If You’re Angry, Turn the Music on: Music Can Mitigate

Anger Effects on Driving Performance

Seyedeh Maryam Fakhrhosseini, Steven Landry,
Yin Yin Tan, Saru Bhattarai, and Myounghoon Jeon
Michigan Technological University
Michigan Technological University
1400 Townsend Drive, Houghton, MI 49931
{sfakhrho, sglandry, yinyint, sbhattar, mjeon}@mtu.edu

ABSTRACT users by stable characteristics of an individual (e.g., traits

Research has focused on music’s negative effects on a
driver’s attention, whereas little research has addressed the
possibility of using music to reduce emotional effects on
driving. In the present study, we investigate how music can
mitigate the degenerated driving performance associated
with angry driving. To this end, fifty-three drivers
participated in a simulated driving study either with or
without induced anger. Three groups of participants with
induced anger drove in a simulator while listening to happy
or sad instrumental pieces, or without music. In the control
group, anger was not induced and they did not listen to
music during driving. The results show that participants
who listened to either happy or sad music had significantly
fewer driving errors than those who did not listen to music.
However, no significant differences were found between
happy and sad music conditions. Results are discussed with
an affect regulation model and future research.
Author Keywords
Affect induction, affect regulation, angry driving, emotion,
music, road rage, simulated driving
ACM Classification Keywords
H.1.2 [Models and Principles]: User/Machine Systems–
Human Factors; Human Information Processing; J.4
[Computer Application]: Social and Behavioral Sciences–
Psychology
INTRODUCTION
Predicting a user’s behavior at any moment requires in-
depth knowledge of the user, task, and environment, and
their interactions. Traditional approaches tend to classify
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such as gender and personality). However, users’ cognition
and behaviors are also influenced by their states – unstable
conditions – including an individual’s physical situation,
feelings, knowledge, and emotions [24]. Consequences of
those dynamic human factors play a crucial role related to
safety in complex tasks such as driving.
Road accidents have become a serious threat and cause
devastating human and economic cost. The main reasons of
these accidents are malfunctioning of drivers (i.e., human
factors) rather than a technical failure of the vehicle [21].
While some human factors, such as motive and personality
are related to a driving style, other factors including
information processing and motor skills are considered
important in a driving skill, and adapting to moment to
moment changes in driving environments [25].
In order to drive safely, drivers must process a lot of
information, maintain high levels of attention, plan their
actions, and control the operations. Often, there are some
stimuli around drivers that can potentially occupy their
cognitive resources necessary for safe driving and
consequently have irrecoverable effects on road safety [6].
The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration
(NHTSA) estimates that almost 25 percent of traffic
accidents in the United States of America are due to
distraction, which accounts for 1.2 million incidents
annually [28]. Driver distraction is characterized by
diversion of attention away from the driving task. Driver
distraction can be divided into three classes: 1) General
withdrawal of visual attention – when drivers move their
eyes from the road, 2) Selective withdrawal of attention – a
product of cognitive workload, and 3) Biomechanical
interference – body movements that influence driving
behaviors [28]. We suggest considering emotions as another
critical factor of driver distraction. Previous studies show
that affective states such as emotions have a major impact
on performance by engaging various cognitive processes
including attention, perception, and memory [28].
Therefore, any unexpected changes in drivers’ affective
state can lead to performance errors [10]. Driving errors are
potentially dangerous; hence, it is important to discover
when and what factors lead drivers to committing errors.
Among all types of emotions, anger is relatively a common
emotion during the drive. Anger may arise due to direct
driving experiences, such as encountering traffic (integral
affect) or irrelevant issues (incidental affect) to driving
which stem from a driver’s personal life situations. In any
case, the driver will be deprived of cognitive resources,
which may influence driver’s performance and safety. The
general consensus in affective driving literature is that
angry drivers make more driving errors than non-angry
drivers [4, 14, 20, 31, 32]. Anger often involves aggressive
behaviors, whereas other emotions, such as fear or
happiness, are likely to lead to different driving behaviors
[e.g., 17]. Repeated exposure to anger also increases
cardiovascular reactivity, which may influence health in the
long term [32]. Aggressive driving or ‘road rage’ has
received increased public attention in the US, with the most
serious incidents involving some form of physical or verbal
assault, increasing by 7% each year during the early 1990s
[10].
Then, how can we regulate anger while driving? Since
1970s when radios became standard in many cars, music
has been readily available while driving [6]. Listening to
music is reportedly one of the most common activities
engaged in by drivers. Survey research conducted in the UK
and the US has shown that around 70% of everyday drivers
listen to recorded music or the radio while driving [e.g.,
10].
Why do people listen to music while they drive? People
listen to music while driving because music distracts from
the monotony of driving and can influence their affective
state [32]. Another survey reports that 62% of drivers feel
that music can make them more relaxed while driving.
Several studies found that background music is a good
method to maintain drivers’ alertness, to counter monotony
and sleepiness while driving, and to divert themselves from
negative thoughts and feelings [2]. Drivers typically
experience music in a few distinct ways: as a technique for
masking environmental sounds, accompanied form of aural
privacy, and as a connection to others. A car provides a
private space that allows drivers to listen to whatever music
they like, as loud as they like, and sing along if they choose.
Drivers report that listening to music can alleviate
frustrations of driving and can even re-appropriate 'stolen'
time associated with driving. This can be conceptualized as
“self-therapy”. From this perspective, individuals alter their
driving environment by music in a way that is appropriate
to their needs [6].
Music and Driving Performance
Given that listening to music is one of the natural activities
while driving, its effects on drivers can happen via two
main routes: distraction and mood effects. We can consider
the use of music as an affect mitigating strategy. For
example, studies in the field of music therapy suggest that
music can reduce several negative emotions more compared
to the traditional psychotherapy group [3]. Changes in
affect via music are also related to physiological changes as
well as psychological changes. For example, sad low
energy music can reduce skin conductance levels. van der
Zwaag and colleagues [32] define music as “a multi-
component physical object composed of a set of sounds
which are linked and ordered by specific ‘grammar’ rules
governing melody, mode, harmony, rhythm, tone and
pitch.” Different mixtures and combinations of musical
characteristics can portray a wide variety of specific
emotions. For instance, music with a slow tempo, dissonant
harmony, and heavy bass can induce sadness in listeners,
whereas fast music with consistent harmony and high pitch
can induce happiness in the majority of listeners [27].
Indeed, safety researchers are now turning their attention
towards the interaction between music and complex
activities, such as driving. One study claimed that the faster
the tempo of music, the higher the impairment on driving
performance [26].
According to attention research, attention capacity is a
limited cognitive resource, divisible among multiple tasks
[33]. As the number of demands for attention increases, the
amount of resources available to any single source
decreases [29]. Music can play as a distracter in that it
occupies a portion of cognitive or attentional resources that
might otherwise be directed toward a stressful situation. As
a result, the salience of the experienced stressor can be
reduced. However, a cognitive overload can occur when
there are not enough available cognitive resources to attend
all the demands of the environment. In such a situation,
attention is delegated to the most important tasks, and
background or irrelevant information is ignored. Taken
together, music might be used to occupy a certain amount
of the attentional capacity as long as drivers have enough
resources (e.g., experienced drivers) and thus, the effects of
affective states could be reduced [30]. However, music may
also have some caveats. Studies showed that music could
impair driving performance in some conditions (e.g., based
on its volume, type, or tempo) [10]. For instance, listening
to high-tempo music correlates with an increase of speeding
and red light violations during a simulated drive [30].
Another study shows that compared to the ‘no music’
condition, ‘happy’ music distracts drivers’ performances
more, including reduced speeds and poorer lane keeping.
On the other side, ‘sad’ music was related with better lane-
keeping ability and reduction in speed. Drivers in a sad
music condition tried to maintain a ‘no risk’ speed and
more trajectory control [10]. Note that music can occupy
any of the quadrants of the valence and arousal dimensional
coordinate system. According to the mood congruency
principle, a low energetic-positive valence state is the most
opposite state from anger (a high energetic-negative
valence state) and this affect might be perceived as
incongruent to the situation and thereby, seen as a negative
stimulus [32].
The theory of attention control proposed that individuals
pay more attention to a primary task when there is a
secondary task in specific situations [1]. This secondary
task may be a distracter or a stressor that competes for
cognitive resources with the primary task. People have a
natural ability to shift the amount of cognitive resources
between different tasks based on the level of difficulty or
importance of the task [1]. Listening to loud music
significantly increases self-reported mental effort while
driving, irrespective of the specific driving conditions and
tasks. Alternatively, it was also found that listening to
music did not negatively influence driving performance in a
car-following task. Participants were able to effectively
exchange cognitive resources between the primary driving
task and the secondary task of attending to the music [30].
Current Study and Hypotheses
To further examine the extent to which music can mediate
anger effects on driving performance, we designed our
experiment to test four hypotheses. The first hypothesis is
that watching video clips and writing the past experience
will induce an angry state (H1). The second is that angry
drivers will make more errors than drivers without anger
induction (H2). The third hypothesis is that music will
improve the driving performance of angry drivers compared
to angry drivers without music (H3). The fourth hypothesis
is that sad music will have a larger effect on mitigating
driving errors than happy music (H4). According to the
mood congruency principal, happiness is opposite from the
anger dimension and participants will be more likely to
consider happy music as a negative stimulus. Both sadness
and anger, however, belong to negative valence, allowing
participants to find a match between their affective state
and the characteristics of the sad music more than the happy
music.
METHOD
Pilot Study
A new anger induction video clip was viewed and rated by
seven pilot study participants for validation. The video
depicts a one-minute clip of animal abuse, and was rated by
all participants as a 6 or 7 on a seven point Likert scale (1 =
not anger inducing, 7 = extremely anger inducing).
Ten new music stimuli for affect induction were tested by
ten different participants with no affiliation with the study
for no compensation. Pilot participants listened to two-
minute clips from each of the ten music stimuli, and then
rated each song on a seven point Likert scale with sad and
happy anchors (1 = saddest, 4 = neutral, 7 = happiest). Two
songs (Sebastian Larsson’s “Into the Dark” and Brian
Crain’s “At the Ivy Gate”) were rated as lowest (2 or 1 by
eight of the ten participants), and were selected to be
included in the sad condition’s playlist. Two songs
(Thomas Smith’s “Between” and Crusader Beach’s
“Midwest Train”) were rated as highest (6 or 7 by eight of
the ten participants), and were selected to be included in the
happy condition’s playlist.
Participants
Fifty-three undergraduate students (Male = 44, Female = 9;
Anger with Happy music = 13, Anger with Sad Music = 14,
Anger without Music = 14, & No-Anger No-Music = 12)
from Michigan Technological University were recruited
through the online SONA system and participated in the
experiment for partial course credits. All participants have
at least 1.5 years of driving experience to control for the
confounding variables due to inexperienced driving.
Apparatus
The driving simulator consisted of SimuRide software
running on a Dell Optiplex 960 using Windows 7 operating
system. The monitor was a 39” Samsung LED TV placed
on a desk in front of the participant. All demographic
information and emotion check surveys were conducted on
a separate desktop computer next to the participant using
the Microsoft excel. SimuRide’s driving simulator sounds
were played from a speaker behind the monitor and music
stimuli were played through a speaker from the adjacent
desktop computer, both averaging around 75 decibels from
2 feet away from the participant. A Thrustmaster universal
USB steering wheel and gas/brake pedals were used to
better simulate real world driving.
Video Stimuli
To induce an angry affective state, four minute clip was
taken from previously validated mood induction literature,
which included a scene from the 1980 film “My
Bodyguard” depicting a bully harassing and fighting a
smaller student [8]. In addition to this video, a one-minute
animal cruelty video (validated from our pilot study) was
shown following the “My Bodyguard” scene. For the
control condition (no-anger no-music), a five-minute
instructional video was used depicting an emotionally
neutral host explaining how to install low grade roofing
membranes. This video was modeled from previously
validated neutral mood induction literature. [19].
Music Stimuli
One happy song (Chopin’s Prelude in E Minor O.P. 28) and
one sad song (Bach’s Brandenburg Concertos No.3) were
taken from previous affect induction literature [23], and two
new happy and sad songs, validated in the pilot study, were
combined to make a 3 song playlist lasting of 15 minutes
for the respective happy and sad conditions.
 Figure 1. View of a participant driving in the simulator.
Each participant drove the medium difficulty scenario.
Design and Procedure
After completing the consent procedure, participants were
asked to rate their current affective state using a seven point
Likert scale measuring 9 discrete driving-related emotions
[16] as used in previous literature [14]. Participants were
allowed 5 minutes to practice driving in a different scenario
to let participants get a feel for how to control the simulator.
Previous literature indicates that music is processed more
intensely when the listener is not performing a novel task
[29]. Following the practice session, participants in the
three conditions (happy, sad, and no-music) watched the
two anger induction videos, and then spent seven minutes
writing about an angry experience they could vividly
remember [14]. For the control condition (no-anger no-
music), the five-minute instructional video was used. After
the mood induction portion the participants filled out the
emotion check survey for the second time, and all drove
through the same simulated route picked for its medium
difficulty [14]. This route included a tunnel-driving portion
with low visibility and one hazardous event (lane
obstruction), followed by an easier but frustrating portion
filled with frequent red lights and stop signs. Participants
were instructed to continue straight at all intersections, and
turn right only when continuing straight is not an option.
The driving portion lasted approximately ten minutes and
was observed by the experimenter for common anger-
related driving errors, such as lane deviation, aggressive
acceleration/braking, speeding, rolling through stop signs,
disobeying street lights, and collisions [5, 20]. Following
the driving portion, participants filled out demographic and
driving related survey questions, and finally a NASA-TLX
[9].
RESULTS
Manipulation Checks
We successfully induced participants’ angry affective state
in the intended three groups (41 participants out of 53,
except for the control group). Paired samples t-tests showed
that anger scores (M =3.62, SD = 2.04) after affect
induction were significantly higher than before induction
(M =1.54, SD = 1.18), t(52) = -7.9956, p < .001. Thirty-six
(88%) out of the forty-one participants' anger scores in
Figure 2. Mean of angry scores before anger induction, after
anger induction, and after the experiment.
angry driving groups increased (see Figure 2) by two video
clips and the seven-minute writing exercise. The data of
five participants that did not indicate an increase in anger
on the subjective measure after mood induction were also
included in the analysis because they might not consciously
notice the changes of their affective state [17]. We also
checked anger-induced participants’ affective state at the
end of the experiment. Paired samples t-tests showed that
anger scores (M = 2.45, SD = 1.68) at the end of the
experiment were significantly lower than after affect
induction (M = 3.62, SD = 2.04), t (52) = -4.77, p < .001,
which means their level of affective states decreased during
the experiment. This trend is shown similarly in each of the
three anger-induction conditions.
Music Effects on Driving Performance
Several one-way analyses of variance (ANOVA) were
performed to investigate the effects of music, driving
experience, and video game experience on driving
performance. The first one-way ANOVA used the types of
manipulated emotions and music as predictors (including
happy-music, no-music, and sad-music factorial layers) to
predict total errors drivers made. The results show that this
model is statistically significant, F(3, 49) = 3.02, p < 0.05,
such that the anger without music group had the highest
total errors (M = 24.71, SD = 12.74), followed by the no-
anger no-music group (M = 20.58, SD = 7.98), the anger
with happy-music group (M = 16.38, SD = 6.76), and
finally the anger with sad music group (M = 15.29, SD =
7.76) (Figure 3).
Among participants, the sad music induction group had
numerically the lowest mean total errors. Based on the
paired samples t-tests, we found a significant difference in
the mean number of total errors between the anger without
music and anger with sad music groups, t(21.47) = 2.36, p <
.05, and anger without music and anger with happy music
groups, t(20.08) = 2.14, p < .05. There was no significant
difference between the no-music no-anger group and any of
the induced anger groups.
Figure 3. The mean and standard error of driving errors for
each group.
Video Game Experience
As for the video game experience measure, participants
self-reported their own video game experiences on a seven
point Likert scale. No significant difference of video game
experience among four groups was found among the four
groups by the one-way ANOVA, F(3, 46) = 1.57, p > .05;
anger without music (M = 3.28, SD = 2.16 ), no-anger no-
music (M = 4.54, SD = 1.5), anger with happy music (M =
4.8, SD = 2.05), and anger with sad music (M = 4, SD =
1.95). This means that participants in the four groups did
not differ by video game experience. We can declare that
video game experience had no significant role in driving
performance.
Driving Experience
In regards to the driving experience measure, the one-way
ANOVA showed no significant difference of driving
experiences among the four groups, F(3, 48) = .44, p > .05;
anger without music (M = 4.2, SD = 3.16), no-anger no-
music (M = 3.58, SD = .99 ), anger with happy music (M =
4.07, SD =1.05 ), and anger with sad music (M = 3.85, SD =
1.46 ). This means that participants in the four groups did
not differ by driving experience. We can declare that video
driving experience had no significant role in driving
performance.
NASA-TLX
An electronic version of NASA-TLX was used to assess
participants’ overall workload while taking part in the
experiment. A one-way ANOVA shows that there was no
difference in NASA-TLX across the four conditions, F(3,
49) = 1.47, p > .05 (Figure 4); no-anger no-music (M =
58.72, SD = 17.48), anger with happy music (M = 46.74,
SD = 14.69), anger without music (M = 54.95, SD = 18.38),
anger with sad music (M = 57.76, SD = 13.37). Moreover,
there was no significant difference in subcomponents of
NASA-TLX.
Figure 4. The mean and standard error of total workload
score in NASA-TLX for each group.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
According to research, 1/3 to 2/3 accidents involve driving
under an angry state [4]. Listening to music is the most
common activities while driving. Thus, we are motivated to
investigate the relationship between emotions, music, and
driving performance. To this end, we conducted our
experiment to identify: the mitigating effects of music on
angry drivers’ performance and the different effects
between happy and sad music pieces on driving
performance.
H1: Watching video clips and writing the past experience
will induce an angry state.
The anger inducing video clips and the angry experience
writing exercise for the mood induction were effective.
Recent research has confirmed that writing the past
experience is the most effective way to induce an affective
state [22]. However, other objective affective state
assessment techniques can be used in addition to the self-
report, such as physiological sensing [11] or facial detection
[15]. As shown in our results (88% of the participants
reported induced anger), some participants (remaining
12%) are more resistant to mood manipulation (perhaps,
due to personality traits or motivation; or simply not
noticing), which would have impacted the success of the
mood induction process and results. One observation we
made from our dual induction methods is that when
participants were asked to recall and write their past anger
experiences, they were likely to write about topics relating
to the anger induction videos, which they watched just
before the writing task. This means that these video clips
could engage participants’ mood and memory.
H2: Angry drivers will make more errors than drivers
without anger induction.
Our results did not reach a conventional statistical level in
the difference between the anger without music group and
no-anger no-music group. However, they showed a
consistent pattern with previous studies. There are more
than four error differences (24.7 vs. 20.6) on an average,
which might make a huge difference in the real world road
safety. The results might be due to the difference between
the driving simulator and actual driving in terms of driving
environment or strength of emotions.
H3: Music will improve the driving performance of angry
drivers compared to angry drivers without music.
H4: Sad music will have a larger effect on mitigating
driving errors than happy music.
The third hypothesis that music will influence angry
drivers’ driving performance was supported. Both types of
music pieces have shown mitigating effects on their driving
performance. In other words, the groups with either type of
music yielded fewer driving errors than the no-music
groups. However, there was no different effect between
happy music and sad music. Thus, the fourth hypothesis
was not supported. It seems that music has served as a
distracter so that participants have been effectively
distracted from their emotional source or rumination [17].
In fact, a psychological affect regulation model [7]
proposes that “attention deployment” (i.e., simply
distracting a person from the emotional source) be an
effective emotion mitigation strategy. Empirical research
has supported that an adaptive in-vehicle agent can mitigate
angry drivers’ degenerated performance using simple
speech clips [12]. However, given that there was no
difference between happy and sad music, further research is
required to unpack the underlying mechanisms.
As is the case in the previous research [e.g., 12, 14], an
angry affect state did not influence participants’ perceived
workload. It might imply that emotional effects are
independent of workload and thus, require a different
approach from the traditional workload research. In
addition, listening to music (either happy or sad) did not
increase participants’ workload, which supports the use of
music as a plausible affect mitigation strategy. Given that
the anger with happy music group shows the lowest
workload score, it would be interesting to further
investigate if happy music could reduce subjective
workload more than sad music.
The effects of music might depend on required attentional
resources for the primary task (driving). We used just a
medium difficulty-driving scenario. It will be of interest to
see the difference using a high difficulty-driving scenario
[18]. The current study used a holistic approach in terms of
the music selection (happy vs. sad) based on literature. We
plan to conduct further research, manipulating multiple
musical parameters (mode, tempo, rhythm, pitch, lyrics,
etc., [e.g., 13, 26]) to identify the sophisticated relationship
between musical parameters and the mitigating effects on
driving behaviors.
The limitations of the present study include a small number
of female participants, manual driving error recording, low
fidelity simulator, and a subjective measure of anger (self-
report). To obtain more reliable and generalizable data, we
plan to replicate and extend this experiment in a higher
fidelity simulator using different driving scenarios and
additional physiological measurements such as ECG.
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