdom general election, 2010 was held on Thursday 6 May 2010 to elect members to the
House of Commons. The election took place in 649 constituencies across the United Kingdom under the first-
past-the-post system.
None of the parties achieved the 326 seats needed for an overall majority. The Conservative Party led by David
Cameron won the largest number of votes and seats, with the biggest swing since 1931. This resulted in a hung
parliament where no party would be able to command a majority in the House of Commons. The last time this
occurred was in the February 1974 election, and only twice since the Second World War.
On May 6, 2010, British voters delivered to the House of Commons a hung Parliament—the first time a single
party had not achieved a majority since the February 1974 election. At 65 percent, turnout was up 4 percent
over 2005, when Tony Blair had led his Labour Party to its third successive majority. In 2010, however, Blair
was not a candidate, having turned over the reins of government to Gordon Brown, his longtime chancellor of
the Exchequer. Sagging poll numbers for Labour and a resurgent Conservative Party under the youthful David
Cameron brought the assumption that the Conservatives would cruise to a parliamentary majority for the first
time since 1997.
The election also brought some other surprises. The Alliance Party of Northern Ireland won its first seat ever in
the House of Commons, ousting Democratic Unionist Party leader Peter Robinson. The Green Party also won
its first seat, capturing the seat of Brighton Pavilion along the southern coast. And, surprisingly, though there
was a strong swing away from Labour in much of the country, the Labour share of the vote held up rather well
in Scotland and Wales.
Clegg indicated that the Conservatives, as the largest party, should have the right to attempt to form a
government, but, with no party securing a majority and with most parties unlikely coalition partners for the
Conservatives, it remained unclear who would become prime minister. Negotiations between Cameron and
Clegg began in earnest on May 7, and on May 10 Brown announced his intention to resign as leader of the
Labour Party. The following day Brown announced his resignation as prime minister and as leader of the
Labour Party, and Cameron subsequently became prime minister.
The Conservatives and Liberal Democrats formed a coalition government—Britain’s first since World War II—
with Clegg taking the post of deputy prime minister. Conservatives William Hague (foreign secretary) and
George Osborne (chancellor of the Exchequer) were among the leading cabinet appointments. Several Liberal
Democrats, including Chris Huhne (secretary of state for energy and climate change), also took cabinet posts.
As part of the power-sharing agreement, the Conservatives and the Lib Dems agreed to set out a plan for deficit
reduction in an emergency budget to be presented within 50 days of taking office. They also agreed to a fixed
five-year Parliament that called for the next election to be held on the first Thursday in May in 2015, though
dissolution of Parliament and a subsequent election could come earlier through the vote of 55 percent or more
of the House of Commons. The coalition partnership called for a referendum on alternative vote, whereby
voters indicate a first and second preference, with the second preference being counted only if no candidate
receives a majority—which fell short of the Lib Dems’ goal of full proportional representation.
Coalition talks began immediately between the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats and lasted for five
days, although there was a brief attempt to put together a Labour/Liberal Democrat coalition in the middle. On
11 May 2010 Gordon Brown announced his resignation as Prime Minister, marking the end of 13 years of
Labour government. This was accepted by Queen Elizabeth II, who then invited David Cameron to form a
government and become Prime Minister. Just after midnight on 12 May, the Liberal Democrats emerged from a
meeting of their Parliamentary party and Federal Executive to announce that the coalition deal had been
“approved overwhelmingly”, sealing a stable coalition government of Conservatives and Liberal Democrats.
There were quite a few ‘first-time incidents’ during this election. None of the three main party leaders had
previously led a general election campaign, which hadn’t happened since the 1979 election. During the
campaign, the three main party leaders engaged in a series of televised debates, the first time ever in a British
election. The Liberal Democrats, achieved a breakthrough in opinion polls after the first debate in which their
leader Nick Clegg was widely seen as the strongest performer. However, on polling day their share of the vote
increased by only 1%, and they suffered a net loss of five seats. However, this was the Liberal Democrats’
largest popular vote since the party’s creation, and they found themselves in a pivotal role in the formation of
the new government.
The share of votes for a party other than Labour or the Conservatives was 35% and was the largest since the
1918 general election. The Green Party of England and Wales won its first ever seat in the Commons, and the
Alliance Party of Northern Ireland gained its first representation since 1974.
Talking about the next elections, Kenneth Clarke, the shadow business secretary and former Chancellor,
speaking at a Westminster lunch after the elections, said he would rather the Labour Party won the next general
election than it result in a hung parliament, with all the uncertainty and chaos that would mean. He believes
that, in the middle of an acute national crisis, a hung parliament would be one of the biggest disasters England
could suffer. According to him, that would be a bigger danger than a Labour victory.
The British electorate has had a knack over the decades of delivering just that; but a weekend opinion poll
putting the Tories only seven points ahead of Labour is the latest indication that the country may be heading for
the first election in a generation to deliver neither of the two main parties an overall parliamentary majority.
There have been false alarms before. In 1992, it was widely assumed there would be a hung parliament but the
Tories under John Major won a majority of 21 and the largest popular vote in history.
In February 1974, Edward Heath went to the country in a “who governs” election after a battle with the miners,
and lost. The Tories had 297 seats and Labour 301. However, the Conservatives had a majority, so Heath tried
to soldier on by doing a deal with the Liberals, who had 14 seats. Even that would not have been enough for a
majority but the Tories could have stayed in office with the votes of the Ulster Unionists.
The negotiations foundered, Heath resigned and Harold Wilson decided to govern without a majority for six
months before calling another election, which Labour won outright but only just. By 1977, Labour’s slender
majority had gone, so James Callaghan, by then prime minister, entered a pact with the Liberals to keep the
government going without a formal coalition.
In other words, the system muddled through. Labour remained in office for almost the duration of its five-year
term before being defeated in a vote of confidence in 1979. A party without a majority, according to some, is
not necessarily the disaster that Clarke fears. Indeed, far from being something the country could well do
without in times of crisis, coalition government is precisely the option that has historically been chosen to see
the country through – as in two world wars and the Depression of the 1930s.
But things might be different this time.
First of all, comes the issue of the size of the electoral mountain that the Tories must scale to secure a
parliamentary majority. They need to win an extra 117 seats and require a swing in their favour greater than
Thatcher achieved in 1979 to do so. And that is to get a majority of a single seat. Were the outcome of the
election to be anything like the figures in the weekend Ipsos-Mori poll, the Tories would be well short of the
326 seats they need (currently they have 193).
This, then, is the nightmare scenario; and it is intensified by the greater diversity of British politics compared
with 1974. Then, there were only 37 MPs from other parties apart from the big two. At the last election, there
were 92. Anthony King, professor of government at Essex University, says that U.K will be in untrodden
territory because they have multi-party Westminster politics in a way they had never had before. The sheer
arithmetical probability of a stalemate is greater than at any time in the last 100 years.
Because large parts of the country are no longer winnable for the Tories, including Scotland and much of
Wales, it is perfectly possible that the Conservatives could end up as the largest party in a hung parliament but
be well short of a majority.
Under the UK constitution, the party able to command the confidence of Parliament is invited to form the
government. That does not necessarily mean the party with the most seats or votes. Even if he lost power,
Gordon Brown would remain Prime Minister until he resigned. He might try to form a coalition government
with the Liberal Democrats by offering their leaders key Cabinet positions in exchange for support to get his
legislation through. This would be massively unpopular in the country and could well split the Lib Dems. At
the weekend, Nick Clegg gave a clear indication that he would not be interested in propping up a Labour
government that had fewer seats in parliament than the Tories.
Clegg believes that the party which has the strongest mandate from the British people will have the first right to
seek to govern,
But a deal with the Conservatives could also split the Liberals, as happened in the early 1920s and 1931. And it
might not be as simple as that, anyway. If David Cameron is so short of a majority that it is not feasible to
continue as a minority administration, hoping to wade through to another general election that the Tories could
win, if he to try to forge a coalition, he would be asked to pass a Bill to introduce proportional representation, a
long-standing Lib Dem demand. The price would be far too high, since it would mean there would never be a
majority Tory government again.
This is where the Queen is drawn into what could become a constitutional quagmire. There is no need for a
hung parliament to become a crisis – provided the politicians can reach some sort of agreement among
themselves. Prof King, the author of a new book on the British constitution, says that the Queen must ardently
hope that such a situation does not arise. She and her advisers would be prudent to work out what to do well in
advance and how to keep well out of it.
The British constitution is a collection of conventions and precedents, some of which are written down and
some of which are not. There is a Whitehall “Precedents Book” that would be consulted by senior mandarins;
but the problem is that there are no precedents, or certainly none in modern times.
As well as relying upon the advice of her private secretary, the Queen would also take private soundings among
constitutional experts. In the 1970s, Robert Blake, the historian, was said to be the favoured counsellor; today,
it is likely to be Vernon Bogdanor, professor of government at Oxford University. Whoever it is would have to
pick their way very carefully through a political minefield, trying to keep the Monarch out of making any
decision that could be seen as parti pris in any way.
The Queen has a number of advantages here: principally, the experience and integrity that would enable her to
deal with such circumstances without damaging the monarchy. However, the rule of thumb would be to keep
her well out of it and hope the politicians could sort out a deal. If they did not, there would have to be another
election – and the party that forced it would likely be punished at the polls.
None of this need happen. Even if there were a hung parliament, the Tories as the largest party would almost
certainly try to carry on as a minority government (as the SNP has done in Scotland) until such time that they
lost a key vote and David Cameron asked for another election, which the Queen would grant.
In order to stay in office, such a government would probably do very little to frighten the horses. There might
even be a period of less government and better administration, which would benefit, rather than harm, the
country. It might even do something to restore the primacy of parliament in our national life, since the
executive would no longer be able to govern without winning the argument.
Much would depend on what the outside world made of the failure of the British to maintain something they
have almost always managed to achieve: strong government. If there were a run on the pound and a collapse of
international confidence in the British economy, then a crisis could occur.
Just the sort of crisis, indeed, that in the past warranted the formation of governments of national unity.
The results of the 2010 election results are provided in the table.
Party Seats % Vote

Conservatives 306 36.1

Labour 258 29.0
Liberal Democrats 57 23.0
DUP 8 0.6
SNP 6 1.7
Sinn Féin 5 0.6
Plaid Cymru 3 0.6
SDLP 3 0.4
Greens 1 1.0
Alliance Party 1 0.1
Others 1 6.9
May 11, 2010
Gordon Brown announces that he will tender his resignation as prime minister to Queen Elizabeth II and will
ask her to invite David Cameron to form a government. Cameron subsequently becomes prime minister of the
United Kingdom—the youngest leader of the country since 1812. Nick Clegg of the Liberal Democrats
becomes deputy prime minister.
The political party and term of office of each British prime minister are provided in the table.
Prime ministers of Great Britain and the United Kingdom
Name party term
Robert Walpole
Whig 1721–42
(from 1725, Sir Robert Walpole; from 1742, earl of Orford)
Spencer Compton,
Whig 1742–43
earl of Wilmington
Henry Pelham Whig 1743–54
Thomas Pelham-Holles,
Whig 1754–56
1st duke of Newcastle (1st time)
William Cavendish,
Whig 1756–57
4th duke of Devonshire
Thomas Pelham-Holles,
Whig 1757–62
1st duke of Newcastle (2nd time)
John Stuart,
1762–63
3rd earl of Bute
George Grenville 1763–65
Charles Watson Wentworth,
Whig 1765–66
2nd marquess of Rockingham (1st time)
William Pitt,
1766–68
1st earl of Chatham
Augustus Henry Fitzroy,
1768–70
3rd duke of Grafton
Frederick North,
1770–82
Lord North (from 1790, 2nd earl of Guilford)
Charles Watson Wentworth,
Whig 1782
2nd marquess of Rockingham (2nd time)
William Petty-Fitzmaurice,
1782–83
2nd earl of Shelburne (from 1784, 1st marquess of Lansdowne)
William Henry Cavendish-Bentinck,
Whig 1783
3rd duke of Portland (1st time)
William Pitt, the Younger 1783–
Tory
(1st time) 1801
Henry Addington
Tory 1801–04
(from 1805, 1st Viscount Sidmouth)
William Pitt, the Younger
Tory 1804–06
(2nd time)
William Wyndham Grenville,
1806–07
1st Baron Grenville
William Henry Cavendish-Bentinck,
Whig 1807–09
3rd duke of Portland (2nd time)
Spencer Perceval Tory 1809–12
Robert Banks Jenkinson,
Tory 1812–27
2nd earl of Liverpool
George Canning Tory 1827
Frederick John Robinson,
Tory 1827–28
1st Viscount Goderich (from 1833, 1st earl of Ripon)
Arthur Wellesley,
Tory 1828–30
1st duke of Wellington (1st time)
Charles Grey,
Whig 1830–34
2nd Earl Grey
William Lamb,
Whig 1834
2nd Viscount Melbourne (1st time)
Arthur Wellesley,
Tory 1834
1st duke of Wellington (2nd time)
Sir Robert Peel,
Tory 1834–35
2nd Baronet (1st time)
William Lamb,
Whig 1835–41
2nd Viscount Melbourne (2nd time)
Sir Robert Peel,
Conservative 1841–46
2nd Baronet (2nd time)
John Russell,
Whig-Liberal 1846–52
Lord Russell (from 1861, 1st Earl Russell) (1st time)
Edward Geoffrey Stanley,
Conservative 1852
14th earl of Derby (1st time)
George Hamilton-Gordon
1852–55
4th earl of Aberdeen
Henry John Temple,
Liberal 1855–58
3rd Viscount Palmerston (1st time)
Edward Geoffrey Stanley,
Conservative 1858–59
14th earl of Derby (2nd time)
Henry John Temple,
Liberal 1859–65
3rd Viscount Palmerston (2nd time)
John Russell,
Liberal 1865–66
1st Earl Russell (2nd time)
Edward Geoffrey Stanley,
Conservative 1866–68
14th earl of Derby (3rd time)
Benjamin Disraeli
Conservative 1868
(1st time)
William Ewart Gladstone
Liberal 1868–74
(1st time)
Benjamin Disraeli,
Conservative 1874–80
(from 1876, earl of Beaconsfield) (2nd time)
William Ewart Gladstone
Liberal 1880–85
(2nd time)
Robert Cecil,
Conservative 1885–86
3rd marquess of Salisbury (1st time)
William Ewart Gladstone
Liberal 1886
(3rd time)
Robert Cecil,
Conservative 1886–92
3rd marquess of Salisbury (2nd time)
William Ewart Gladstone
Liberal 1892–94
(4th time)
Archibald Philip Primrose,
Liberal 1894–95
5th earl of Rosebery
Robert Cecil, 1895–
Conservative
3rd marquess of Salisbury (3rd time) 1902
Arthur James Balfour,
Conservative 1902–05
(from 1922, 1st earl of Balfour)
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman Liberal 1905–08
H.H. Asquith,
Liberal 1908–16
(from 1925, 1st earl of Oxford and Asquith)
David Lloyd George,
Liberal 1916–22
(from 1945, 1st Earl Lloyd-George of Dwyfor)
Bonar Law Conservative 1922–23
Stanley Baldwin
Conservative 1923–24
(1st time)
Ramsay Macdonald
Labour 1924
(1st time)
Stanley Baldwin
Conservative 1924–29
(2nd time)
Ramsay Macdonald
Labour 1929–35
(2nd time)
Stanley Baldwin,
Conservative 1935–37
(from 1937, 1st Earl Baldwin of Bewdley) (3rd time)
Neville Chamberlain Conservative 1937–40
Winston Churchill
Conservative 1940–45
(1st time)
Clement Attlee,
Labour 1945–51
(from 1955, 1st Earl Attlee)
Winston Churchill
Conservative 1951–55
(from 1953, Sir Winston Churchill) (2nd time)
Sir Anthony Eden,
Conservative 1955–57
(from 1961, 1st earl of Avon)
Harold Macmillan,
Conservative 1957–63
(from 1984, 1st earl of Stockton)
Sir Alec Douglas-Home,
(until 1963, Alexander Frederick Douglas-Home, 14th earl of Home; from Conservative 1963–64
1974, Alexander Frederick Douglas-Home, Baron Home)
Harold Wilson
Labour 1964–70
(1st time)
Edward Heath Conservative 1970–74
Harold Wilson
Labour 1974–76
(from 1976, Sir Harold Wilson) (2nd time)
James Callaghan Labour 1976–79
Margaret Thatcher Conservative 1979–90
John Major Conservative 1990–97
1997–
Tony Blair Labour
2007
Gordon Brown Labour 2007–10
David Cameron Conservative 2010–
The origin of the term prime minister and the question to whom it should originally be applied have long been
issues of scholarly and political debate. Although the term was used as early as the reign of Queen Anne (1702–
14), it acquired wider currency during the reign of George II (1727–60), when it began to be used as a term of
reproach toward Sir Robert Walpole. The title of prime minister did not become official until 1905, to refer to
the leader of a government.
*****

Recession in Greece and its effect on World Economy

Tuesday, May 25th, 2010
Preethy Vignesh
When after an earlier failure, Greece was finally allowed into the euro zone in 2001, people cheered. Two thirds
of the ten million Greeks enthusiastically welcomed the end of the drachma and the arrival of euro notes and
coins. The finance minister at the time said the euro meant stability and symbolized Greece’s full acceptance
into the European club.
Now the Greeks don’t know what hit them and they’re already wishing they still had their tattered drachmas.
Why? Because if this debt crisis had happened in the 1990s, they could have devalued the drachma and even
boosted their major industry—tourism. This is because with devaluation a vacation in the Greek islands would
be made cheaper. A deep recession could have been avoided.
But by having the euro the devaluation option is unavailable. The only remedy today is for Greeks to swallow
the bitter medicine of austerity. That means wage and pension cuts plus new taxes, those measures which
creditors insist upon as the price of the bailout.
Looking back, Greeks didn’t realize back in 2001 that their politicians had cheated to meet the euro’s
membership requirements. In a country where tax evasion is a national pastime, citizens assumed that if the
bureaucrats in Brussels accepted the official fiscal deficit numbers, they must be correct. Never in their wildest
dreams did Greeks imagine that just nine years later they would discover that a financial crisis was the true
price of euro zone membership.
November, 2009
What started in the last three months of 2008 came to a climax in the first quarter of 2009. Greece’s economy
entered its first recession in 16 years in the first quarter of 2009. The economy has suffered quarterly GDP
contractions since the last three months of 2008. Two consecutive quarterly contractions in output mean an
economy is in recession. The 250 billion euro economy contracted 0.3 per cent in the third quarter of 2009 after
shrinking by a revised 0.1 per cent in the second quarter. The figures show that the Greek economy is going
through a very difficult period and, unfortunately, there is no easy way out.
Economists polled by a news agency were expecting the economy to contract at a quarterly 0.8 per cent clip in
the third quarter. This was due to the revision of quarterly growth rates, in combination with the revision of the
accounts of general government and the evaluation of most recent sectoral indicators, which led to new
estimates for the first two quarters of 2009.
Unemployment is rising, credit conditions remain tight, and taxes are going up. All these factors weighed down
on consumer expenditure during the remaining of the year.
Moreover, inflation, which had been trending downwards during the first semester of 2009, rose again, which
put consumers under further pressure. Larger inflation differentials vis-a-vis other Eurozone countries, the
relative strength of the euro will also dampen export growth.
May, 2010
The stock market’s slump reflects a widespread concern among many economists that the European debt crisis
could slow the U.S. economic recovery.
Very few people expected the problems in Greece and other European nations such as Portugal and Spain to
drag the United States back into recession. But the crisis has increased the uncertainty facing U.S. business
leaders.
Today market leaders feel that the perception of risk has just changed in a major way and that there is more
risk in the world economy than they did in April 2010. A weaker European economy could reduce demand for
U.S. exports, as European consumers cut back their purchases of autos, appliances and other goods. And as the
euro declines in value compared to the dollar, U.S. goods become more expensive in the 16 countries that use
the European currency.
Michael Mussa, senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics said that the impact in
Europe will likely be greater. While Greece’s economy isn’t that large, many major European banks hold
billions of dollars of its debt. If Greece defaults on or restructures its debt, which many economists expect,
those banks — still recovering from the 2008-2009 financial crisis — may cut back lending to conserve cash.
That’s even more likely if other highly indebted nations, such as Ireland, Spain, or Portugal also run into
problems financing their deficits. Tighter credit would slow Europe’s economy. And efforts by Greece and the
others to reduce their deficits, through tax increases and spending cuts, could also worsen their economies.
The growing European debt crisis has sent stock markets on a wild ride.
There are worries that Europe’s debt crisis could tip the 16 countries that use the euro back into a recession.
The euro area comprises the second-largest economy in the world, after the United States. And as in the United
States, Europe’s economy had been slowly recovering from recession.
The situation reminds one of the collapse of Lehman Brothers in the fall of 2008. The resulting chaos caused
banks to clamp down on lending. Nervous consumers stopped spending. Companies facing plummeting sales
cut back on production and laid off millions of workers.
Barry Eichengreen, an economics professor at the University of California, Berkeley reports that no one had
seen this kind of thing before and that they are questioning the competence of their leaders to deal with it, and
rightly so. European consumers may soon cut back on purchases of new cars or appliances.
Economists are skeptical of President Barack Obama’s goal of doubling U.S. exports over the next five years is
unlikely to be reached under these conditions. More so if the dollar remains strong and one of the leading
economic areas enters a deep recession. A $140 billion rescue package agreed to by the International Monetary
Fund and European leaders has failed to resolve concerns in the financial markets that Greece might default on
its debts.
Economists feel that the concerns are amplified, because memories of the 2008 crisis are still fresh. Before the
recession, many experts, including Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, said the fallout from the subprime
housing bust wouldn’t spill over to the broader economy.
As recently as last month April 2010, the Greek economy was expected to decline by 2% in 2010. But with the
austerity measures, forecasts have been revised sharply downwards. Now a 4% decline is expected and some
economists, like former chief economist at the International Monetary Fund Simon Johnson, believe that
number is overly optimistic. He predicts the Greek economy will contract by 12% over the next 18 months, i.e
by the end of 2011.
Greece now faces twin problems of solvency and competitiveness. Short-term, the solvency issue was
addressed on May 9th, because of the bailout by the I.M.F. and European Union. But to regain
competitiveness–absent devaluation– cuts of up to 20% in wages and prices are needed. The Greek government
may be unable to deliver this.
Latvia, the former Soviet republic on the Baltic Sea, provides something of a case study for what the Greeks are
trying to accomplish. Latvia in 2008 was hit by a financial crisis in which its currency came under speculative
attack. But since Latvia–like Greece in 2001–was determined to hold its exchange rate steady in order to be
admitted to the euro zone, policy makers rejected the advice that they devalue. Instead, the Latvians slashed
wages and government spending by 10 to 20% and deliberately engineered a deep recession in the hopes of
getting their budget deficit down to the prescribed levels for euro zone entry. While Latvia has succeeded in
holding its exchange rate steady, the ensuing recession has been the deepest in the European Union. In 2009 the
Latvian economy contracted by 18% and unemployment rose to 20%. This is the kind of calamity that may be
awaiting the Greeks, where unemployment is already 11.3%, a six-year high.
For Greeks to endure the kind of austerity that the Latvians have experienced, there must be some perceived
reward for the hard times and sacrifice. For Latvians that is still the hope of membership in the euro zone. But
for Greeks who already have the euro, what’s the payoff?
A volatile Eurozone sees Russia with almost no exposure to national debt, but with markets pricing in a wider
contagion, Russia would be affected by a return to recession. With the budget woes of Greece now well and
truly being implicated in debt markets across the Eurozone, markets are increasingly pricing in the prospect
continuing problems, with the PIIGS nations of Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece and Spain all seen as financial
disaster areas, and sentiment in the northern European nations, such as Germany and the Netherlands, which
have some scope for offering assistance, wearing thin.
Russia’s direct exposure to the emerging Euro-contagion is limited according to Andrew Howell, CFA
Emerging Markets Strategy at Citigroup.
It is almost certain that the tightening of debt markets and mass investor desertion of government debt from the
PIIGs nations will lead to a slowdown in a European economic recovery that has barely come out of the last
recession, and in the directly affected nations, hasn’t come out of recession at all. With the EU, the world’s
largest single economy, and Russia’s largest trading partner, the implications for Russia – despite it not being a
buyer of Euro debt – are enormous.
“Real contagion and that has to do with a direct impact of slower economic growth in Europe on the emerging
markets and there you do worry if you’re going to see major downgrades to the European growth. But the
losers from that would be those countries which are exposed to the European import markets.”
Europe is the important customer for Russia’s energy and commodity exports. A major downturn in revenues
from these will quickly be felt in Russia’s current account and budgetary position. Another key factor is that the
EU is a major provider of many products that Russia imports. The devaluation of the Euro against the Rouble –
it has dropped from more than 43 to 1, to less than 38 to one in less than 2 months – means that those exports
are now more competitive against any domestic producers.
Elina Ribokova, Citigroup Chief Economist says that Russia’s underlying budget and corporate debt
environment is particularly sound meaning it is in a good position to weather a downturn if worse comes to
worst.
“If you look at balance sheets of different sectors of the economy we see that the sovereign balance sheet is
very healthy, the corporate balance sheets have stabilized. And then the final and most important aspect in
Russia’s economy balance sheet is the household balance sheet and that one has a particularly healthy debt to
GDP ratio of households at less than 10%.”
But even with a sound debt position to help square up to any renewal of a global economic downturn, Russia’s
economy and economic leaders, would prefer to avoid it. The country is still barely gaining traction on an
economic rebound with the 1Q 2010 GDP figures worse than forecast, and only massive government
expenditure warding off major social consequences of the 8.9% contraction of 2009. As the government looks
to wean the economy off its expenditure in 2010 and beyond, any further reversal into recession in the EU
could leave the Russian economy more exposed, a second time around.
The Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou in May 2010, embarked on a whirlwind tour of western capitals
to drum up support for his crisis-stricken country. Beginning with Berlin, where he met the German chancellor
Angela Merkel, before travelling on to Paris and Washington DC for talks with presidents Sarkozy and Obama,
Papandreou’s diplomatic offensive was supposed to determine whether Greece can secure help from its fellow
eurozone members or whether the IMF will eventually be called in. What’s at stake is no longer just Greece’s
creditworthiness, but also Europe’s credibility.
If Athens can raise about €22bn (£20bn) to pay off maturing debt in April and May, then the risk of a sovereign
debt default spreading to other heavily indebted euro countries will subside. If not, then in the absence of a
rescue operation from euroland, the Greek government would have no other option but to beg the IMF for help
– further undermining the status of the euro as a credible alternative to the dollar.
Papandreou’s mission comes about a month after a special EU summit in Brussels pledged collective European
solidarity in exchange for tough Greek action. By announcing a third round of spending cuts and tax increases
to reign in its budget deficit, Athens is fulfilling its part of the agreement. Now it’s the turn of the eurozone to
help Greece bring down the cost of borrowing – otherwise the economic reforms could lead to social unrest and
bring down the Greek government.
By refusing to provide financial guarantees to state-owned banks buying Greek bonds which would help reduce
the interest rate on Greek debt, Berlin is forcing Athens to devote more money to servicing debt and make even
deeper cuts to public spending. This lethal mix is pushing Greece back into economic recession, reducing tax
revenues, increasing the real value of its debt and requiring yet more savage cuts – a vicious spiral of debt-
deflation that could plunge the country into an unprecedented social recession.
Afflicted by soaring youth unemployment and mass public sector lay-offs, not just in Greece but also in Spain,
Portugal and Italy, the future of Europe’s “Club Med” is dire. With hindsight, the Brussels agreement looks
increasingly like a Faustian pact with the debt devil concluded by the German iron chancellor.
The sale of national assets is almost exactly the advice given by Goldman Sachs to the Greek government to
“pay” for euro membership back in 1999. After the collapse of neoliberalism, it is worrying that the current
German government prefers fiscal austerity and the pressure of global finance over sound economic judgment
and political leadership. But the latter is exactly what the operation of markets requires, otherwise there will be
more speculative attacks and irrational herd-like movements against Greece and other vulnerable euro
members.
By contrast, France is leading the way in arguing for a rescue operation now to avoid a fully fledged eurozone
bailout or an IMF-orchestrated structural adjustment programme and thereby to mitigate Europe’s social
recession. With strike action and protest movements spreading across euroland, Merkel’s hardline stance is
unnecessarily exacerbating a crisis that could bring down the European common currency – Germany’s main
contribution to Europe since reunification.
19th May, 2010
Greece’s industrialists believe that the government has done too little too late to avert a steep economic
downturn and urged structural reform to boost the flagging productivity of the economy. The SEB industry
federation called on Greece’s conservative government, which has fallen behind in polls over a series of
scandals and its handling of the economy, to boost public investment and cut taxes to create jobs and stimulate
businesses.
The government’s 28-billion-euro plan to increase liquidity at Greek banks, which have avoided the worst of
the credit crisis, provided no guarantee of reviving lending to the slowing real economy.
Despite average growth rates of around 4 percent a year for a decade, Greece has seen the competitiveness of
its 240-billion-euro economy decline as high inflation has pushed up labour and manufacturing costs. Surveys
consistently rank Greece as one of the euro zone’s most corrupt and difficult places to do business.
Greece’s manufacturing sector shrank at a record pace in November due to a fall in new orders, a monthly
survey showed on Monday. The purchasing managers’ index (PMI) fell to 42.3 points from 48.1 in October,
reflecting a fall in both domestic and foreign demand.
Economists say the risk of deflation in some of Greece’s main trading partners could harm its competitiveness
even further, as inflation differentials widen. The conservative government has forecast Greece’s economic
growth rate will fall to 2.7 percent in 2009 from 3.2 percent this year, but many economists say this is too
optimistic. The OECD predicts Greek growth will drop to 2.0 percent next year.
Greece has one of Europe’s highest current account deficits, at around 15 percent of GDP, and its stock of
sovereign debt equates to almost the whole of its annual economic output.
21st May, 2010
The Greek debt crisis roiling markets worldwide may at most “influence” India, but will have limited “adverse
impact” on the country according to the Finance minister Pranab Mukherjee. He signaled the government’s
determination to walk the path of fiscal prudence it was forced to abandon during the 2008 global financial
meltdown.
India, according to him, had very little direct exposure to European countries at the centre of the crisis, with the
country’s banking system having no direct links with them and exports to Greece, Spain, Portugal and Italy
only 4% of total exports.
Fears of a global contagion from the Greek crisis have cast its shadow on the country’s stock markets, knocking
the Sensex 8% down in the last six weeks From April 2010 till mid-May 2010, and also caused volatility in the
foreign exchange markets as a battered euro and volatile global currencies raised concerns about capital flows
into India.
That crisis tipped much of the developed world into a recession and forced the government to put fiscal
prudence on the back burner as it had to launch a series of fiscal stimulus measures to stimulate demand in the
economy. But as the global economy recovered from that crisis, the government returned to the path of fiscal
prudence and in its budget for 2010-11, spelt out a medium-term plan to cut fiscal deficit.
It has set itself a target of containing the deficit to 5.5% of GDP this year and cut it further to 4.1% in the next
financial year. The deficit stood at 6.7% in 2009-10.
The finance minister said good monsoon rains would have a huge “psychological impact” and help tame
inflationary expectations. Rising inflation and high prices, especially in the wake of last year’s drought, has
been a major problem for the UPA government, leaving it vulnerable to attacks from the opposition and even
some of its own coalition partners.
*****

Where there is a will there is a way – Youngest climbers of Mt Everest

Tuesday, May 25th, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
Heartening news for all IAS and IPS aspirants- Tenacity pays. Two teenagers prove to us that hard work, a
never-say-die attitude and a determination to succeed will lead us to our goal within no time.
A 13-year-old American became the youngest climber to ever summit Mount Everest on Saturday May 22
2010, gaining renown for the feat while renewing controversy over a trend of young record-breaking
adventurers.
Jordan Romero’s journey was tracked through GPS coordinates on his blog, logging his team’s ascent up
Everest, which is 29,028 feet (8,847 meters) above sea level.
Before Jordan, the record was previously held by Ming Kipa of Nepal, who was 15 when she made the climb in
2003 with her brother and sister, and 16-year-old Temba Tsheri of Nepal.
Romero left for the peak from the Chinese side of the mountain after Nepal denied him permission on age
grounds. Prior to his starting out, Romero, of Big Bear, California, said he wanted to climb Everest to inspire
more young people to get outdoors. He feared that obese children were the future of America, the way things
are going. He hoped to change that by doing what he did – climbing and motivational speaking.
He also had a desire to do something big in life, and he has succeeded beyond expectation. Jordan now has
climbed six of the seven highest peaks on seven continents, known as the Seven Summits. His father Paul
Romero reports that this was not an isolated vacation and that this was a lifestyle.
Romero’s family started tackling the Seven Summits in summer 2005. He was just 9 when they climbed 19,341
feet (5,895 meters) to the peak of Mount Kilimanjaro in Tanzania. There is a debate about whether the tallest
mountain in Oceania is Kosciuszko in mainland Australia or Carstensz Pyramid in Indonesia, so Romero and
his family climbed both. The only peak left for him to climb after Everest is the Vinson Massif in Antarctica,
which is 16,067 feet (4,897 meters). A trip there is planned for December 2010.
Jordan Romero called his mother, Leigh Anne Drake, 37, from a satellite phone when he reached the peak
Saturday along with his father, stepmother and a team of three guides and told her proudly that he was calling
from the top of the world.
Jordan decided in the fourth grade that he wanted to climb the tallest mountains on each of the seven
continents. His mother and father are avid fans of the outdoors who took their son biking and hiking at an early
age, but neither had experience with mountaineering until Jordan made his decision.
When he first wanted to go hiking, his mother and a friend took Jordan for a six-mile hike near their home. He
whined and cried the entire time, she recalled, but when they got down, he wanted to keep training. They
decided to support him. Jordan climbed the first peak on the list — Mt. Kilimanjaro in Tanzania — when he
was 9. He has since then climbed Mt. Kosciusko in Australia, Mt. Elbrus in Russia, Mt. Aconcagua in
Argentina and Mt. McKinley in Alaska.
The eighth grader enrolled in independent study this semester to pursue the Everest climb. He took algebra
books and writing journals with him.
Brent Bishop, 43, who has climbed to the top of Mt. Everest twice and whose father was on the first American
team to reach the summit in 1963, said he was amazed by Jordan’s accomplishment but wary for other young
climbers.
The main danger for a young person isn’t the climbing, but the altitude. Bishop feels that the planning and the
weather cooperated to make the trip work out but the danger is for someone who is 13 who gets caught up high
in bad weather and run out of bottled oxygen. Issues with cerebral impairment might then crop up.
Jordan’s group still has to make the trek down the mountain, a dangerous route that every year claims lives.
After that, to complete his goal he has to climb one more mountain: Vinson Massif in Antarctica.
Hero from India
Not to be outdone, a 16-year-old schoolboy from the National Capital Region in India, Arjun Vajpai, became
the youngest Indian to successfully climb the world’s highest peak, 8,848-metre-high Mount Everest, via the
traditional South Col route in Nepal.
His mother Priya Vajpai is over the moon at her son’s achievement. She reports that she has no words to
describe just how proud she was. She knew that he was going to push for the peak on May 22 2010 on a
Saturday morning and when at 6.30 a.m., members of the team coordinating the climb phoned to tell them that
Arjun had successfully managed to climb Mt. Everest and that he was safe, they all jumped for joy.
They are yet to speak to him and are waiting for him to reach back to his base camp. Admitting that she had
been worried about Arjun’s safety when he told them about his decision to join a group trying to conquer the
Everest, Ms. Vajpai told that Arjun’s self-motivation and determination was contagious and that they had to
trust him about this decision. When she expressed her concern about the risk involved in the climb, he told her
to stop worrying.
Arjun is a student of Ryan International School, at Sector 39 in Noida. According to his mother, he has been
always been an outdoor person and loves trekking, hiking, football and basket ball. He was introduced to
mountaineering only three years ago, but took to it like a fish to water.
Arjun was part of a 12-member expedition team that has a record number of Indian climbers trying their luck
individually. His father Sanjiv Vajpai, a former Army officer, said he was initially afraid to let Arjun go on the
expedition. But his instructors at the Nehru Mountaineering Institute, where he did two mountaineering courses,
said he had both the physical and mental ability to summit Mt. Everest and so his parents decided to let him go.
Arjun equalled the record of a Nepalese Sherpa Temba Tsheri, who also climbed the peak when he was sixteen.
Arjun’s team was led by Apa Sherpa, 50, who broke his own record to become the first man to climb the peak
for a record 20th time.
The Noida boy also broke the record of Krushnaa Patil, 18, from Maharashtra, who became the youngest Indian
to reach the highest peak in 2009.
Along with Arjun, also making it to the top was an Indian woman Mamta Sodha, who reached the summit at
10:24 a.m. The feat of the two was conveyed to PTI on phone by Chunu Shrestha of the Asian Trekkers, who
had organised the expedition.
*****
World Classical Tamil Conference, 2010
Monday, May 24th, 2010
Jeyanthi S
The World Tamil Conferences are a series of occasional conferences held by the government of Tamil Nadu,
which aim to unite Tamil people around the world.
The ninth World Tamil Conference (and the first world Classical Tamil Conference) was held in the city of
Coimbatore in June 23 to 27, 2010. Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi unveiled the logo at the Secretariat in the
presence of Deputy Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, Information Minister Parithi Ellamvazhuthi, scholars V.C.
Kulandaiswamy and Iravatham Mahadevan, Chief Secretary K.S. Sripathi, Tamil University Vice-Chancellor
M. Rajendran, and Special Officer for the conference K. Allaudin. With Coimbatore getting ready to host the
World Classical Tamil Conference in June 2010, industrial associations in Tamil Nadu have sought measures
on a war-footing to improve the roads and water bodies in the city.The image of saint-poet Thiruvalluvar’s
statue in Kanyakumari, lashed by tsunami waves and encircled by seven icons from the Indus Valley
Civilization, forms part of the logo of the World Classical Tamil Conference to be held in Coimbatore in June.
The number of icons stresses the importance of ‘seven’ in the lives of Tamils.
The logo emphasizes the ideal of the mankind that it should always be free of narrow walls of race, creed and
caste differentiation. The message is found in a palm leaf manuscript at the bottom of the statue and has been
declared the motto of the meet.
According to an official release the figures of the Indus Valley Civilization icons, found in the logo, symbolize
the Dravidian civilization, which is regarded as one of the four ancient civilizations. Tamil, a Dravidian
language spoken predominantly by Tamil people of the Indian subcontinent has an official status in the Indian
state of TamilNadu. Tamil is also an official language of Sri Lanka and Singapore. It is one of the twenty-two
scheduled languages of India and the first Indian language to be declared as a classical language by the
government of India in 2004. Tamil is also spoken by significant minorities in Malaysia, Mauritius and Réunion
as well as many people of Tamil origin around the world.
President of the Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Coimbatore, Mahendra Ramdas, who was part of
the delegation reported that the delegation focused primarily on short-term infrastructure development as
visitors would be coming from different countries and other parts of the State. The existing roads would not be
enough to handle the traffic to and from the CODISSIA Trade Fair Complex, the venue for the conference. In
May 2010, Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi launched the website (www.ulakathamizhchemmozhi.org) for the
World Classical Tamil Conference to be held in Coimbatore in June 2010.According to news sources the
website which is designed in Tamil and English, has various sections relating to the theme of the conference.
Announcements made on the meet, the significance of Coimbatore and the historical background of the
declaration of Tamil as a classical language. A provision for online registration has also been made on the
website.
Also included on the website are links to the Tamil University, Tamil Virtual University, and International
Forum for Information Technology in Tamil (INFITT), Thinnai and Project Tamil has been provided in the
website.
According to news releases M. Rajendran, Tamil University Vice-Chancellor and coordinator of the Academic
Committee for the meet, explained in detail features of the website.
Later, Mr. Karunanidhi told reporters that a massive rally would be taken out on June 27, 2010, the final day of
the conference. The meet would begin on June 23, 2010. Several committees are being formed in connection
with the meet. The expenses of the conference would be monitored by the Chief Secretary, Finance Secretary,
Special Officer and the District Collector. The government would meet whatever requirements indicated by the
officials.
The theme song by the renowned music director of international fame A.R.Rahman for the World Classical
Tamil Conference, encapsulating the contributions of Tamil culture and literature down the ages, was officially
launched by its author and Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi at a function during May 2010.
Mr. Karunanidhi said that it was no mean feat to illustrate in a poem the glory of different classical works
written in various periods ranging from the Sang am era to the post-Sangam period, including those of Kamban
and Kalamegam.
Explaining the central message of the song, the Chief Minister said all were equal by birth and they should have
the feeling that they remained so even later and they should live as one race.
The conference, to be held in Coimbatore in June 2010, would begin with the rendering of the theme song.
Pointing out that the song would popularize the Tamil meet; the Chief Minister said 205 scholars from 27
countries would attend. There would be 53 experts from Sri Lanka, 37 from Singapore, 29 from Malaysia, 22
from the U.S. and 14 from Canada.
He said that for nearly 70 years, he had devoted himself to the promotion of Tamil language. He respected
those who worked for the language.
A.R. Rahman is scoring the music for the song. As per the Chief Minister, the music director who is still
recovering after a spinal surgery, was an example of how confidence and hard work would make one successful
and his life would serve as a role model for youth.
Tamil is a universal language, according to Mr. Rahman who said it should not be confined to a small circle.
How would the Coimbatore conference be different from the earlier World Tamil Conferences? The
Coimbatore meet would be as special as the Chennai meet that had been held under C.N. Annadurai’s
leadership several years ago. The Chief Minister added that infrastructure improvement schemes would be
taken up in Coimbatore district. The Conference should be used to foster unity among Tamils, said the Chief
Minister and was keen that political parties should transcend their differences on occasions that would reflect
Tamil sentiments and promote the language. Participants are a total of 1,244 delegates from various countries.
Click here to cancel reply. There had been a controversy regarding the non-inclusion of the poet Kamban, or his
work, Kamba Ramayanam by a few scholars including Indira Parthasarathy. Respecting the sentiments of such
scholars, Mr. Karunanidhi had a relook at the song and included a reference to the poet. On May 15 2010, the
revised theme song, scored by A.R. Rahman and filmed by Gautham Vasudev Menon, was launched at a
function here.
Kamban is an extra-ordinary poet who is hailed as Kavi Chakravarthi. Subramany Bharatiyar identified
Kamban, Thiruvalluvar and Ilango Adigal as the trinity of Tamil poets. K.A. Nilakanta Sastri (1892-1975),
historian and author of the seminal work, A History of South India, described Kamba Ramayanam as the
greatest epic in Tamil literature.
“In the Tamil literary firmament, Kampar shone like a star, inaccessible to others,” M. Varadarajan (1912-
1974), known as Mu.Va and widely regarded as an authority in Tamil studies, wrote in A History of Tamil
Literature, an English version of which was published by the Sahitya Akademi in 1988.
Both Mu.Va (widely regarded as an authority in Tamil studies) and Nilakanta Sastri did not accord much value
to other works of the poet. In fact, Mu. Va wrote that Kamba Ramayanam was the only work that upheld
Kamban’s fame as a poet. On the question of the quality of work produced by Kamban, both Mu. Va and
Nilakanta Sastri were emphatic in saying that though Valmiki Ramayanam was the basis of the work, Kamba
Ramayanam was neither a translation nor a prototype of the original.
He had also recorded the position of some scholars that it was only due to Kamban the cult of Rama spread to
the whole of the country. Besides, Kamban’s work is characterised not just by the beauty of the language,
magnificent descriptions and embellishments but also the poet’s insight into human nature.
The first World Classical Tamil Conference got off to a rousing start in Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu India on
23.10.2010 in the presence of a massive gathering. Distinguished speakers, led by President Pratibha Devisingh
Patil, hailed Tamil, which has the oldest literature among the living languages of the world.
Inauguration
Inaugurating the five-day event on 23.06.2010, the President of India Pratibha Patil said that many concepts
intrinsic to India’s society and critical to its polity were found in Tamil discourse over the millennia. The
message of peace, universality and the spirit of equality was propounded in a Sangam poem more than 2000
years ago, she said, referring to a poem in Purananooru.
Award
She presented the Kalaignar M. Karunanidhi Classical Tamil Award to Asko Parpola, renowned Indologist, for
his work on the Dravidian hypothesis in the interpretation of the Indus script. He said Old Tamil was best
preserved in Dravidian linguistic traditions.
Classical status
Presiding over the inauguration, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi said there was a worldwide
consensus that Tamil possessed greater merits than the 11 parameters laid down for declaring a language
classical. “Tamil is not only an international language; it is like a mother for all the languages of the world,” he
said.
Governor Surjit Singh Barnala, who handed over the first copy of the conference souvenir to Ms. Patil, referred
to the influence of the Tamil language in several important language families of the world and said the
language had been ever-growing.
27.06.2010
The first World Classical Tamil Conference, 2010 in Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu, India came to an end on
27.06.2010 with Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi announcing a plan of action for Tamil promotion and
development.
Delivering the valedictory address of the five-day conference (23.06.2010 to 27.06.2010), Mr. Karunanidhi said
a Rs.100-crore fund would be established for Tamil development. This would be a follow-up to the “good
work” done at the meet.
The Chief Minister said efforts would be taken for translating well-known Tamil works into other Indian, Asian
and European languages. Significant works of other languages would also be translated to Tamil. The
government would create “genetic heritage gardens” in five distinct zones of the State as spelt out in the
Sangam poetry.
Noting the presence of Union Ministers for Finance and Home Affairs Pranab Mukherjee and P. Chidambaram
on the occasion, the Chief Minister appealed to the Centre to extend financial assistance for a number of
initiatives announced by him.
The proposed Tholkappiyar Classical Tamil Sangam at Madurai would take efforts for conducting the World
Classical Tamil Conference periodically. Referring to the 15-year long gap in holding a mega Tamil meet, he
assured people that this would not recur. On the Sri Lankan Tamils question, Mr. Karunanidhi said no political
solution had been found so far. “This is a matter of pain and deep concern to lakhs and lakhs of world Tamils
who have gathered at this World Classical Tamil Conference.”
He called for a detailed plan to carry out marine archaeological research on the mythical Kumari continent and
Poompuhar. He reiterated his request made earlier to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh for locating the
proposed Indian National Institute of Epigraphy in Chennai.
Presiding over the function, Mr. Mukherjee expressed the hope that lessons from the conference would inspire
many more accomplishments in future.
Describing the Chief Minister as a man of perfection, he commended him and the State government for the
successful conduct of the Conference. Referring to the popular response to three exhibitions held as part of the
WCTC, he said this was evident in the fact that the duration of the exhibitions was extended by a week.
Mr. Chidambaram wanted Tamil books to be published in different disciplines such as science, law, economics
and geology. He suggested that at least 100 titles be published in such disciplines, for which a sum of Rs. 10
lakh would be required by authors and publishers for each title. Totally, Rs. 10 crore would be needed and this
was not a big amount for the State government.
The Union Minister requested the Chief Minister to ensure that the amount was set apart. Mr Karunanidhi, in
his address, responded to his suggestion positively.
Next World Classical Tamil Conference
The World Classical Tamil Conference (WCTC) will be held in Tamil Nadu State once in five years, according
to Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi.
Giving an account of the scale of participation in the conference, he said 913 papers on 55 subjects were
presented. Of the total number of papers, 152 were submitted by foreign delegates. There were 2,605 delegates,
including 840 foreigners. About 1.7 lakh people visited the general exhibition in the last four days. The WCTC
souvenir contained 129 articles and 34 poems.
Around 1.5 lakh people witnessed various events at the conference complex every day. About five lakh people
watched the pageantry taken out on the inaugural day on 23.06.2010. The Rs.30-meal was provided to four lakh
people.
As for the Tamil Internet Conference (TIC) that was held concurrently, there were 500 participants and 110
papers presented. Over one lakh people visited the Internet Exhibition. The TIC souvenir had 130 articles.
Noting that Rs.68.5 crore was spent on organising the WCTC, the Chief Minister said a sum of Rs.243 crore
was set apart for infrastructure development in and around the city of Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu.
*****

Failed Time Square Bomb Attack, 2010

Monday, May 24th, 2010
Bharathi B
Three heroic cops and a quick-thinking street vendor stopped a madman from detonating a car bomb in the
heart of Times Square in New York, U.S.A on 1 May 2010 Saturday night.
Police sources said that it looked as though someone had tried to detonate it and that they got to it in time. The
federal government viewed the incident a “potential terrorist attack,” Cops evacuated and shut down the Times
Square May 1 2010, but all streets were reopened by 7:30 a.m. the next day.
The suspect’s vehicle, a dark blue 1993 Nissan Pathfinder sport utility vehicle with dark tinted windows,
entered Times Square at approximately 6:28 p.m. Eastern Daylight Time on May 1, 2010, as seen on
surveillance video The source of the news was a T-shirt vendor – a Vietnam vet – who told Officer Wayne
Rhatigan that there was smoke coming from a Nissan SUV on the southwest corner of 45th St. and Broadway
at about 6:30 p.m. Rhatigan approached the car, saw the smoke and sprang into action. The officer smelt
gunpowder and knew it might blow. He alerted two rookie female cops patrolling the area. Together, they
pushed hundreds of people away from the scene as they called for backup. The Fire Department and bomb
squad rushed to the scene.
The team found in the rear of the vehicle:
1. two travel alarm clocks with batteries that apparently were fashioned as triggering devices, connected by
electrical wires to
2. two red full 5-gallon cans of gasoline, sandwiching
3. 40+ consumer-grade M-88 firecrackers inside a 20-ounce metal container (wrapped in duct tape, with its
end removed),
4. gunpowder,
5. three full 20-gallon propane tanks, and
6. a 55-inch (1,400 mm) x 32-inch (810 mm) green metal gun locker that contained:
7. a metal pressure cooker pot containing a thicket of wires, that also connected to the alarm clocks;
 8. 250 pounds (113 kg) of urea-based fertilizer in 8 plastic bags; and
9. 120 M-88s.
Police spokesman Paul Browne said cops were investigating a report that someone was seen running from the
vehicle at some point and are reviewing security videotapes. Cops began evacuating the Crossroads of the
World as the bomb squad used a robot to get inside the car. Tourists rushed out of the Marriott Marquis hotel
and several Broadway shows.
Two days after the incident, federal agents arrested Faisal Shahzad, a 30-year-old Pakistan-born resident of
Bridgeport, Connecticut, who had become a US citizen in April 2009. He was arrested after he had boarded
Emirates Flight 202 to Dubai at John F. Kennedy International Airport, and it had begun to taxi towards the
runway, but was called back. He admitted attempting the car bombing and said that he was trained at aPakistani
terrorist training camp, according to U.S. officials.
United States Attorney General Eric Holder said that Shahzad’s intent had been “to kill Americans”. Shahzad
was charged in federal court in Manhattan on May 4 2010 with “terrorism and attempted use of a weapon of
mass destruction.” More than a dozen people were arrested by Pakistani officials in connection with the plot.
Shahzad told interrogators that he was “inspired by” Anwar- al- Awlaki, with whom he was reportedly in
internet contact. An initial claim of responsibility by the Pakistani Taliban was dismissed at first; however,
Holder later said the Pakistani Taliban directed the attack and may have financed the same. John Brennan,
President Obama’s chief counterterrorism adviser, said that it’s a group that was closely allied with Al-Qaeda.
Since then, three more people have been arrested on suspicion of supporting the man who has been charged
with the failed Times Square bomb plot. The three men are all of Pakistani origin and they are in police
custody. Police say they have not yet established if they gave the money towards the failed bomb plot or helped
Faisal in some other way.
The men have not yet been charged and police said that the investigations are ongoing to ascertain their exact
role in the failed May 1 bomb attack. Faisal Shazhad said that he collected several thousands of dollars from the
arrested men in the days leading to the May 1 2010 failed attacks.
Meanwhile US law enforcement authorities say Shazhad has been cooperative with authorities since his arrest
aboard an Emirates flight bound for Dubai. Authorities say Shazhad is giving them all the information that they
need concerning the connections and links that he has and this has been very helpful for the authorities.
Mr. Shazhad who has told authorities that he learnt how to make bombs in Pakistan, prior to the failed attempt
on the New York Times Square is pressing for a speedy trial.
Faisal Shazhad had other targets in mind besides the New York Times Square where his bombing plan failed,
according to the investigators. Shazhad who investigators say have confirmed that he worked for the Pakistani
Taliban, has been cooperating with investigators after his arrest from a Dubai bound Emirates flight.
Shazhad’s other targets included New York’s Rockefeller Center, the World Financial Center, Grand Central
Terminal and Sikorsky in Connecticut. Shazhad had actually gone ahead and done surveillance on these places,
according to an official of the counterterrorism unit, who disclosed these details to the media.
Investigators believed the car bomb was actually made up of four separate, individual explosive components —
in effect, four bombs comprising one large bomb. The firecrackers would have started the process by setting off
triggering devices, attached to the gasoline. That would have created an explosion that would then have in turn
set off the propane and the fertilizer. A cell phone and wristwatch recovered from the vehicle may have been
intended as separate timing/triggering devices. The maker of the “bomb” incorrectly surmised that the
urea/sugar mixture fertilizer would work like the ammonium nitrate-based fertilizer which was used in the
Oklahoma City bombing.
The improvised explosive device’s ignition source malfunctioned, however, and failed to set it off as intended.
Had it detonated, NYC Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly said the bomb would have cut the car in half, and
“would have caused casualties, a significant fireball.” Police said the bomb would likely also have sprayed
shrapnel, and killed or wounded many people.
On 23 may 2010, the Pakistani police detained another man on suspicion of having links with Pakistani-
American terror suspect Faisal Shahzad. The man was taken into custody by over two dozen policemen, some
in civilian clothes, who raided the posh Kohsar Marke. The man who put up some resistance, was handcuffed
and taken in a vehicle to an undisclosed place. According to witnesses, the man in his mid-30s came to the
market at about 7 pm on 23 May 2010, and sat in an open area. He kept calling or sending messages on his cell
phone, before the raid at about 10:30 pm.
Media reports have said that the ISI is conducting the investigation into Shahzad’s links and contacts in
Pakistan. Seven men have either been picked up or gone missing since May 10 2010 in Islamabad, including
Suleman Ashraf, the son of the owner of ‘Hanif Rajput Catering Service’, and Ahmed Raza Khan. These men
are believed to have been detained by intelligence operatives for alleged links with Shahzad.
Ashraf allegedly provided financial help to Shahzad when he was studying at the University of Houston. He
returned to Pakistan from the US in 2001 after getting a bachelor’s degree in computer science. He was last
seen by his family when he left for his office at about 11 am on May 10. Ashraf’s wife lodged a complaint on
May 19, 2010 with the Supreme Court’s Human Right Cell about his disappearance. Ashraf’s father claims that
his son had no relations with Shahzad.
The US embassy in Pakistan has issued a warning to US government personnel and American citizens about
terrorist groups forging links with the Hanif Rajput Catering Service.
However, unnamed security officials have been quoted in media reports as saying that Shahzad lived in
Ashraf’s house in Islamabad for some time.
*****

Haiti earthquake, 2010

Monday, May 17th, 2010
Bharathi B
Large-scale earthquake that occurred January 12, 2010, on the West Indian island of Hispaniola, comprising the
countries of Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Most severely affected was Haiti, occupying the western third
of the island. More than 2,00,000 people were killed, and over a million were displaced by the disaster.

The earthquake
The earthquake hit at 4:53 pm some 15 miles (25 km) southwest of the Haitian capital of Port-au-Prince. The
initial shock registered a magnitude of 7.0 and was soon followed by two aftershocks of magnitudes 5.9 and
5.5. More aftershocks occurred in the following days, including another one of magnitude 5.9 that struck on
January 20 at Petit Goâve, a town some 35 miles (55 km) west of Port-au-Prince. Seismologists asserted that
minor tremors would likely persist for months or even years. Haiti had not been hit by an earthquake of such
enormity since the 18th century, the closest in force being a 1984 shock of magnitude 6.9. A magnitude-8.0
earthquake had struck the Dominican Republic in 1946.
The earthquake was generated by the movement of the Caribbean tectonic plate eastward along the Enriquillo–
Plantain Garden strike-slip fault system, a transform boundary that separates the Gonâve microplate—the
fragment of the North American Plate upon which Haiti is situated—from the Caribbean Plate. Occurring at a
depth of 8.1 miles (13 km), the temblor was fairly shallow, which increased the degree of shaking at the Earth’s
surface. The shocks were felt throughout Haiti and the Dominican Republic as well as in parts of nearby Cuba,
Jamaica, and Puerto Rico. The densely populated region around Port-au-Prince, located on the Gulf of Gonâve,
was among those most heavily affected. Farther south the city of Jacmel also sustained significant damage, and
to the west the city of Léogâne, even closer to the epicentre than Port-au-Prince, was essentially leveled.
A country in ruins
The collapsed buildings defining the landscape of the disaster area came as a consequence of Haiti’s lack of
building codes. Without adequate reinforcement, the buildings disintegrated under the force of the quake,
killing or trapping their occupants. In Port-au-Prince the cathedral and the National Palace were both heavily
damaged, as were the United Nations headquarters, national penitentiary, and parliament building. The city,
already beset by a strained and inadequate infrastructure and still recovering from the two tropical storms and
two hurricanes of August–September 2008, was ill-equipped to deal with such a disaster. Other affected areas
of the country—faced with comparable weaknesses—were similarly unprepared.
In the aftermath of the quake, efforts by citizens and international aid organizations to provide medical
assistance, food, and water to survivors were hampered by the failure of the electric power system (which
already was unreliable), loss of communication lines, and roads blocked with debris. A week after the event,
little aid had reached beyond Port-au-Prince; after another week, supplies were being distributed only
sporadically to other urban areas. Operations to rescue those trapped under the wreckage—which had freed
over 100 people—had mostly ceased two weeks into the crisis, as hope that anyone could have survived for that
length of time without food or water began to fade. However, there were still occasional recoveries of people
who had managed to survive such confinement for weeks by rationing the meagre supplies available to them.

A people in crisis
It was estimated that some three million people were affected by the quake—nearly one-third of the country’s
total population. Of these, over one million were left homeless. In the devastated urban areas, the displaced
were forced to squat in ersatz cities composed of found materials and donated tents. Looting—restrained in the
early days following the quake—became more prevalent in the absence of sufficient supplies and was
exacerbated in the capital by the escape of several thousand prisoners from the damaged penitentiary. In the
second week of the aftermath, many urbanites began streaming into outlying areas, either of their own volition
or as a result of governmental relocation programs engineered to alleviate crowded and unsanitary conditions.
Those who remained were encouraged by aid agencies to construct more-substantial provisional housing using
tarpaulins—and, later, donated lumber and sheet metal—in preparation for the rainy season and the hurricane
season.
Because many hospitals had been rendered unusable, survivors were forced to wait days for treatment and, with
morgues quickly reaching capacity, corpses were stacked in the streets. The onset of decay forced the interment
of many bodies in mass graves, and recovery of those buried under the rubble was impeded by a shortage of
heavy-lifting equipment, making death tolls difficult to determine. Figures released by Haitian government
officials at the end of March placed the death toll at 222,570 people, though there was significant disagreement
over the exact figure, and some estimated that nearly a hundred thousand more had perished. Given the
difficulty of observing documentation procedures in the rush to dispose of the dead, it was considered unlikely
that a definitive total would ever be established.
Further deaths occurred as serious injuries went untreated in the absence of medical staff and supplies. The
orphans created by these mass mortalities—as well as those whose parents had died prior to the quake—were
left vulnerable to abuse and human trafficking. Though adoptions of Haitian children by foreign nationals—
particularly in the United States—were expedited, the process was slowed by the efforts of Haitian and foreign
authorities to ensure that the children did not have living relatives, as orphanages had often temporarily
accommodated the children of the destitute.
Because the infrastructure of the country’s computer network was largely unaffected, electronic media emerged
as a useful mode for connecting those separated by the quake and for coordinating relief efforts. Survivors who
were able to access the Internet—and friends and relatives abroad—took to social networking sites such as
Twitter and Facebook in search of information on those missing in the wake of the catastrophe. Feeds from
these sites also assisted aid organizations in constructing maps of the areas affected and in determining where to
channel resources. The many Haitians lacking Internet access were able to contribute updates via text
messaging on mobile phones.
The general disorder created by the earthquake—combined with the destruction of the country’s electoral
headquarters and the death of UN officials working in concert with the Haitian electoral council—prompted
Haitian Pres. René Préval to defer legislative elections that had been scheduled for the end of February.
Préval’s term in office was set to end the following year.

Humanitarian aid
Humanitarian aid was promised by numerous organizations—spearheaded by the United Nations and the
International Red Cross—and many countries in the region and around the world sent doctors, relief workers,
and supplies. Former U.S. president Bill Clinton, who had in May 2009 been named the UN special envoy to
Haiti, was assigned the task of coordinating the efforts of the disparate aid initiatives. In the months following
the disaster, Haitian Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive expressed concern that foreign nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs)—which were numerous in Haiti even prior to the quake and which bore responsibility
for diverse aspects of the recovery—were not sufficiently accounting for the use of their resources, making it
challenging for the Haitian government to assess where its own resources could best be deployed. The NGOs,
in turn, were hindered by their own unwieldy bureaucratic structures and found interorganizational
communication difficult. The U.S. military—though providing considerable initial support in the form of
equipment, logistics coordination, and personnel—had withdrawn all but a fraction of its forces by the second
week of March, leaving UN peacekeepers and Haitian police to maintain order.
Using a model that had proved successful in Europe after the Indian Ocean tsunami of 2004, programs were
initiated abroad whereby mobile phone users could make donations via text messages. A sizeable portion of the
aid gathered in the United States was channeled through mobile phone companies. A celebrity telethon hosted
by Haitian American rapper Wyclef Jean in New York City and American actor George Clooney in Los
Angeles and featuring numerous other entertainers was broadcast internationally and generated over $60
million.
A significant portion of Haiti’s debt had been cancelled the previous year as part of the Heavily Indebted Poor
Countries initiative of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank, but the country still owed more
than $1 billion to a range of creditors. With its economy barely functioning, the country appeared unlikely to
meet those obligations. In February the G7 countries forgave the remaining portion of Haiti’s debt to them, and
in March the Inter-American Development Bank forgave $447 million and pledged over $30 million in further
support. A UN donor conference in New York City in late March generated pledges of $9.9 billion, with $5.3
billion to be used during the first two years of reconstruction efforts. The bulk of the sum was put forth by the
United States and the European Union (EU). The donor conference also established the Interim Haiti Recovery
Commission, a partnership between the Haitian government and foreign donors that, under the chairmanship of
Clinton and Préval, would disburse aid funds to a variety of reconstruction efforts. The commission was
approved by the Haitian parliament in April, 2010.
*****

Earthquake – the ought-to-know Facts

Monday, May 17th, 2010
Earthquake is the sudden shaking of the ground caused by a disturbance deeper within the crust of the Earth.
Most earthquakes occur when masses of rock straining against one another along fault lines suddenly fracture
and slip. The Earth’s major earthquakes occur mainly in belts coinciding with the margins of tectonic plates.
These include the Circum-Pacific Belt, which affects New Zealand, New Guinea, Japan, the Aleutian Islands,
Alaska, and the western coasts of North and South America; the Alpide Belt, which passes through the
Mediterranean region eastward through Asia; oceanic ridges in the Arctic, Atlantic, and western Indian oceans;
and the rift valleys of East Africa. The “size,” or magnitude, of earthquakes is usually expressed in terms of the
Richter scale, which assigns levels from 1.0 or lower to 8.0 or higher. The largest quake ever recorded (Richter
magnitude 9.5) occurred off the coast of Chile in 1960. The “strength” of an earthquake is rated in intensity
scales such as the Mercalli scale, which assigns qualitative measures of damage to terrain and structures that
range from “not felt” to “damage nearly total.” The most destructive quake of modern times occurred in 1976,
when the city of Tangshan, China, was leveled and more than 250,000 people killed.
It is any sudden shaking of the ground caused by the passage of seismic waves through the Earth’s rocks.
Seismic waves are produced when some form of energy stored in the Earth’s crust is suddenly released, usually
when masses of rock straining against one another suddenly fracture and “slip.” Earthquakes occur most often
along geologic faults, narrow zones where rock masses move in relation to one another. The major fault lines of
the world are located at the fringes of the huge tectonic plates that make up the Earth’s crust.
Little was understood about earthquakes until the emergence of seismology at the beginning of the 20th
century. Seismology, which involves the scientific study of all aspects of earthquakes, has yielded answers to
such long-standing questions as why and how earthquakes occur.
About 50,000 earthquakes large enough to be noticed without the aid of instruments occur annually over the
entire Earth. Of these, approximately 100 are of sufficient size to produce substantial damage if their centres are
near areas of habitation. Very great earthquakes occur on average about once per year. Over the centuries they
have been responsible for millions of deaths and an incalculable amount of damage to property (see the table of
major historical earthquakes).
Notable earthquakes in history
approximate
year affected area magnitude intensity number of comments
deaths
One of several events that leveled the
c. 1500Knossos, Crete capital of Minoan civilization, this
… X …
BCE (Greece) quake accompanied the explosion of
the nearby volcanic island of Thera.
This quake cracked one of the statues
known as the Colossi of Memnon, and
27 for almost two centuries the “singing
Thebes (Egypt) … … …
BCE Memnon” emitted musical tones on
certain mornings as it was warmed by
the Sun’s rays.
These two prosperous Roman cities
Pompeii and
had not yet recovered from the quake
62 CE Herculaneum … X …
of 62 when they were buried by the
(Italy)
eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79.
A centre of Hellenistic and early
Christian culture, Antioch suffered
Antioch (Antakya,
115 … XI … many devastating quakes; this one
Turkey)
almost killed the visiting Roman
emperor Trajan.
Shaanxi province This may have been the deadliest
1556 … IX 830,000
(China) earthquake ever recorded.
Many of Cuzco’s Baroque monuments
1650 Cuzco (Peru) 8.1 VIII … date to the rebuilding of the city after
this quake.
Much of this British West Indies port,
Port Royal a notorious haven for buccaneers and
1692 … … 2,000
(Jamaica) slave traders, sank beneath the sea
following the quake.
1693 southeastern … XI 93,000 Syracuse, Catania, and Ragusa were
Sicily (Italy) almost completely destroyed but were
 rebuilt with a Baroque splendour that
still attracts tourists.
The Lisbon earthquake of 1755 was
1755 Lisbon, Portugal … XI 62,000 felt as far away as Algiers and caused a
tsunami that reached the Caribbean.
This ancient highland city was
destroyed and rebuilt, as it had been in
1780 Tabriz (Iran) 7.7 … 200,000
791, 858, 1041, and 1721 and would be
again in 1927.
A series of quakes at the New Madrid
Fault caused few deaths, but the New
1811– New Madrid, Mo. Madrid earthquake of 1811–12
8.0 to 8.8 XII …
12 (U.S.) rerouted portions of the Mississippi
River and was felt from Canada to the
Gulf of Mexico.
A provincial town in 1812, Caracas
Caracas
1812 9.6 X 26,000 recovered and eventually became
(Venezuela)
Venezuela’s capital.
British naturalist Charles Darwin,
witnessing this quake, marveled at the
1835 Concepción, Chile 8.5 … 35
power of the Earth to destroy cities and
alter landscapes.
Charleston, S.C., This was one of the largest quakes ever
1886 … IX 60
U.S. to hit the eastern United States.
Ljubljana Modern Ljubljana is said to have been
1895 6.1 VIII …
(Slovenia) born in the rebuilding after this quake.
San Francisco still dates its modern
San Francisco, development from the San Francisco
1906 7.9 XI 700
Calif., U.S. earthquake of 1906 and the resulting
fires.
These two cities on the Strait of
Messina and
Messina were almost completely
1908 Reggio di 7.5 XII 110,000
destroyed in what is said to be
Calabria, Italy
Europe’s worst earthquake ever.
Many of the deaths in this quake-prone
Gansu province,
1920 8.5 … 200,000 province were caused by huge
China
landslides.
Japan’s capital and its principal port,
Tokyo- located on soft alluvial ground,
1923 7.9 … 142,800
Yokohama, Japan suffered severely from the Tokyo-
Yokohama earthquake of 1923.
The bayside towns of Napier and
Hawke Bay, New Hastings were rebuilt in an Art Deco
1931 7.9 … 256
Zealand style that is now a great tourist
attraction.
The capital of Balochistan province
was severely damaged in the most
1935 Quetta (Pakistan) 7.5 X 20,000
destructive quake to hit South Asia in
the 20th century.
Every year, Turkmenistan
Ashgabat
1948 7.3 X 176,000 commemorates the utter destruction of
(Turkmenistan)
its capital in this quake.
 The largest quake ever recorded in
South Asia killed relatively few people
1950 Assam, India 8.7 X 574
in a lightly populated region along the
Indo-Chinese border.
The Chile earthquake of 1960, the
Valdivia and largest quake ever recorded in the
1960 Puerto Montt, 9.5 XI 5,700 world, produced a tsunami that crossed
Chile the Pacific Ocean to Japan, where it
killed more than 100 people.
The capital of Macedonia had to be
Skopje,
1963 6.9 X 1,070 rebuilt almost completely following
Macedonia
this quake.
Anchorage, Seward, and Valdez were
Prince William damaged, but most deaths in the
1964 Sound, Alaska, 9.2 … 131 Alaska earthquake of 1964 were
U.S. caused by tsunamis in Alaska and as
far away as California.
Most of the damage and loss of life
resulting from the Ancash earthquake
1970 Chimbote, Peru 7.9 … 70,000 was caused by landslides and the
collapse of poorly constructed
buildings.
The centre of the capital of Nicaragua
Managua,
1972 6.2 … 10,000 was almost completely destroyed and
Nicaragua
has never been rebuilt.
Rebuilt following a series of
Guatemala City, devastating quakes in 1917-18, the
1976 7.5 IX 23,000
Guatemala capital of Guatemala again suffered
great destruction.
In the Tangshan earthquake of 1976,
this industrial city was almost
1976 Tangshan, China 8.0 X 242,000
completely destroyed in the worst
earthquake disaster in modern history.
The centre of Mexico City, built
Michoacán state
largely on the soft subsoil of an ancient
1985 and Mexico City, 8.1 IX 10,000
lake, suffered great damage in the
Mexico
Mexico City earthquake of 1985.
Spitak and This quake destroyed nearly one-third
1988 6.8 X 25,000
Gyumri, Armenia of Armenia’s industrial capacity.
The San Francisco-Oakland
earthquake, the first sizable movement
Loma Prieta,
1989 7.1 IX 62 of the San Andreas Fault since 1906,
Calif., U.S.
collapsed a section of the San
Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge.
Centred in the urbanized San Fernando
Valley, the Northridge earthquake
Northridge, Calif.,
1994 6.8 IX 60 collapsed freeways and some
U.S.
buildings, but damage was limited by
earthquake-resistant construction.
1995 Kobe, Japan 6.9 XI 5,502 The Great Hanshin Earthquake
destroyed or damaged 200,000
buildings and left 300,000 people
 homeless.
The Izmit earthquake heavily damaged
1999 Izmit, Turkey 7.4 X 17,000 the industrial city of Izmit and the
naval base at Golcuk.
The Taiwan earthquake of 1999, the
Nan-t’ou county, worst to hit Taiwan since 1935,
1999 7.7 X 2,400
Taiwan provided a wealth of digitized data for
seismic and engineering studies.
This quake, possibly the deadliest ever
Bhuj, Gujarat
2001 8.0 X 20,000 to hit India, was felt across India and
state, India
Pakistan.
This ancient Silk Road fortress city,
2003 Bam, Iran 6.6 IX 26,000 built mostly of mud brick, was almost
completely destroyed.
The deaths resulting from this offshore
quake actually were caused by a
Aceh province, tsunami originating in the Indian
2004 Sumatra, 9.0 … 200,000 Ocean that, in addition to killing more
Indonesia than 150,000 in Indonesia, killed
people as far away as Sri Lanka and
Somalia.
The Kashmir earthquake, perhaps the
Azad Kashmir
deadliest shock ever to strike South
(Pakistani-
2005 7.6 VIII 80,000 Asia, left hundreds of thousands of
administered
people exposed to the coming winter
Kashmir)
weather.
The Sichuan earthquake of 2008 left
over 5 million people homeless across
the region, and over half of Beichuan
Sichuan province,
2008 7.9 … 69,000 City was destroyed by the initial
China
seismic event and the release of water
from a lake formed by nearby
landslides.
The Haiti earthquake of 2010
Port-au-Prince, devastated the metropolitan area of
2010 7.0 IX 200,000
Haiti Port-au-Prince and left an estimated
1.5 million survivors homeless.
The Chile earthquake of 2010
produced widespread damage in
2010 Maule, Chile 8.8 VIII … Chile’s central region and triggered
tsunami warnings throughout the
Pacific basin.
The nature of earthquakes
Causes of earthquakes
The Earth’s major earthquakes occur mainly in belts coinciding with the margins of tectonic plates . This has
long been apparent from early catalogs of felt earthquakes and is even more readily discernible in modern
seismicity maps, which show instrumentally determined epicentres. The most important earthquake belt is the
Circum-Pacific Belt, which affects many populated coastal regions around the Pacific Ocean—for example,
those of New Zealand, New Guinea, Japan, the Aleutian Islands, Alaska, and the western coasts of North and
South America. It is estimated that 80 percent of the energy presently released in earthquakes comes from those
whose epicentres are in this belt. The seismic activity is by no means uniform throughout the belt, and there are
a number of branches at various points. Because at many places the Circum-Pacific Belt is associated with
volcanic activity, it has been popularly dubbed the “Pacific Ring of Fire.”
A second belt, known as the Alpide Belt, passes through the Mediterranean region eastward through Asia and
joins the Circum-Pacific Belt in the East Indies. The energy released in earthquakes from this belt is about 15
percent of the world total. There also are striking connected belts of seismic activity, mainly along oceanic
ridges—including those in the Arctic Ocean, the Atlantic Ocean, and the western Indian Ocean—and along the
rift valleys of East Africa. This global seismicity distribution is best understood in terms of its plate tectonic
setting.
Natural forces
Earthquakes are caused by the sudden release of energy within some limited region of the rocks of the Earth.
The energy can be released by elastic strain, gravity, chemical reactions, or even the motion of massive bodies.
Of all these the release of elastic strain is the most important cause, because this form of energy is the only kind
that can be stored in sufficient quantity in the Earth to produce major disturbances. Earthquakes associated with
this type of energy release are called tectonic earthquakes.
Tectonics
Tectonic earthquakes are explained by the so-called elastic rebound theory, formulated by the American
geologist Harry Fielding Reid after the San Andreas Fault ruptured in 1906, generating the great San Francisco
earthquake. According to the theory, a tectonic earthquake occurs when strains in rock masses have
accumulated to a point where the resulting stresses exceed the strength of the rocks, and sudden fracturing
results. The fractures propagate rapidly through the rock, usually tending in the same direction and sometimes
extending many kilometres along a local zone of weakness. In 1906, for instance, the San Andreas Fault slipped
along a plane 430 km (270 miles) long. Along this line the ground was displaced horizontally as much as 6
metres (20 feet).
As a fault rupture progresses along or up the fault, rock masses are flung in opposite directions and thus spring
back to a position where there is less strain. At any one point this movement may take place not at once but
rather in irregular steps; these sudden slowings and restartings give rise to the vibrations that propagate as
seismic waves. Such irregular properties of fault rupture are now included in the modeling of earthquake
sources, both physically and mathematically. Roughnesses along the fault are referred to as asperities, and
places where the rupture slows or stops are said to be fault barriers. Fault rupture starts at the earthquake focus,
a spot that in many cases is close to 5–15 km under the surface. The rupture propagates in one or both
directions over the fault plane until stopped or slowed at a barrier. Sometimes, instead of being stopped at the
barrier, the fault rupture recommences on the far side; at other times the stresses in the rocks break the barrier,
and the rupture continues.
Earthquakes have different properties depending on the type of fault slip that causes them. The usual fault
model has a “strike” (that is, the direction from north taken by a horizontal line in the fault plane) and a “dip”
(the angle from the horizontal shown by the steepest slope in the fault). The lower wall of an inclined fault is
called the footwall. Lying over the footwall is the hanging wall. When rock masses slip past each other parallel
to the strike, the movement is known as strike-slip faulting. Movement parallel to the dip is called dip-slip
faulting. Strike-slip faults are right lateral or left lateral, depending on whether the block on the opposite side of
the fault from an observer has moved to the right or left. In dip-slip faults, if the hanging-wall block moves
downward relative to the footwall block, it is called “normal” faulting; the opposite motion, with the hanging
wall moving upward relative to the footwall, produces reverse or thrust faulting.
All known faults are assumed to have been the seat of one or more earthquakes in the past, though tectonic
movements along faults are often slow, and most geologically ancient faults are now aseismic (that is, they no
longer cause earthquakes). The actual faulting associated with an earthquake may be complex, and it is often
not clear whether in a particular earthquake the total energy issues from a single fault plane.
Observed geologic faults sometimes show relative displacements on the order of hundreds of kilometres over
geologic time, whereas the sudden slip offsets that produce seismic waves may range from only several
centimetres to tens of metres. In the 1976 Tangshan earthquake, for example, a surface strike-slip of about one
metre was observed along the causative fault east of Beijing, and in the 1999 Taiwan earthquake the Chelung-
pu fault slipped up to eight metres vertically.
Volcanism
A separate type of earthquake is associated with volcanic activity and is called a volcanic earthquake. Yet it is
likely that even in such cases the disturbance is the result of a sudden slip of rock masses adjacent to the
volcano and the consequent release of elastic strain energy. The stored energy, however, may in part be of
hydrodynamic origin due to heat provided by magma moving in reservoirs beneath the volcano or to the release
of gas under pressure.
There is a clear correspondence between the geographic distribution of volcanoes and major earthquakes,
particularly in the Circum-Pacific Belt and along oceanic ridges. Volcanic vents, however, are generally several
hundred kilometres from the epicentres of most major shallow earthquakes, and many earthquake sources occur
nowhere near active volcanoes. Even in cases where an earthquake’s focus occurs directly below structures
marked by volcanic vents, there is probably no immediate causal connection between the two activities; most
likely both are the result of the same tectonic processes.
Artificial induction
Earthquakes are sometimes caused by human activities, including the injection of fluids into deep wells, the
detonation of large underground nuclear explosions, the excavation of mines, and the filling of large reservoirs.
In the case of deep mining, the removal of rock produces changes in the strain around the tunnels. Slip on
adjacent, preexisting faults or outward shattering of rock into the new cavities may occur. In fluid injection, the
slip is thought to be induced by premature release of elastic strain, as in the case of tectonic earthquakes, after
fault surfaces are lubricated by the liquid. Large underground nuclear explosions have been known to produce
slip on already strained faults in the vicinity of the test devices.
Reservoir induction
Of the various earthquake-causing activities cited above, the filling of large reservoirs is among the most
important. More than 20 significant cases have been documented in which local seismicity has increased
following the impounding of water behind high dams. Often, causality cannot be substantiated, because no data
exists to allow comparison of earthquake occurrence before and after the reservoir was filled. Reservoir-
induction effects are most marked for reservoirs exceeding 100 metres (330 feet) in depth and 1 cubic km (0.24
cubic mile) in volume. Three sites where such connections have very probably occurred are the Hoover Dam in
the United States, the Aswan High Dam in Egypt, and the Kariba Dam on the border between Zimbabwe and
Zambia. The most generally accepted explanation for earthquake occurrence in such cases assumes that rocks
near the reservoir are already strained from regional tectonic forces to a point where nearby faults are almost
ready to slip. Water in the reservoir adds a pressure perturbation that triggers the fault rupture. The pressure
effect is perhaps enhanced by the fact that the rocks along the fault have lower strength because of increased
water-pore pressure. These factors notwithstanding, the filling of most large reservoirs has not produced
earthquakes large enough to be a hazard.
The specific seismic source mechanisms associated with reservoir induction have been established in a few
cases. For the main shock at the Koyna Dam and Reservoir in India (1967), the evidence favours strike-slip
faulting motion. At both the Kremasta Dam in Greece (1965) and the Kariba Dam in Zimbabwe-Zambia
(1961), the generating mechanism was dip-slip on normal faults. By contrast, thrust mechanisms have been
determined for sources of earthquakes at the lake behind Nurek Dam in Tajikistan. More than 1,800
earthquakes occurred during the first nine years after water was impounded in this 317-metre-deep reservoir in
1972, a rate amounting to four times the average number of shocks in the region prior to filling.
Seismology and nuclear explosions
In 1958 representatives from several countries, including the United States and the Soviet Union, met to discuss
the technical basis for a nuclear test-ban treaty. Among the matters considered was the feasibility of developing
effective means with which to detect underground nuclear explosions and to distinguish them seismically from
earthquakes. After that conference, much special research was directed to seismology, leading to major
advances in seismic signal detection and analysis.
Recent seismological work on treaty verification has involved using high-resolution seismographs in a
worldwide network, estimating the yield of explosions, studying wave attenuation in the Earth, determining
wave amplitude and frequency spectra discriminants, and applying seismic arrays. The findings of such
research have shown that underground nuclear explosions, compared with natural earthquakes, usually generate
seismic waves through the body of the Earth that are of much larger amplitude than the surface waves. This
telltale difference along with other types of seismic evidence suggest that an international monitoring network
of 270 seismographic stations could detect and locate all seismic events over the globe of magnitude 4 and
above (corresponding to an explosive yield of about 100 tons of TNT).
Effects of earthquakes
Earthquakes have varied effects, including changes in geologic features, damage to man-made structures, and
impact on human and animal life. Most of these effects occur on solid ground, but, since most earthquake foci
are actually located under the ocean bottom, severe effects are often observed along the margins of oceans.
Surface phenomena
Earthquakes often cause dramatic geomorphological changes, including ground movements—either vertical or
horizontal—along geologic fault traces; rising, dropping, and tilting of the ground surface; changes in the flow
of groundwater; liquefaction of sandy ground; landslides; and mudflows. The investigation of topographic
changes is aided by geodetic measurements, which are made systematically in a number of countries seriously
affected by earthquakes.
Earthquakes can do significant damage to buildings, bridges, pipelines, railways, embankments, and other
structures. The type and extent of damage inflicted are related to the strength of the ground motions and to the
behaviour of the foundation soils. In the most intensely damaged region, called the meizoseismal area, the
effects of a severe earthquake are usually complicated and depend on the topography and the nature of the
surface materials. They are often more severe on soft alluvium and unconsolidated sediments than on hard rock.
At distances of more than 100 km (60 miles) from the source, the main damage is caused by seismic waves
traveling along the surface. In mines there is frequently little damage below depths of a few hundred metres
even though the ground surface immediately above is considerably affected.
Earthquakes are frequently associated with reports of distinctive sounds and lights. The sounds are generally
low-pitched and have been likened to the noise of an underground train passing through a station. The
occurrence of such sounds is consistent with the passage of high-frequency seismic waves through the ground.
Occasionally, luminous flashes, streamers, and bright balls have been reported in the night sky during
earthquakes. These lights have been attributed to electric induction in the air along the earthquake source.
Tsunamis
Following certain earthquakes, very long-wavelength water waves in oceans or seas sweep inshore. More
properly called seismic sea waves or tsunamis (tsunami is a Japanese word for “harbour wave”), they are
commonly referred to as tidal waves, although the attractions of the Moon and Sun play no role in their
formation. They sometimes come ashore to great heights—tens of metres above mean tide level—and may be
extremely destructive.
The usual immediate cause of a tsunami is sudden displacement in a seabed sufficient to cause the sudden
raising or lowering of a large body of water. This deformation may be the fault source of an earthquake, or it
may be a submarine landslide arising from an earthquake. Large volcanic eruptions along shorelines, such as
those of Thera (c. 1580 bc) and Krakatoa (ad 1883), have also produced notable tsunamis. The most destructive
tsunami ever recorded occurred on December 26, 2004, after an earthquake displaced the seabed off the coast
of Sumatra, Indonesia. More than 200,000 people were killed by a series of waves that flooded coasts from
Indonesia to Sri Lanka and even washed ashore on the Horn of Africa.
Following the initial disturbance to the sea surface, water waves spread in all directions. Their speed of travel in
deep water is given by the formula (√gh), where h is the sea depth and g is the acceleration of gravity. This
speed may be considerable—100 metres per second (225 miles per hour) when h is 1,000 metres (3,300 feet).
However, the amplitude (that is, the height of disturbance) at the water surface does not exceed a few metres in
deep water, and the principal wavelength may be on the order of hundreds of kilometres; correspondingly, the
principal wave period—that is, the time interval between arrival of successive crests—may be on the order of
tens of minutes. Because of these features, tsunami waves are not noticed by ships far out at sea.
When tsunamis approach shallow water, however, the wave amplitude increases. The waves may occasionally
reach a height of 20 to 30 metres above mean sea level in U- and V-shaped harbours and inlets. They
characteristically do a great deal of damage in low-lying ground around such inlets. Frequently, the wave front
in the inlet is nearly vertical, as in a tidal bore, and the speed of onrush may be on the order of 10 metres per
second. In some cases there are several great waves separated by intervals of several minutes or more. The first
of these waves is often preceded by an extraordinary recession of water from the shore, which may commence
several minutes or even half an hour beforehand.
Organizations, notably in Japan, Siberia, Alaska, and Hawaii, have been set up to provide tsunami warnings. A
key development is the Seismic Sea Wave Warning System, an internationally supported system designed to
reduce loss of life in the Pacific Ocean. Centred in Honolulu, it issues alerts based on reports of earthquakes
from circum-Pacific seismographic stations.
Seiches
Seiches are rhythmic motions of water in nearly landlocked bays or lakes that are sometimes induced by
earthquakes and tsunamis. Oscillations of this sort may last for hours or even for a day or two.
The great Lisbon earthquake of 1755 caused the waters of canals and lakes in regions as far away as Scotland
and Sweden to go into observable oscillations. Seiche surges in lakes in Texas, in the southwestern United
States, commenced between 30 and 40 minutes after the 1964 Alaska earthquake, produced by seismic surface
waves passing through the area.
A related effect is the result of seismic waves from an earthquake passing through the seawater following their
refraction through the seafloor. The speed of these waves is about 1.5 km (0.9 mile) per second, the speed of
sound in water. If such waves meet a ship with sufficient intensity, they give the impression that the ship has
struck a submerged object. This phenomenon is called a seaquake.
Intensity and magnitude of earthquakes
Intensity scales
The violence of seismic shaking varies considerably over a single affected area. Because the entire range of
observed effects is not capable of simple quantitative definition, the strength of the shaking is commonly
estimated by reference to intensity scales that describe the effects in qualitative terms. Intensity scales date from
the late 19th and early 20th centuries, before seismographs capable of accurate measurement of ground motion
were developed. Since that time, the divisions in these scales have been associated with measurable
accelerations of the local ground shaking. Intensity depends, however, in a complicated way not only on ground
accelerations but also on the periods and other features of seismic waves, the distance of the measuring point
from the source, and the local geologic structure. Furthermore, earthquake intensity, or strength, is distinct from
earthquake magnitude, which is a measure of the amplitude, or size, of seismic waves as specified by a
seismograph reading. See below Earthquake magnitude.
A number of different intensity scales have been set up during the past century and applied to both current and
ancient destructive earthquakes. For many years the most widely used was a 10-point scale devised in 1878 by
Michele Stefano de Rossi and Franƈois-Alphonse Forel. The scale now generally employed in North America
is the Mercalli scale, as modified by Harry O. Wood and Frank Neumann in 1931, in which intensity is
considered to be more suitably graded. A 12-point abridged form of the modified Mercalli scale is provided
below. Modified Mercalli intensity VIII is roughly correlated with peak accelerations of about one-quarter that
of gravity (g = 9.8 metres, or 32.2 feet, per second squared) and ground velocities of 20 cm (8 inches) per
second. Alternative scales have been developed in both Japan and Europe for local conditions. The European
(MSK) scale of 12 grades is similar to the abridged version of the Mercalli.
Modified Mercalli scale of earthquake intensity
1. Not felt. Marginal and long-period effects of large earthquakes.
2. Felt by persons at rest, on upper floors, or otherwise favourably placed to sense tremors.
3. Felt indoors. Hanging objects swing. Vibrations are similar to those caused by the passing of light
trucks. Duration can be estimated.
4. Vibrations are similar to those caused by the passing of heavy trucks (or a jolt similar to that caused by a
heavy ball striking the walls). Standing automobiles rock. Windows, dishes, doors rattle. Glasses clink,
crockery clashes. In the upper range of grade IV, wooden walls and frames creak.
5. Felt outdoors; direction may be estimated. Sleepers awaken. Liquids are disturbed, some spilled. Small
objects are displaced or upset. Doors swing, open, close. Pendulum clocks stop, start, change rate.
6. Felt by all; many are frightened and run outdoors. Persons walk unsteadily. Pictures fall off walls.
Furniture moves or overturns. Weak plaster and masonry cracks. Small bells ring (church, school).
Trees, bushes shake.
7. Difficult to stand. Noticed by drivers of automobiles. Hanging objects quivering. Furniture broken.
Damage to weak masonry. Weak chimneys broken at roof line. Fall of plaster, loose bricks, stones, tiles,
cornices. Waves on ponds; water turbid with mud. Small slides and caving along sand or gravel banks.
Large bells ringing. Concrete irrigation ditches damaged.
8. Steering of automobiles affected. Damage to masonry; partial collapse. Some damage to reinforced
masonry; none to reinforced masonry designed to resist lateral forces. Fall of stucco and some masonry
walls. Twisting, fall of chimneys, factory stacks, monuments, towers, elevated tanks. Frame houses
moved on foundations if not bolted down; loose panel walls thrown out. Decayed pilings broken off.
Branches broken from trees. Changes in flow or temperature of springs and wells. Cracks in wet ground
and on steep slopes.
9. General panic. Weak masonry destroyed; ordinary masonry heavily damaged, sometimes with complete
collapse; reinforced masonry seriously damaged. Serious damage to reservoirs. Underground pipes
broken. Conspicuous cracks in ground. In alluvial areas, sand and mud ejected; earthquake fountains,
sand craters.
10. Most masonry and frame structures destroyed with their foundations. Some well-built wooden
structures and bridges destroyed. Serious damage to dams, dikes, embankments. Large landslides. Water
thrown on banks of canals, rivers, lakes, and so on. Sand and mud shifted horizontally on beaches and
flat land. Railway rails bent slightly.
11. Rails bent greatly. Underground pipelines completely out of service.
12. Damage nearly total. Large rock masses displaced. Lines of sight and level distorted. Objects
thrown into air.
With the use of an intensity scale, it is possible to summarize such data for an earthquake by constructing
isoseismal curves, which are lines that connect points of equal intensity. If there were complete symmetry about
the vertical through the earthquake’s focus, isoseismals would be circles with the epicentre (the point at the
surface of the Earth immediately above where the earthquake originated) as the centre. However, because of the
many unsymmetrical geologic factors influencing intensity, the curves are often far from circular. The most
probable position of the epicentre is often assumed to be at a point inside the area of highest intensity. In some
cases, instrumental data verify this calculation, but not infrequently the true epicentre lies outside the area of
greatest intensity.
Earthquake magnitude
Earthquake magnitude is a measure of the “size,” or amplitude, of the seismic waves generated by an
earthquake source and recorded by seismographs. (The types and nature of these waves are described in the
section Seismic waves.) Because the size of earthquakes varies enormously, it is necessary for purposes of
comparison to compress the range of wave amplitudes measured on seismograms by means of a mathematical
device. In 1935 the American seismologist Charles F. Richter set up a magnitude scale of earthquakes as the
logarithm to base 10 of the maximum seismic wave amplitude (in thousandths of a millimetre) recorded on a
standard seismograph (the Wood-Anderson torsion pendulum seismograph) at a distance of 100 km (60 miles)
from the earthquake epicentre. Reduction of amplitudes observed at various distances to the amplitudes
expected at the standard distance of 100 km is made on the basis of empirical tables. Richter magnitudes ML
are computed on the assumption that the ratio of the maximum wave amplitudes at two given distances is the
same for all earthquakes and is independent of azimuth.
Richter first applied his magnitude scale to shallow-focus earthquakes recorded within 600 km of the epicentre
in the southern California region. Later, additional empirical tables were set up, whereby observations made at
distant stations and on seismographs other than the standard type could be used. Empirical tables were extended
to cover earthquakes of all significant focal depths and to enable independent magnitude estimates to be made
from body- and surface-wave observations. A current form of the Richter scale is shown in the table.
Richter scale of earthquake magnitude
Earthquakes per
Magnitude level Category Effects
year
less than 1.0 to generally not felt by people, though recorded on
micro more than 100,000
2.9 local instruments
3.0-3.9 minor felt by many people; no damage 12,000-100,000
4.0-4.9 light felt by all; minor breakage of objects 2,000-12,000
5.0-5.9 moderate some damage to weak structures 200-2,000
6.0-6.9 strong moderate damage in populated areas 20-200
7.0-7.9 major serious damage over large areas; loss of life 3-20
8.0 and higher great severe destruction and loss of life over large areas fewer than 3
At the present time a number of different magnitude scales are used by scientists and engineers as a measure of
the relative size of an earthquake. The P-wave magnitude (Mb), for one, is defined in terms of the amplitude of
the P wave recorded on a standard seismograph. Similarly, the surface-wave magnitude (Ms) is defined in terms
of the logarithm of the maximum amplitude of ground motion for surface waves with a wave period of 20
seconds.
As defined, an earthquake magnitude scale has no lower or upper limit. Sensitive seismographs can record
earthquakes with magnitudes of negative value and have recorded magnitudes up to about 9.0. (The 1906 San
Francisco earthquake, for example, had a Richter magnitude of 8.25.)
A scientific weakness is that there is no direct mechanical basis for magnitude as defined above. Rather, it is an
empirical parameter analogous to stellar magnitude assessed by astronomers. In modern practice a more
soundly based mechanical measure of earthquake size is used—namely, the seismic moment (M0). Such a
parameter is related to the angular leverage of the forces that produce the slip on the causative fault. It can be
calculated both from recorded seismic waves and from field measurements of the size of the fault rupture.
Consequently, seismic moment provides a more uniform scale of earthquake size based on classical mechanics.
This measure allows a more scientific magnitude to be used called moment magnitude (Mw). It is proportional
to the logarithm of the seismic moment; values do not differ greatly from Ms values for moderate earthquakes.
Given the above definitions, the great Alaska earthquake of 1964, with a Richter magnitude (ML) of 8.3, also
had the values Ms = 8.4, M0 = 820 × 1027 dyne centimetres, and Mw = 9.2.
Earthquake energy
Energy in an earthquake passing a particular surface site can be calculated directly from the recordings of
seismic ground motion, given, for example, as ground velocity. Such recordings indicate an energy rate of 105
watts per square metre (9,300 watts per square foot) near a moderate-size earthquake source. The total power
output of a rupturing fault in a shallow earthquake is on the order of 1014 watts, compared with the 105 watts
generated in rocket motors.
The surface-wave magnitude Ms has also been connected with the surface energy Es of an earthquake by
empirical formulas. These give Es = 6.3 × 1011 and 1.4 × 1025 ergs for earthquakes of Ms = 0 and 8.9,
respectively. A unit increase in Ms corresponds to approximately a 32-fold increase in energy. Negative
magnitudes Ms correspond to the smallest instrumentally recorded earthquakes, a magnitude of 1.5 to the
smallest felt earthquakes, and one of 3.0 to any shock felt at a distance of up to 20 km (12 miles). Earthquakes
of magnitude 5.0 cause light damage near the epicentre; those of 6.0 are destructive over a restricted area; and
those of 7.5 are at the lower limit of major earthquakes.
The total annual energy released in all earthquakes is about 1025 ergs, corresponding to a rate of work between
10 million and 100 million kilowatts. This is approximately one one-thousandth the annual amount of heat
escaping from the Earth’s interior. Ninety percent of the total seismic energy comes from earthquakes of
magnitude 7.0 and higher—that is, those whose energy is on the order of 1023 ergs or more.
Frequency
There also are empirical relations for the frequencies of earthquakes of various magnitudes. Suppose N to be
the average number of shocks per year for which the magnitude lies in a range about Ms. Thenlog10 N = a −
bMs fits the data well both globally and for particular regions; for example, for shallow earthquakes worldwide,
a = 6.7 and b = 0.9 when Ms > 6.0. The frequency for larger earthquakes therefore increases by a factor of
about 10 when the magnitude is diminished by one unit. The increase in frequency with reduction in Ms falls
short, however, of matching the decrease in the energy E. Thus, larger earthquakes are overwhelmingly
responsible for most of the total seismic energy release. The number of earthquakes per year with Mb > 4.0
reaches 50,000.
Occurrence of earthquakes
Tectonic associations
Global seismicity patterns had no strong theoretical explanation until the dynamic model called plate tectonics
was developed during the late 1960s. This theory holds that the Earth’s upper shell, or lithosphere, consists of
nearly a dozen large, quasi-stable slabs called plates. The thickness of each of these plates is roughly 80 km (50
miles). The plates move horizontally relative to neighbouring plates at a rate of 1 to 10 cm (0.4 to 4 inches) per
year over a shell of lesser strength called the asthenosphere. At the plate edges where there is contact between
adjoining plates, boundary tectonic forces operate on the rocks, causing physical and chemical changes in them.
New lithosphere is created at oceanic ridges by the upwelling and cooling of magma from the Earth’s mantle.
The horizontally moving plates are believed to be absorbed at the ocean trenches, where a subduction process
carries the lithosphere downward into the Earth’s interior. The total amount of lithospheric material destroyed
at these subduction zones equals that generated at the ridges.
Seismological evidence (such as the location of major earthquake belts) is everywhere in agreement with this
tectonic model. Earthquake sources are concentrated along the oceanic ridges, which correspond to divergent
plate boundaries. At the subduction zones, which are associated with convergent plate boundaries,
intermediate- and deep-focus earthquakes mark the location of the upper part of a dipping lithosphere slab. The
focal mechanisms indicate that the stresses are aligned with the dip of the lithosphere underneath the adjacent
continent or island arc.
Some earthquakes associated with oceanic ridges are confined to strike-slip faults, called transform faults, that
offset the ridge crests. The majority of the earthquakes occurring along such horizontal shear faults are
characterized by slip motions. Also in agreement with the plate tectonics theory is the high seismicity
encountered along the edges of plates where they slide past each other. Plate boundaries of this kind, sometimes
called fracture zones, include the San Andreas Fault in California and the North Anatolian fault system in
Turkey. Such plate boundaries are the site of interplate earthquakes of shallow focus.
The low seismicity within plates is consistent with the plate tectonic description. Small to large earthquakes do
occur in limited regions well within the boundaries of plates; however, such intraplate seismic events can be
explained by tectonic mechanisms other than plate boundary motions and their associated phenomena.
Shallow, intermediate, and deep foci
Most parts of the world experience at least occasional shallow earthquakes—those that originate within 60 km
(40 miles) of the Earth’s outer surface. In fact, the great majority of earthquake foci are shallow. It should be
noted, however, that the geographic distribution of smaller earthquakes is less completely determined than
more severe quakes, partly because the availability of relevant data is dependent on the distribution of
observatories.
Of the total energy released in earthquakes, 12 percent comes from intermediate earthquakes—that is, quakes
with a focal depth ranging from about 60 to 300 km. About 3 percent of total energy comes from deeper
earthquakes. The frequency of occurrence falls off rapidly with increasing focal depth in the intermediate range.
Below intermediate depth the distribution is fairly uniform until the greatest focal depths, of about 700 km (430
miles), are approached.
The deeper-focus earthquakes commonly occur in patterns called Benioff zones that dip into the Earth,
indicating the presence of a subducting slab. Dip angles of these slabs average about 45°, with some shallower
and others nearly vertical. Benioff zones coincide with tectonically active island arcs such as Japan, Vanuatu,
Tonga, and the Aleutians, and they are normally but not always associated with deep ocean trenches such as
those along the South American Andes. Exceptions to this rule include Romania and the Hindu Kush mountain
system. In most Benioff zones, intermediate- and deep-earthquake foci lie in a narrow layer, although recent
precise hypocentral locations in Japan and elsewhere show two distinct parallel bands of foci 20 km apart.
Aftershocks, foreshocks, and swarms
Usually, a major or even moderate earthquake of shallow focus is followed by many lesser-size earthquakes
close to the original source region. This is to be expected if the fault rupture producing a major earthquake does
not relieve all the accumulated strain energy at once. In fact, this dislocation is liable to cause an increase in the
stress and strain at a number of places in the vicinity of the focal region, bringing crustal rocks at certain points
close to the stress at which fracture occurs. In some cases an earthquake may be followed by 1,000 or more
aftershocks a day.
Sometimes a large earthquake is followed by a similar one along the same fault source within an hour or
perhaps a day. An extreme case of this is multiple earthquakes. In most instances, however, the first principal
earthquake of a series is much more severe than the aftershocks. In general, the number of aftershocks per day
decreases with time. The aftershock frequency is roughly inversely proportional to the time since the
occurrence of the largest earthquake of the series.
Most major earthquakes occur without detectable warning, but some principal earthquakes are preceded by
foreshocks. In another common pattern, large numbers of small earthquakes may occur in a region for months
without a major earthquake. In the Matsushiro region of Japan, for instance, there occurred between August
1965 and August 1967 a series of hundreds of thousands of earthquakes, some sufficiently strong (up to Richter
magnitude 5) to cause property damage but no casualties. The maximum frequency was 6,780 small
earthquakes on April 17, 1966. Such series of earthquakes are called earthquake swarms. Earthquakes
associated with volcanic activity often occur in swarms, though swarms also have been observed in many
nonvolcanic regions.
The study of earthquakes
Seismic waves
Principal types of seismic waves
Seismic waves generated by an earthquake source are commonly classified into three main types. The first two,
the P (or primary) and S (or secondary) waves, propagate within the body of the Earth, while the third,
consisting of Love and Rayleigh waves, propagates along its surface. (See figure.) The existence of these types
of seismic waves was mathematically predicted during the 19th century, and modern comparisons show that
there is a close correspondence between such theoretical calculations and actual measurements of the seismic
waves.
The P seismic waves travel as elastic motions at the highest speeds. They are longitudinal waves that can be
transmitted by both solid and liquid materials in the Earth’s interior. With P waves, the particles of the medium
vibrate in a manner similar to sound waves—the transmitting media is alternately compressed and expanded.
The slower type of body wave, the S wave, travels only through solid material. With S waves, the particle
motion is transverse to the direction of travel and involves a shearing of the transmitting rock.
Because of their greater speed, P waves are the first to reach any point on the Earth’s surface. The first P-wave
onset starts from the spot where an earthquake originates. This point, usually at some depth within the Earth, is
called the focus, or hypocentre. The point at the surface immediately above the focus is known as the epicentre.
Love and Rayleigh waves are guided by the free surface of the Earth. They follow along after the P and S
waves have passed through the body of the planet. Both Love and Rayleigh waves involve horizontal particle
motion, but only the latter type has vertical ground displacements. As Love and Rayleigh waves travel, they
disperse into long wave trains, and, at substantial distances from the source in alluvial basins, they cause much
of the shaking felt during earthquakes.
Properties of seismic waves
At all distances from the focus, mechanical properties of the rocks, such as incompressibility, rigidity, and
density, play a role in the speed with which the waves travel and the shape and duration of the wave trains. The
layering of the rocks and the physical properties of surface soil also affect wave characteristics. In most cases,
elastic behaviour occurs in earthquakes, but strong shaking of surface soils from the incident seismic waves
sometimes results in nonelastic behaviour, including slumping (that is, the downward and outward movement
of unconsolidated material) and the liquefaction of sandy soil.
When a seismic wave encounters a boundary that separates rocks of different elastic properties, it undergoes
reflection and refraction. There is a special complication because conversion between the wave types usually
also occurs at such a boundary: an incident P or S wave can yield reflected P and S waves and refracted P and S
waves. Boundaries between structural layers also give rise to diffracted and scattered waves. These additional
waves are in part responsible for the complications observed in ground motion during earthquakes. Modern
research is concerned with computing synthetic records of ground motion that are realistic in comparison with
observed ground shaking, using the theory of waves in complex structures.
The frequency range of seismic waves is large, from as high as the audible range (greater than 20 hertz) to as
low as the frequencies of the free oscillations of the whole Earth, with the gravest period being 54 minutes (see
below Long-period oscillations of the globe). Attenuation of the waves in rock imposes high-frequency limits,
and in small to moderate earthquakes the dominant frequencies extend in surface waves from about 1 to 0.1
hertz.
The amplitude range of seismic waves is also great in most earthquakes. Displacement of the ground ranges
from 10−10 to 10−1 metre (4−12 to 4 inches). In the greatest earthquakes the ground amplitude of the
predominant P waves may be several centimetres at periods of two to five seconds. Very close to the seismic
sources of great earthquakes, investigators have measured large wave amplitudes with accelerations of the
ground exceeding that of gravity (9.8 metres, or 32.2 feet, per second squared) at high frequencies and ground
displacements of 1 metre at low frequencies.
Measurement of seismic waves
Seismographs and accelerometers
Seismographs are used to measure ground motion in both earthquakes and microseisms (small oscillations
described below). Most of these instruments are of the pendulum type. Early mechanical seismographs had a
pendulum of large mass (up to several tons) and produced seismograms by scratching a line on smoked paper
on a rotating drum. In later instruments, seismograms were recorded by means of a ray of light from the mirror
of a galvanometer through which passed an electric current generated by electromagnetic induction when the
pendulum of the seismograph moved. Technological developments in electronics have given rise to higher-
precision pendulum seismometers and sensors of ground motion. In these instruments the electric voltages
produced by motions of the pendulum or the equivalent are passed through electronic circuitry to amplify and
digitize the ground motion for more exact readings.
Generally speaking, seismographs are divided into three types: short-period, long- (or intermediate-) period,
and ultralong-period, or broadband, instruments. Short-period instruments are used to record P and S body
waves with high magnification of the ground motion. For this purpose, the seismograph response is shaped to
peak at a period of about one second or less. The intermediate-period instruments of the type used by the
World-Wide Standardized Seismographic Network (described in the section Earthquake observatories) had a
response maximum at about 20 seconds. Recently, in order to provide as much flexibility as possible for
research work, the trend has been toward the operation of very broadband seismographs with digital
representation of the signals. This is usually accomplished with very long-period pendulums and electronic
amplifiers that pass signals in the band between 0.005 and 50 hertz.
When seismic waves close to their source are to be recorded, special design criteria are needed. Instrument
sensitivity must ensure that the largest ground movements can be recorded without exceeding the upper scale
limit of the device. For most seismological and engineering purposes the wave frequencies that must be
recorded are higher than 1 hertz, and so the pendulum or its equivalent can be small. For this reason
accelerometers that measure the rate at which the ground velocity is changing have an advantage for strong-
motion recording. Integration is then performed to estimate ground velocity and displacement. The ground
accelerations to be registered range up to two times that of gravity. Recording such accelerations can be
accomplished mechanically with short torsion suspensions or force-balance mass-spring systems.
Because many strong-motion instruments need to be placed at unattended sites in ordinary buildings for periods
of months or years before a strong earthquake occurs, they usually record only when a trigger mechanism is
actuated with the onset of ground motion. Solid-state memories are now used, particularly with digital
recording instruments, making it possible to preserve the first few seconds before the trigger starts the
permanent recording and to store digitized signals on magnetic cassette tape or on a memory chip. In past
design absolute timing was not provided on strong-motion records but only accurate relative time marks; the
present trend, however, is to provide Universal Time (the local mean time of the prime meridian) by means of
special radio receivers, small crystal clocks, or GPS (global positioning system) receivers from satellite clocks.
The prediction of strong ground motion and response of engineered structures in earthquakes depends critically
on measurements of the spatial variability of earthquake intensities near the seismic wave source. In an effort to
secure such measurements, special arrays of strong-motion seismographs have been installed in areas of high
seismicity around the world. Large-aperture seismic arrays (linear dimensions on the order of 1 to 10 km, or 0.6
to 6 miles) of strong-motion accelerometers can now be used to improve estimations of speed, direction of
propagation, and types of seismic wave components. Particularly important for full understanding of seismic
wave patterns at the ground surface is measurement of the variation of wave motion with depth. To aid in this
effort, special digitally recording seismometers have been installed in deep boreholes.
Ocean-bottom measurements
Because 70 percent of the Earth’s surface is covered by water, there is a need for ocean-bottom seismometers to
augment the global land-based system of recording stations. Field tests have established the feasibility of
extensive long-term recording by instruments on the seafloor. Japan already has a semipermanent seismograph
system of this type that was placed on the seafloor off the Pacific coast of central Honshu in 1978 by means of
a cable.
Because of the mechanical difficulties of maintaining permanent ocean-bottom instrumentation, different
systems have been considered. They all involve placement of instruments on the bottom of the ocean, though
they employ various mechanisms for data transmission. Signals may be transmitted to the ocean surface for
retransmission by auxiliary apparatus or transmitted via cable to a shore-based station. Another system is
designed to release its recording device automatically, allowing it to float to the surface for later recovery.
The use of ocean-bottom seismographs should yield much-improved global coverage of seismic waves and
provide new information on the seismicity of oceanic regions. Ocean-bottom seismographs will enable
investigators to determine the details of the crustal structure of the seafloor and, because of the relative thinness
of the oceanic crust, should make it possible to collect clear seismic information about the upper mantle. Such
systems are also expected to provide new data on plate boundaries, on the origin and propagation of
microseisms, and on the nature of ocean-continent margins.
Measuring microseisms
Small ground motions known as microseisms are commonly recorded by seismographs. These weak wave
motions are not generated by earthquakes, and they complicate accurate recording of the latter. However, they
are of scientific interest because their form is related to the Earth’s surface structure.
Some microseisms have local causes—for example, those due to traffic or machinery or due to local wind
effects, storms, and the action of rough surf against an extended steep coast. Another class of microseisms
exhibits features that are very similar on records traced at earthquake observatories that are widely separated,
including approximately simultaneous occurrence of maximum amplitudes and similar wave frequencies. These
microseisms may persist for many hours and have more or less regular periods of about five to eight seconds.
The largest amplitudes of such microseisms are on the order of 10−3 cm (0.0004 inch) and occur in coastal
regions. The amplitudes also depend to some extent on local geologic structure. Some microseisms are
produced when large standing water waves are formed far out at sea. The period of this type of microseism is
half that of the standing wave.
Observation of earthquakes
Earthquake observatories
Worldwide during the late 1950s, there were only about 700 seismographic stations, which were equipped with
seismographs of various types and frequency responses. Few instruments were calibrated; actual ground
motions could not be measured, and timing errors of several seconds were common. The World-Wide
Standardized Seismographic Network (WWSSN), the first modern worldwide standardized system, was
established to help remedy this situation. Each station of the WWSSN had six seismographs—three short-
period and three long-period seismographs. Timing and accuracy were maintained by crystal clocks, and a
calibration pulse was placed daily on each record. By 1967 the WWSSN consisted of about 120 stations
distributed over 60 countries. The resulting data provided the basis for significant advances in research on
earthquake mechanisms, global tectonics, and the structure of the Earth’s interior.
By the 1980s a further upgrading of permanent seismographic stations began with the installation of digital
equipment by a number of organizations. Among the global networks of digital seismographic stations now in
operation are the Seismic Research Observatories in boreholes 100 metres (330 feet) deep and modified high-
gain, long-period surface observatories. The Global Digital Seismographic Network in particular has
remarkable capability, recording all motions from Earth tides to microscopic ground motions at the level of
local ground noise. At present there are about 128 sites. With this system the long-term seismological goal will
have been accomplished to equip global observatories with seismographs that can record every small
earthquake anywhere over a broad band of frequencies.
Locating earthquake epicentres
Many observatories make provisional estimates of the epicentres of important earthquakes. These estimates
provide preliminary information locally about particular earthquakes and serve as first approximations for the
calculations subsequently made by large coordinating centres.
If an earthquake’s epicentre is less than 105° away from an observatory, the epicentre’s position can often be
estimated from the readings of three seismograms recording perpendicular components of the ground motion.
For a shallow earthquake the epicentral distance is indicated by the interval between the arrival times of P and S
waves; the azimuth and angle of wave emergence at the surface are indicated by a comparison of the sizes and
directions of the first movements shown in the seismograms and by the relative sizes of later waves,
particularly surface waves. It should be noted, however, that in certain regions the first wave movement at a
station arrives from a direction differing from the azimuth toward the epicentre. This anomaly is usually
explained by strong variations in geologic structures.
When data from more than one observatory are available, an earthquake’s epicentre may be estimated from the
times of travel of the P and S waves from source to recorder. In many seismically active regions, networks of
seismographs with telemetry transmission and centralized timing and recording are common. Whether analog
or digital recording is used, such integrated systems greatly simplify observatory work: multichannel signal
displays make identification and timing of phase onsets easier and more reliable. Moreover, online
microprocessors can be programmed to pick automatically, with some degree of confidence, the onset of a
significant common phase, such as P, by correlation of waveforms from parallel network channels. With the aid
of specially designed computer programs, seismologists can then locate distant earthquakes to within about 10
km (6 miles) and the epicentre of a local earthquake to within a few kilometres.
Catalogs of earthquakes felt by humans and of earthquake observations have appeared intermittently for many
centuries. The earliest known list of instrumentally recorded earthquakes with computed times of origin and
epicentres is for the period 1899–1903. In subsequent years, cataloging of earthquakes has become more
uniform and complete. Especially valuable is the service provided by the International Seismological Centre
(ISC) at Newbury, Eng. Each month it receives more than 1,000,000 readings from more than 2,000 stations
worldwide and preliminary estimates of the locations of approximately 1,600 earthquakes from national and
regional agencies and observatories. The ISC publishes a monthly bulletin—with about a two-year delay—that
provides all available information on each of more than 5,000 earthquakes.
Various national and regional centres control networks of stations and act as intermediaries between individual
stations and the international organizations. Examples of long-standing national centres include the Japan
Meteorological Agency and United States National Earthquake Information Center in Colorado (a subdivision
of the United States Geological Survey). These centres normally make estimates of the magnitudes, epicentres,
origin times, and focal depths of local earthquakes. On the Internet, data on global seismicity is continually
accessible through the Web site of the Incorporated Research Institutions for Seismology (IRIS).
An important research technique is to infer the character of faulting in an earthquake from the recorded
seismograms. For example, observed distributions of the directions of the first onsets in waves arriving at the
Earth’s surface have been effectively used. Onsets are called “compressional” or “dilatational” according to
whether the direction is away from or toward the focus, respectively. A polarity pattern becomes recognizable
when the directions of the P-wave onsets are plotted on a map—there are broad areas in which the first onsets
are predominantly compressions, separated from predominantly dilatational areas by nodal curves near which
the P-wave amplitudes are abnormally small.
In 1926 the American geophysicist Perry E. Byerly used patterns of P onsets over the entire globe to infer the
orientation of the fault plane in a large earthquake. The polarity method yields two P-nodal curves at the Earth’s
surface; one curve is in the plane containing the assumed fault, and the other is in the plane (called the auxiliary
plane) that passes through the focus and is perpendicular to the forces of the plane. The recent availability of
worldwide broad-based digital recording has enabled computer programs to be written that estimate the fault
mechanism and seismic moment from the complete pattern of seismic wave arrivals. Given a well-determined
pattern at a number of earthquake observatories, it is possible to locate two planes, one of which is the plane
containing the fault.
Earthquake prediction
Observation and interpretation of precursory phenomena
The search for periodic cycles in earthquake occurrence is an old one. Generally, periodicities in time and space
for major earthquakes have not been widely detected or accepted. One problem is that long-term earthquake
catalogs are not homogeneous in their selection and reporting. The most extensive catalog of this kind comes
from China and begins about 700 bc. The catalog contains some information on about 1,000 destructive
earthquakes. The sizes of these earthquakes have been assessed from the reports of damage, intensity, and
shaking.
Another approach to the statistical occurrence of earthquakes involves the postulation of trigger forces that
initiate the rupture. Such forces have been attributed to severe weather conditions, volcanic activity, and tidal
forces, for example. Usually correlations are made between the physical phenomena assumed to provide the
trigger and the repetition of earthquakes. Inquiry must always be made to discover whether a causative link is
actually present, but in no cases to the present has a trigger mechanism, at least for moderate to large
earthquakes, been unequivocally found that satisfies the various necessary criteria.
Statistical methods also have been tried with populations of regional earthquakes. It has been suggested, but
never established generally, that the slope b of the regression line between the logarithm of the number of
earthquakes and the magnitude for a region may change characteristically with time. Specifically, the claim is
that the b value for the population of foreshocks of a major earthquake may be significantly smaller than the
mean b value for the region averaged over a long interval of time.
The elastic rebound theory of earthquake sources allows rough prediction of the occurrence of large shallow
earthquakes. Harry F. Reid gave, for example, a crude forecast of the next great earthquake near San Francisco.
(The theory also predicted, of course, that the place would be along the San Andreas or an associated fault.)
The geodetic data indicated that during an interval of 50 years relative displacements of 3.2 metres (10.5 feet)
had occurred at distant points across the fault. The maximum elastic-rebound offset along the fault in the 1906
earthquake was 6.5 metres. Therefore, (6.5 ÷ 3.2) × 50, or about 100, years would again elapse before sufficient
strain accumulated for the occurrence of an earthquake comparable to that of 1906. The premises are that the
regional strain will grow uniformly and that various constraints have not been altered by the great 1906 rupture
itself (such as by the onset of slow fault slip). Such strain rates are now being more adequately measured along
a number of active faults such as the San Andreas, using networks of GPS sensors.
For many years prediction research has been influenced by the basic argument that strain accumulates in the
rock masses in the vicinity of a fault and results in crustal deformation. Deformations have been measured in
the horizontal direction along active faults (by trilateration and triangulation) and in the vertical direction by
precise leveling and tiltmeters. Some investigators believe that changes in groundwater level occur prior to
earthquakes; variations of this sort have been reported mainly from China. Because water levels in wells
respond to a complex array of factors such as rainfall, such factors will have to be removed if changes in water
level are to be studied in relation to earthquakes.
The theory of dilatancy (that is, an increase in volume) of rock prior to rupture once occupied a central position
in discussions of premonitory phenomena of earthquakes, but it now receives less support. It is based on the
observation that many solids exhibit dilatancy during deformation. For earthquake prediction the significance
of dilatancy, if real, is in its effects on various measurable quantities of the Earth’s crust, such as seismic
velocities, electric resistivity, and ground and water levels.
The best-studied consequence is the effect on seismic velocities. The influence of internal cracks and pores on
the elastic properties of rocks can be clearly demonstrated in laboratory measurements of those properties as a
function of hydrostatic pressure. In the case of saturated rocks, experiments predict—for shallow earthquakes—
that dilatancy occurs as a portion of the crust is stressed to failure, causing a decrease in the velocities of
seismic waves. Recovery of velocity is brought about by subsequent rise of the pore pressure of water, which
also has the effect of weakening the rock and enhancing fault slip.
Strain buildup in the focal region may have measurable effects on other observable properties, including
electrical conductivity and gas concentration. Because the electrical conductivity of rocks depends largely on
interconnected water channels within the rocks, resistivity may increase before the cracks become saturated. As
pore fluid is expelled from the closing cracks, the local water table would rise and concentrations of gases such
as radioactive radon would increase. No unequivocal confirming measurements have yet been published.
Geologic methods of extending the seismicity record back from the present also are being explored. Field
studies indicate that the sequence of surface ruptures along major active faults associated with large
earthquakes can sometimes be constructed. An example is the series of large earthquakes in Turkey in the 20th
century, which were caused mainly by successive westward ruptures of the North Anatolian Fault. Liquefaction
effects preserved in beds of sand and peat have provided evidence—when radiometric dating methods are used
—for large paleoearthquakes extending back for more than 1,000 years in many seismically active zones,
including the Pacific Northwest coast of the United States.
Less well-grounded precursory phenomena, particularly earthquake lights and animal behaviour, sometimes
draw more public attention than the precursors discussed above. Many reports of unusual lights in the sky and
abnormal animal behaviour preceding earthquakes are known to seismologists, mostly in anecdotal form. Both
these phenomena are usually explained in terms of a release of gases prior to earthquakes and electric and
acoustic stimuli of various types. At present there is no definitive experimental evidence to support claims that
animals sometimes sense the coming of an earthquake.
Methods of reducing earthquake hazards
Considerable work has been done in seismology to explain the characteristics of the recorded ground motions
in earthquakes. Such knowledge is needed to predict ground motions in future earthquakes so that earthquake-
resistant structures can be designed. Although earthquakes cause death and destruction through such secondary
effects as landslides, tsunamis, fires, and fault rupture, the greatest losses—both of lives and of property—result
from the collapse of man-made structures during the violent shaking of the ground. Accordingly, the most
effective way to mitigate the damage of earthquakes from an engineering standpoint is to design and construct
structures capable of withstanding strong ground motions.
Interpreting recorded ground motions
Most elastic waves recorded close to an extended fault source are complicated and difficult to interpret
uniquely. Understanding such near-source motion can be viewed as a three-part problem. The first part stems
from the generation of elastic waves by the slipping fault as the moving rupture sweeps out an area of slip along
the fault plane within a given time. The pattern of waves produced is dependent on several parameters, such as
fault dimension and rupture velocity. Elastic waves of various types radiate from the vicinity of the moving
rupture in all directions. The geometry and frictional properties of the fault critically affect the pattern of
radiation from it.
The second part of the problem concerns the passage of the waves through the intervening rocks to the site and
the effect of geologic conditions. The third part involves the conditions at the recording site itself, such as
topography and highly attenuating soils. All these questions must be considered when estimating likely
earthquake effects at a site of any proposed structure.
Experience has shown that the ground strong-motion recordings have a variable pattern in detail but predictable
regular shapes in general (except in the case of strong multiple earthquakes). In a strong horizontal shaking of
the ground near the fault source, there is an initial segment of motion made up mainly of P waves, which
frequently manifest themselves strongly in the vertical motion. This is followed by the onset of S waves, often
associated with a longer-period pulse of ground velocity and displacement related to the near-site fault slip or
fling. This pulse is often enhanced in the direction of the fault rupture and normal to it. After the S onset there
is shaking that consists of a mixture of S and P waves, but the S motions become dominant as the duration
increases. Later, in the horizontal component, surface waves dominate, mixed with some S body waves.
Depending on the distance of the site from the fault and the structure of the intervening rocks and soils, surface
waves are spread out into long trains.
Constructing seismic hazard maps
In many regions, seismic expectancy maps or hazard maps are now available for planning purposes. The
anticipated intensity of ground shaking is represented by a number called the peak acceleration or the peak
velocity.
To avoid weaknesses found in earlier earthquake hazard maps, the following general principles are usually
adopted today:
1. The map should take into account not only the size but also the frequency of earthquakes.
2. The broad regionalization pattern should use historical seismicity as a database, including the following
factors: major tectonic trends, acceleration attenuation curves, and intensity reports.
3. Regionalization should be defined by means of contour lines with design parameters referred to ordered
numbers on neighbouring contour lines (this procedure minimizes sensitivity concerning the exact
location of boundary lines between separate zones).
4. The map should be simple and not attempt to microzone the region.
5. The mapped contoured surface should not contain discontinuities, so that the level of hazard progresses
 gradually and in order across any profile drawn on the map.
Developing resistant structures
Developing engineered structural designs that are able to resist the forces generated by seismic waves can be
achieved either by following building codes based on hazard maps or by appropriate methods of analysis. Many
countries reserve theoretical structural analyses for the larger, more costly, or critical buildings to be
constructed in the most seismically active regions, while simply requiring that ordinary structures conform to
local building codes. Economic realities usually determine the goal, not of preventing all damage in all
earthquakes but of minimizing damage in moderate, more common earthquakes and ensuring no major collapse
at the strongest intensities. An essential part of what goes into engineering decisions on design and into the
development and revision of earthquake-resistant design codes is therefore seismological, involving
measurement of strong seismic waves, field studies of intensity and damage, and the probability of earthquake
occurrence.
Earthquake risk can also be reduced by rapid post-earthquake response. Strong-motion accelerographs have
been connected in some urban areas, such as Los Angeles, Tokyo, and Mexico City, to interactive computers.
The recorded waves are correlated with seismic intensity scales and rapidly displayed graphically on regional
maps via the World Wide Web.
Exploration of the Earth’s interior with seismic waves
Seismological tomography
Seismological data on the Earth’s deep structure come from several sources. These include P and S waves in
earthquakes and nuclear explosions, the dispersion of surface waves from distant earthquakes, and vibrations of
the whole Earth from large earthquakes.
One of the major aims of seismology is to infer the minimum set of properties of the Earth’s interior that will
explain recorded seismic wave trains in detail. Notwithstanding the tremendous progress made in the
exploration of the Earth’s deep structure during the first half of the 20th century, realization of this goal was
severely limited until the 1960s because of the laborious effort required to evaluate theoretical models and to
process the large amounts of earthquake data recorded. The application of high-speed computers with their
enormous storage and rapid retrieval capabilities opened the way for major advances in both theoretical work
and data handling.
Since the mid-1970s, researchers have studied realistic models of the Earth’s structure that include continental
and oceanic boundaries, mountains, and river valleys rather than simple structures such as those involving
variation only with depth. In addition, various technical developments have benefited observational seismology.
For example, the implications of seismic exploratory techniques developed by the petroleum industry (such as
seismic reflection) have been recognized and the procedures adopted. Equally significant has been the
application of three-dimensional imaging methods to the exploration of the Earth’s deep structure. This has
been made possible by the development of very fast microprocessors and computers with peripheral display
equipment.
The major method for determining the structure of the Earth’s deep interior is the detailed analysis of
seismograms of seismic waves. (Such earthquake readings also provide estimates of wave velocities, density,
and elastic and inelastic parameters in the Earth.) The primary procedure is to measure the travel times of
various wave types, such as P and S, from their source to the recording seismograph. First, however,
identification of each wave type with its ray path through the Earth must be made.
An especially important class of rays is associated with a discontinuity surface separating the central core of the
Earth from the mantle at a depth of about 2,900 km (1,800 miles) below the outer surface. The symbol c is used
to indicate an upward reflection at this discontinuity. Thus, if a P wave travels down from a focus to the
discontinuity surface in question, the upward reflection into an S wave is recorded at an observing station as the
ray PcS and similarly with PcP, ScS, and ScP. The symbol K is used to denote the part (of P type) of the path of
a wave that passes through the liquid central core. Thus, the ray SKS corresponds to a wave that starts as an S
wave, is refracted into the central core as a P wave, and is refracted back into the mantle, wherein it finally
emerges as an S wave. Such rays as SKKS correspond to waves that have suffered an internal reflection at the
boundary of the central core.
The discovery of the existence of an inner core in 1936 by the Danish seismologist Inge Lehmann made it
necessary to introduce additional basic symbols. For paths of waves inside the central core, the symbols i and I
are used analogously to c and K for the whole Earth; therefore, i indicates reflection upward at the boundary
between the outer and inner portions of the central core, and I corresponds to the part (of P type) of the path of
a wave that lies inside the inner portion. Thus, for instance, discrimination needs to be made between the rays
PKP, PKiKP, and PKIKP. The first of these corresponds to a wave that has entered the outer part of the central
core but has not reached the inner core, the second to one that has been reflected upward at the inner core
boundary, and the third to one that has penetrated into the inner portion.
By combining the symbols p, s, P, S, c, K, i, and I in various ways, notation is developed for all the main rays
associated with body earthquake waves. The symbol J has been introduced to correspond to S waves in the
inner core, should evidence ever be found for such waves.
Finally, the use of times of travel along rays to infer hidden structure is analogous to the use of X-rays in
medical tomography. The method involves reconstructing an image of internal anomalies from measurements
made at the outer surface. Nowadays, hundreds of thousands of travel times of P and S waves are available in
earthquake catalogs for the tomographic imaging of the Earth’s interior and the mapping of internal structure.
Structure of the Earth’s interior
Studies with earthquake recordings have given a picture inside the Earth of a solid but layered and flow-
patterned mantle about 2,900 km (1,800 miles) thick, which in places lies within 10 km (6 miles) of the surface
under the oceans.
The thin surface rock layer surrounding the mantle is the crust, whose lower boundary is called the
Mohorovičić discontinuity. In normal continental regions the crust is about 30 to 40 km thick; there is usually a
superficial low-velocity sedimentary layer underlain by a zone in which seismic velocity increases with depth.
Beneath this zone there is a layer in which P-wave velocities in some places fall from 6 to 5.6 km per second.
The middle part of the crust is characterized by a heterogeneous zone with P velocities of nearly 6 to 6.3 km per
second. The lowest layer of the crust (about 10 km thick) has significantly higher P velocities, ranging up to
nearly 7 km per second.
In the deep ocean there is a sedimentary layer that is about 1 km thick. Underneath is the lower layer of the
oceanic crust, which is about 4 km thick. This layer is inferred to consist of basalt that formed where extrusions
of basaltic magma at oceanic ridges have been added to the upper part of lithospheric plates as they spread
away from the ridge crests. This crustal layer cools as it moves away from the ridge crest, and its seismic
velocities increase correspondingly.
Below the mantle lies a shell that is 2,255 km thick, which seismic waves show to have the properties of a
liquid. At the very centre of the planet is a separate solid core with a radius of 1,216 km. Recent work with
observed seismic waves has revealed three-dimensional structural details inside the Earth, especially in the
crust and lithosphere, under the subduction zones, at the base of the mantle, and in the inner core. These
regional variations are important in explaining the dynamic history of the planet.
Long-period oscillations of the globe
Sometimes earthquakes are large enough to cause the whole Earth to ring like a bell. The deepest tone of
vibration of the planet is one with a period (the length of time between the arrival of successive crests in a wave
train) of 54 minutes. Knowledge of these vibrations has come from a remarkable extension in the range of
periods of ground movements that can be recorded by modern digital long-period seismographs that span the
entire allowable spectrum of earthquake wave periods: from ordinary P waves with periods of tenths of seconds
to vibrations with periods on the order of 12 and 24 hours such as those that occur in Earth tidal movements.
The measurements of vibrations of the whole Earth provide important information on the properties of the
interior of the planet. It should be emphasized that these free vibrations are set up by the energy release of the
earthquake source but continue for many hours and sometimes even days. For an elastic sphere such as the
Earth, two types of vibrations are known to be possible. In one type, called S modes, or spheroidal vibrations,
the motions of the elements of the sphere have components along the radius as well as along the tangent. In the
second type, which are designated as T modes, or torsional vibrations, there is shear but no radial
displacements. The nomenclature is nSl and nTl, where the letters n and l are related to the surfaces in the
vibration at which there is zero motion.
Several hundred types of S and T vibrations have been identified and the associated periods measured. The
amplitudes of the ground motion in the vibrations have been determined for particular earthquakes, and, more
important, the attenuation of each component vibration has been measured. The dimensionless measure of this
decay constant is called the quality factor Q. The greater the value of Q, the less the wave or vibration damping.
Typically, for oS10 and oT10, the Q values are about 250.
The rate of decay of the vibrations of the whole Earth with the passage of time, where they appear
superimposed for 20 hours of the 12-hour tidal deformations of the Earth. At the bottom of the figure these
vibrations have been split up into a series of peaks, each with a definite frequency, similar to that of the
spectrum of light. Such a spectrum indicates the relative amplitude of each harmonic present in the free
oscillations. If the physical properties of the Earth’s interior were known, all these individual peaks could be
calculated directly. Instead, the internal structure must be estimated from the observed peaks.
Recent research has shown that observations of long-period oscillations of the Earth discriminate fairly finely
between different Earth models. In applying the observations to improve the resolution and precision of such
representations of the planet’s internal structure, a considerable number of Earth models are set up, and all the
periods of their free oscillations are computed and checked against the observations. Models can then be
successively eliminated until only a small range remains. In practice, the work starts with existing models;
efforts are made to amend them by sequential steps until full compatibility with the observations is achieved,
within the uncertainties of the observations. Even so, the resulting computed Earth structure is not a unique
solution to the problem.
Extraterrestrial seismic phenomena
Space vehicles have carried equipment to the surface of the Moon and Mars with which to record seismic
waves, and seismologists on Earth have received telemetered signals from seismic events in both cases.
By 1969, seismographs had been placed at six sites on the Moon during the U.S. Apollo missions. Recording of
seismic data ceased in September 1977. The instruments detected between 600 and 3,000 moonquakes during
each year of their operation, though most of these seismic events were very small. The ground noise on the
lunar surface is low compared with that of the Earth, so that the seismographs could be operated at very high
magnifications. Because there was more than one station on the Moon, it was possible to use the arrival times
of P and S waves at the lunar stations from the moonquakes to determine foci in the same way as is done on the
Earth.
Moonquakes are of three types. First, there are the events caused by the impact of lunar modules, booster
rockets, and meteorites. The lunar seismograph stations were able to detect meteorites hitting the Moon’s
surface more than 1,000 km (600 miles) away. The two other types of moonquakes had natural sources in the
Moon’s interior: they presumably resulted from rock fracturing, as on Earth. The most common type of natural
moonquake had deep foci, at depths of 600 to 1,000 km; the less common variety had shallow focal depths.
Seismological research on Mars has been less successful. Only one of the seismometers carried to the Martian
surface by the U.S. Viking landers during the mid-1970s remained operational, and only one potential
marsquake was detected in 546 Martian days.
Courtesy: Britannica Encyclopedia
*****
Unique Identification Authority of India – UIDAI (Aadhaar)
Monday, May 10th, 2010
Shanthi Rajagopal
According to news sources April, 2010, the government’s unique identity project aiming to give a 16-digit
number to all citizens of the country renamed ‘AADHAAR’ and its new logo was unveiled. The UID Authority
of India will issue the first identity numbers linked to a person’s demographic and biometric information
between August and February 2010, and issue about 600 million such IDs over the next five years to help in
citizen verification in a timely and inexpensive manner. This is a big advantage to the government and
companies. The first set of identity numbers as per the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) will be
issued in February 2011.
Benefits:
It would give thousands of Indians the ability to open bank accounts, buy cell phones, and access welfare
services easily, while saving companies and government agencies the expensive and time-consuming process of
verifying and establishing identities. The Unique Identification Number project of the Unique Identification
Authority of India (UIDAI) ‘AADHAAR’ (foundation) is part of the efforts to reach out to the common man.
The chairman for this venture is Nandan Niketan who expressed that he wanted to name this project so that it
could effectively communicate its transformational potential and promise to Indian citizens. AADHAR had a
national appeal and is easy recognisable and remembered throughout the nation. It’s logo is designed with a sun
that has a finger-print in the centre. The logo, selected after a nationwide competition, was unveiled by
Dhaneshwar Ram, a resident of Azamgarh in Uttar Pradesh, who was invited by the UIDAI to speak on the
hardships faced by the common man in getting an identity at present. The creator of this logo was Atul
Sudhakar Rao Pande a designer from Mumbai who was paid a sum of one lakh rupees after his design was
selected over 2000 entries.According to journalists he said that he deigned it so even rural people would be able
to recognize the sun and the fingerprint.
The project was aimed at the under privileged and the poor who are left out of the government’s social schemes
because they lack proof of identity.
UIDAI Director General R S Sharma said the first 16 digit number would be rolled out by February next year
2011.The authority was established by an act of Parliament last year in 2009. The proposed law will give
authority to the UID to collect identity information, such as name, gender, date of birth, parents’ name, address
and finger prints, from people voluntarily seeking a unique identity number. Previous governments have also
considered creating unique ID numbers. The Congress government, which has always been leaning left, with
its focus on inclusive growth, has shown innovation by setting up the UIDAI office and allocating $444 million
to the UID project.
Challenges of the project:
According to news sources, India gets ready to launch the largest biometric database in the world with the idea
of providing most of its 1.2 billion citizens a Unique Identification (UID). The biggest challenge that is faced is
smudged fingerprints. The project, which had attracted mobile services firms and technology giants including
Tata Consultancy Services, Google, and Microsoft, is expected to address and reduction of waste in India’s
multi-billion dollar welfare schemes that include pensions.
According to Samiran Chakraborty research head at Standard Chartered “Aadhar,” is estimated to cost some
$2.2-$4.4 billion to implement, but will bring in an equal amount in savings annually from the elimination of
duplicate and false identities. He expects the program might have a significantly positive impact on the fiscal
and general growth of India.
An estimated 75 million people are homeless and millions others traversing the country as migrant workers
with little or no documentation, ensures that the UIDAI has its work cut out.
UIDAI is working with Census 2011 survey, as well as local government bodies and NGOs to reach millions,
including an estimated 410 million people living on less than $1.25 a day, an impediment to India’s otherwise
staggering growth story. Nandan Nilakeni observed that while it boils down to a lack of proper identity the
exclusion can be detrimental.
The average Indian citizen typically has multiple identity cards, including a voter ID, a tax ID, a ration card,
passport, driving license and others.Because there is no central database, it has created phantoms on voter lists
and welfare schemes. Adding to the complication is the issue of fake ID’s and the fact that the poor have no IDs
at all.
Nilekani, Infosys software firm’s former chief was selected by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to spearhead
UIDAI after he wrote volubly on the need for a unique ID in his book, ‘Imagining India’, published in 2008.
Nilakeni said that acknowledging the existence of every single citizen automatically compels the state to
improve the quality of services, and immediately gives the citizen a fairer, more equitable access to services.
He further stated that this recognition can create a better awareness of rights and duties.
Beyond developing the ID cards, the challenge is to make the back-end infrastructure secure and scalable,
ensuring privacy and integrating agents who issue the numbers, said Nilekani.Among the biggest challenges is
securing clean fingerprints as part of the biometric identification that will also include an image of the face and
of the two irises, in rural India. Sreeni Tripuraneni who is chief executive of 4G Identity Solutions which are
conducting pilot studies in Andhra Pradesh has said that frequent power failures are another hurdle to the
smooth functioning of this venture. Dust is a reason for smudged fingerprints.Generators is required for power.
Operators have also been trained to deal with laborers with deeply calloused hands, for example, or women
wearing burqas, according to Tripuraneni, who calls the UID the mother of all databases.
The Aadhaar, earlier known as Unique Identification Number, will be issued after collecting imprints of all ten
fingers, iris and face.
This collaboration might pave the way for the delayed biometric PAN cards, an initiative proposed by the then
Finance Minister P Chidambaram in 2006 to counter the problem of duplicate PAN cards which were
uncovered during IT searches and raids by police and other enforcement agencies.
The IT department had agreed for UID based PAN cards, according to news spources who spoke for Nilekani.
The Aadhaar number is expected to come out by February, 2011. Officials are hoping that if the UID is made
mandatory for issuing PAN cards in the future, the present cases of certain people having more than one PAN
card would be curbed. According to news sources UID will provide lots of benefits to TCS in the form of
fiscal remuneration. Extensive consultations with various stake holders-Union& State governments, public
sector units, industry and civil society organizations have already been held. Memorandums of Understanding
(MoU) with Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Union territory of Andaman and Nicobar have
been signed and more states have expressed their interest in having similar MoUs. B.B.Nanawati who is the
Deputy Director of UIDAI observed that non-identity of the poor was the highest barrier which prevents them
from accessing benefits and services provided by the government.
According to reputed sources the government’s UIDAI project would be similar to Social Security Number
(SSN) in US and it would serve as identity for each and every individual. Former Infosys chairman Nandan
Nilekani is heading the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) project since the last few years on
personal request from Dr. Manmohan Singh in the rank of a cabinet minister.
To understand the similarities between the two acts, a brief look at the history of Social Security in the US
shows that during the Great Depression in the 1930’s when poverty increased among senior citizens President
Roosevelt drafted along with other members of the Congress in the US the Social Security Act.. The act was
an attempt to limit what were seen as dangers in the modern American life, including old age, poverty,
unemployment, and the burdens of widows and fatherless children. By signing this act on August 14, 1935,
President Roosevelt became the first president to advocate the protection of the elderly.
2010, Social Security numbers in the US:
A side effect of the Social Security program in the United States has been the near-universal adaptation of the
program’s identification number, SSN (Social Security number) as the national identification number in the
United States, and currently a multitude of U.S. entities use the Social Security number as a personal identifier.
These include government agencies such as the Internal Revenue Service, the military to identify personnel as
well as private agencies such as banks, colleges and universities, health insurance companies, and employers.
The UIDAI projects, according to news sources attempts to create identity verification .There are many
advantages but a prime disadvantage could be identity theft. In the US identity theft is a major concern, causing
people whose IDs are stolen to have their lives impacted very badly. Protection of governmental agencies
against this kind of danger could be helpful towards successful implementation of UIDAI.
Civil society representatives want safeguards against misuse
The Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) will finalise the draft legislation on the UID project by
the end of the May, 2010 and make it available for public comment. Several civil society representatives are
demanding that adequate safeguards against misuse be built into the legislation.
The UIDAI, recently renamed ‘Aadhar,’ invited a group of civil society representatives to a consultation with
chairman Nandan Nilekani and his team on 6.5.2010, in part of a series of interactions. Shekhar Singh, founder
member of the National Campaign for People’s Right to Information, who chaired one of the discussions at the
meeting, said social, economic and technical concerns were voiced.
“There were a lot of concerns about possible misuse, the possibility of using it for racial or religious profiling…
[misuse] by commercial interests,” Mr. Singh said. “Then there were those who were worried about privacy,
about Big Brother watching.”
Some activists brought up issues of human rights, the threat to privacy and the dangers of “surveillance,”
human rights lawyer Vrinda Grover said. “We also asked ‘Where is the legal structure for all this?’” she said.
Mr. Nilekani and his team said the draft legislation was in the process of being finalised and promised that it
would be released by the end of May, 2010.
“They said it would be put up for public debate and that an internet discussion group would also be set up,” said
Mr. Singh. “There were lots of suggestions about what it should contain, including safeguards against misuse.”
In a meeting of the Empowered Group of Ministers on November 4, 2008, it was decided that the UIDAI would
initially be notified as an executive authority, and that “investing it with statutory authority could be taken up
for consideration later at an appropriate time.” Subsequently, at a meeting of the Prime Minister’s Council of
the UID Authority on August 12, 2009, it was decided that there was a “need for a legislative framework.”
Among the other issues brought up were the technical feasibility of the scheme, the economic costs and actual
usefulness in minimising corruption, the overstating of benefits, the need to prevent exclusion of marginal
groups, the lack of adequate transparency to prevent manipulation, and the lack of an opt-out mechanism.
Ms. Grover felt that Mr. Nilekani and his team seemed to trivialise the human rights and privacy concerns,
dismissing it as a “conspiracy theory.”
Mr. Singh said Mr. Nilekani initially seemed to shrug off responsibility about misuse, saying that the UIDAI
was only concerned with providing the number, leaving the applications to others.“I think there needs to be
checks and balances,” Mr. Singh added. “I do feel racial profiling and such misuses should be avoided… but I
am not that sensitive to privacy issues,” he said, pointing out that India as a society was not very privacy-
conscious. However, he also felt that the economic viability of the project and the justification of spending
Rs.2,500 crore on a project which may not be successful in preventing corruption should be vigorously debated.
“No other country has implemented such a system. There should have been a discussion with the people before
it was set up,” Mr. Singh said.
The UIDAI promised to send a detailed response to the concerns raised at the meeting and accepted the
suggestion that groups be set up to follow up on technical and economic issues.
Dream Dare Win
www.jeywin.com
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