Professional Documents
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Morality as rooted in human nature. The biological theories of human social behaviour
in the 1970’s revealed that many behaviours and emotions that are morally relevant have roots in
evolutionary history (Wilson, 2013). This indicated that morality had evolved within humans
themselves, in turn indicating that moral behaviour is rooted in human nature. Among primates,
chimpanzees (who are genetically closest to humans) conform to moral like rules, which group
members enforce in one another. They engage in sharing and comforting acts. Although a variety
of built in bases for morality have been posited, empathy or caring and self-sacrifice are of prime
importance. Humans also have an unmatched capacity to make sacrifices for nonrelatives by
investing time and effort. Theorists believe that the unique capacity to act pro socially towards
genetic strangers originated in hunting and gathering communities. To limit selfishness humans
developed informal systems of social exchange, acting benevolently towards others expecting
that they will do the same for them in the future. As toddlers reach two years of age, they start
showing empathetic concerns and experience self -conscious emotions which then leads to the
enhancement of their responsiveness to social expectation. There has been biological support for
this as well since researchers have identified areas in the prefrontal cortex that are important for
the emotional responsiveness to the suffering of others and one’s own needs. EEG and functional
MRI’s reveal that psychopaths who inflict harm to others without any trace of empathy or guilt,
showed reduced activities in these areas (Berk, 2013).
Morality as adoption of societal norms. The psychoanalytic theory and the social
learning theory both study morality as a matter of internalization (adopting societal standards for
right action as one’s own) and thus can be used to study morality as an adoption of societal
norms. Both theories look at how morality moves from society to individual- how children
acquire norms, or prescription of good conduct, held wildly by members of their own group.
Internal influences and the rearing environment together result in internalization. When this
process goes well, the external forces then foster the child’s positive inclinations and counteract
the child’s negative inclinations. Without an internalized concept of morality bred through a
warm parental environment, people would absolutely disregard each other’s rights when their
wishes are conflicting.
Freud in his theory put forth that morality emerges between ages 3 and 6 which is the
phallic stage. The resolution of the oedipal/electra complex leads to identification with the
same-sex parent, forming a superego. Many critics disagree with Freud’s idea of conscience
development.
Social learning theorists believe that modeling is an important form of learning moral
behaviour through observing and imitating adults who demonstrate appropriate behavior.
(Bandura, 1977).
However, such theories have also been criticized as the prevailing ethical norms could be
at odds with various important ethical principles and humanitarian goals. According to the
cognitive developmental perspective, individuals tend to develop morally through construction
that is, actively attending to and inter-relating multiple perspectives on situations in which social
conflicts arise and thereby they attain new moral understandings.
The Premoral Period. According to Piaget, preschool children show little concern for or
awareness of rules. In a game of marbles, these premoral children do not play systematically with
the intent of winning. Instead, they seem to make up their own rules, and they think the point of
the game is to take turns and have fun.
Moral Judgment occurs in 2 stages; Moral Realism or Moral Heteronomy and Moral
Autonomy.
Heteronomy. In this stage, the young child has unilateral respect for the power and
magnificence of adults and is thereby constrained. The inherent inequality of this relationship
requires children to subordinate their interests to the perspective of adults (syncretism), but this
results in a cluster of moral notions that reveal the tendency of young children to subordinate the
social interest to their own subjective point of view (juxtaposition). Children feel the constraint
of rules, without understanding them, but rules do not govern conduct. Rules are sacred and
unchanging, but play is idiosyncratic and variable, assimilated to individual schemes.
Autonomy. In contrast to heteronomy, the morality of cooperation emerges within a
context of peer solidarity among equals. Notions of equality and mutual respect drive it. In the
society of equals one must negotiate, settle conflicts, win over friends with reason, and otherwise
sort out the benefits and burdens of cooperation in ways that are judged fair and equitable (Rest,
1983).
By the 1960s, Piaget’s early theorizing and research had legitimized the study of
children’s thinking, and his early work linking moral development to cognitive development
contributed immensely to a growing area of developmental research—social cognition. Theorists
such as Lawrence Kohlberg and Robert Selman, however, argued that the same mind that
gradually constructs increasingly sophisticated understandings of the physical world also comes,
with age, to form more complex ideas about sex differences, moral values, emotions, the
meaning and obligations of friendship, and countless other aspects of social life.
Evaluation. Many of Piaget’s ideas have been challenged (Miller, 2002).
It now appears that Piaget regularly underestimated the intellectual capabilities of infants,
preschoolers, and grade-school children, all of whom show much greater problem-solving skills
when presented with simplified tasks that are more familiar and thereby allow them to display
their competencies (Bjorklund, 2005.)
Other investigators found that performance on Piagetian problems can be improved
dramatically through training programs, which challenges Piaget’s assumption that
individualized discovery learning is the best way to promote intellectual growth.
It has been found that children do not always reach the different stages at the age levels
he specified, and that their entry into some of the stages is more gradual than was first thought.
Piaget didn’t give any importance to social and cultural factors.
Today it is widely accepted that a child's intellectual ability is determined by a
combination of heredity and environment. Thus, although a child's genetic inheritance is
unchangeable, there are definite ways that parents can enhance their children's intellectual
development through environmental factors.
Kohlberg’s Theory. Kohlberg expanded Piaget’s two stages into six, organized into
three levels – each level consisting of two stages – as follows. Kohlberg demonstrated that people
progressed in their moral reasoning (i.e., in their bases for ethical behavior) through a series of
stages, through studies. He believed that there were six identifiable stages which could be more
generally classified into three levels.
Level I: Preconventionl Morality. The preconventional child thinks of morality in terms
of the consequences of disobedience to adult rules in order to avoid punishment.
his first stage has been called “punishment and obedience,” or “might makes
Stage 1. T
right.” Obey your parents, or these powerful authority figures will physically punish you. The
child’s understanding is that punishment must be avoided for her/his own comfort. The child is
still unable to view the world from the perspective of others
y stage 2 the child recognizes that there is mutual benefit in cooperation. This
Stage 2. B
stage has been called “instrumentalism” or “look out for number one” or “what’s in it for me.”
The child is a bit less egocentric at this stage, recognizing that if one is good to others then they
in terms will be good to you.
Level II: Conventional Morality. At this level the child begins to grasp social rules and
gains a more objective perspective on right and wrong.
tage 3 can be called “interpersonal relationships” or “good girl/boy.” The major
Stage 3. S
motivating factor in good behavior is social approval from those closest to the child.
aintaining social conventions or “law and order” are brief but apt descriptions
Stage 4. M
of the fourth stage. This sense of order becomes generalized beyond close others to society at
large. The concept of “doing one’s duty” is crucial here.
t this level the emphasis is no longer on
Level III: Postconventional Morality. A
conventional, societal standards of morality, but rather on personal or idealized principles.
Stage 5. This can be called the “social contract” stage. The understanding is that laws,
rules, and regulations are created for the mutual benefit of all citizens.
Stage 6. This is the stage of “universal ethical principles.” Right and wrong are not
determined by rules and laws, but by individual reflection on what is proper behavior.
Evaluation. Carol Gilligan provided criticism for Kohlberg’s theory. She believed that
the theory was very male centric.
Kohlberg’s claim that observed development occurs in unified stages that are
hierarchically integrated and arise in invariant sequence is held as flawed today.
He believed that stage development and the morality it captures is "natural" or “universal”
in any cross-cultural sense. In this he did not give enough work to other cultures.
Kohlberg's strongest and most criticized philosophical claim--that justice and rights are
the central concepts of morality--is the most obviously dispensable. Kohlberg’s perennial stage
descriptions center on different moral concept or theme in every stage such as prudence,
benevolence, or advancing social welfare.
Kohlberg's even more fundamental claim that moral development can only be chartered
where morality is non-relative seems dispensable. Moral judgment can become relatively
developed.
Giligan’s Theory- Morality of Care. Carol Gilligan’s 1982 book ‘In a Different Voice’
challenged psychology for its narrow sexism in studying (in most cases) men, and then
generalizing their results to both genders. She claimed that, whereas boys’ and men’s are
concerned with a morality based on rules and abstract principles of justice, girls’ and women’s
are based on care and compassion. She contrasted her morality of care with Kohlberg’s morality
of justice a nd she criticized Kohlberg for stressing just one side of the equation, namely, the
masculine.
Gilligan argued that males and females are often socialized differently, and females are
more apt than males to stress interpersonal relationships and take responsibility for the
well-being of others. Gilligan suggested this difference is due to the child's relationship with the
mother and that females are traditionally taught a moral perspective that focuses on community
and caring about personal relationships.
Justice-based morality is based on the following principles: Views the world as being
composed of autonomous individuals who interact with another. Acting justly means avoiding
inequality. Is thought to be more common in boys because of their need to differentiate between
themselves and their mothers. Because they are separated from their mothers, boys become more
concerned with the concept of inequality.
Evaluation.
Support. Eisenberg et al. (1987) found gender differences similar to Gilligan’s: girls
between the ages of 10 and 12 tended to give more caring empathetic responses than boys of the
same age. However, this may be because girls mature more quickly than boys, while boys catch
up later in adolescence. It may also be a result of demand characteristics within the research
(those features of an experiment which ‘invite’ particular behaviours from participants).
Evaluation. Primitive and Sympathetic distress: The prediction that pro-social behaviour
is motivated by ‘Sympathetic distress’ but not by the more primitive distress shown by younger
children is supported by research. Caplan and Hay (1989) found that children aged between 3 and
5 were often upset by another child’s distress, but rarely offered to help. Older children
realistically think that it doesn’t have to be an adult that helps.
Empathy and Altruism: Batson’s (1991) empathy-altruism hypothesis supports
Eisenberg’s view of pro-social behaviour, proposing that human altruism is motivated by
experiencing the distress of another. However, Cialdini et al. (1982) have opposed this view,
suggesting the negative state relief hypothesis, the view that we feel distressed when someone
else is distressed and act in order to relieve our own distress.
Child Rearing Practices. Child rearing practices associated with mature moral reasoning
combine warmth, exchange of ideas and appropriate demands for maturity. Parents who engage
in moral discussions, encourage prosocial behavior insist and are supportive and sensitive have
children with higher moral behavior. The psychoanalytic theory suggests that a warm and
supportive parental environment is a conducive atmosphere for the development of empathy and
an appropriate moral code. As explained above, techniques like induction and modeling play a
major role in encouraging moral behavior.
Schooling. The major stages at which moral behavior evolves and develops occur during
childhood and adolescence when the person is in school. Apart from providing a peer group,
higher education introduces younger people to social issues that extend beyond personal
relationships to entire political and cultural groups. Various researchers (Comunian & Gielen,
2006; Mason and Gibbs, 1993), students who report more perspective-taking opportunities and
who are more aware of social diversity also report advanced moral reasoning.
Culture. The culture to which we belong and are exposed significantly impacts our personality and beha
extension our moral behavior.Individuals in industrialized nations move through Kohlberg’s stages more rapidl
individuals in village societies. This might be because in village societies, moral cooperation is based on direct
people and does not allow for the development of advanced moral understanding.
Cultural and cross-cultural psychology often makes the distinction between individualistic and
collectivistic cultures. Responses to moral dilemmas are suggested to be more other-directed than
in individualistic cultures like Western Europe and USA. For example, one New Guinea village
leader placed the blame for the Heinz dilemma on the entire community stating, "If I were the
judge, I would give him only light punishment because he asked everybody for help but nobody
helped him" (Tietjen & Walker, 1985, p. 990).
Similarly, members of Asian nations place more weight on obligations to others than do people
in Western societies. East Indians, for example, less often hold individuals accountable for moral
transgressions. In their view, the self and social surroundings are inseparable (Miller & Bersoff,
1995).