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Energy Research & Social Science 17 (2016) 127–134

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Energy Research & Social Science


journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/erss

Original research article

Political efficacy and familiarity as predictors of attitudes towards


electric transmission lines in the United States夽
Jeffrey C. Joe a,∗ , Kelsie Hendrickson b , Maria Wong b , Stephanie L. Kane c , David Solan d ,
Juliet E. Carlisle e , David Koehler d , Daniel P. Ames f , Robert Beazer g
a
Idaho National Laboratory, PO Box 1625, Mail Stop 3818, Idaho Falls, ID 83415-3818, United States
b
Department of Psychology, Idaho State University, 921 S 8th Ave., Stop 8112, Pocatello, ID 83209, United States
c
Office of Institutional Research, Washington State University, Pullman, WA, United States
d
Energy Policy Institute, Boise State University, 1910 University Drive, Boise, ID 83725-1014, United States
e
Department of Political Science, University of Idaho, United States
f
Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Brigham Young University, 368 Clyde Building, Provo, UT 84602, United States
g
Department of Geosciences, Idaho State University, Pocatello, ID 83209, United States

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Public opposition to the construction (i.e., siting) of new high voltage overhead transmission lines is not
Received 27 July 2015 a new or isolated phenomenon. Past research has posited a variety of reasons, applied general theories,
Received in revised form 8 April 2016 and has provided empirical evidence to explain public opposition. The existing literature, while clarifying
Accepted 19 April 2016
many elements of the issue, does not yet fully explain the complexities underlying this public opposition
phenomenon. The current study demonstrated how two overlooked factors, people’s sense of political
Keywords:
efficacy and their familiarity (i.e., prior exposure) with transmission lines, explained attitudes of support
High voltage overhead transmission lines
and opposition to siting new power lines.
Political efficacy
Familiarity © 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Place attachment

1. Introduction

High voltage overhead transmission lines (HVOTLs) transmit


electricity over long distances, enabling the interconnection and
integration of disparate areas into regional economies, and more
夽 Disclaimer: This manuscript has been authored by Battelle Energy Alliance, LLC
recently provide a means to bring renewable energy from sources
under Contract No. DE-AC07-05ID14517 with the U.S. Department of Energy. The
such as wind turbines that are often at great distances from urban
United States Government retains and the publisher, by accepting the article for pub-
lication, acknowledges that the United States Government retains a nonexclusive,
areas. However, their specific placement and route selection (i.e.,
paid-up, irrevocable, world-wide license to publish or reproduce the published form siting) between two points at large distances, such as a power plant
of this manuscript, or allow others to do so, for United States Government purposes. and a substation, are not a given. In fact, the siting of HVOTLs has
This manuscript was prepared as an account of work sponsored by an agency historically been met with considerable public opposition. As such,
of the United States Government. Neither the United States Government nor any
HVOTL siting has been a topic of research for social scientists for
agency thereof, nor any of their employees, makes any warranty, express or implied,
or assumes any legal liability or responsibility for the accuracy, completeness, or more than 30 years. Casper and Wellstone [14] showed that public
usefulness of any information, apparatus, product, or process disclosed, or repre- opposition leads to social upheaval that can cause schedule delays,
sents that its use would not infringe privately owned rights. Reference herein to and adds significant “soft costs” to the project. This issue contin-
any specific commercial product, process, or service by trade name, trademark, ues to be seen in current HVOTL siting cases, such as the siting of
manufacturer, or otherwise does not necessarily constitute or imply its endorse-
ment, recommendation, or favoring by the United States Government or any agency
the Tehachapi Renewable Transmission Project in Chino Hills, Cal-
thereof. The views and opinions of authors expressed herein do not necessarily state ifornia [10]. The desire to understand and communicate to energy
or reflect those of the United States Government or any agency thereof. policy makers, researchers, and practitioners this tension between
∗ Corresponding author.
the needs of the many for energy, and the needs of the few adversely
E-mail addresses: Jeffrey.Joe@inl.gov, jeffrey.c.joe@gmail.com (J.C. Joe),
affected by the required energy infrastructure, has been the mis-
hendkel2@isu.edu (K. Hendrickson), wongmari@isu.edu (M. Wong),
slkane@wsu.edu (S.L. Kane), davidsolan@boisestate.edu (D. Solan), sion of many journals, including Energy Research & Social Science
carlisle@uidaho.edu (J.E. Carlisle), davekoehler@boisestate.edu (D. Koehler), [50], and is the focus of this study.
dan.ames@byu.edu (D.P. Ames), beazrobe@isu.edu (R. Beazer).

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2016.04.010
2214-6296/© 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
128 J.C. Joe et al. / Energy Research & Social Science 17 (2016) 127–134

In an effort to explain public opposition to the siting of HVOTLs, would not have the requisite motivation to engage in behaviors
the media often puts forth the “Not-In-My-Backyard” (NIMBY) opposing unwanted infrastructure changes.
reaction [7,35–37]. Many in academia, however, favor place attach- Past research by Wolsink [63,64] on wind energy, which was
ment as a more robust theoretical explanation. Place attachment is later cited by Devine-Wright [18,19], showed that a person’s sense
the notion that people have positive affect toward the physical loca- of political efficacy helps explain public opposition to wind devel-
tion they inhabit, which leads to a sense of affiliation or attachment opment. More generally, the comprehensive framework created by
to that place [1,3,15,16,18–22,25]. Huijts et al. [32] includes political or outcome efficacy as an impor-
In testing place attachment, many researchers have found tant psychological factor influencing the acceptance of energy
evidence supporting this theory as an explanation for public oppo- technologies.
sition to siting of components of energy infrastructure, such as Wolsink [63] investigated the reasons for public opposition
wind turbines (e.g., Ref. [25]) and HVOTLs. With respect to HVOTLs, to wind power. Survey data collected previously (for Ref. [62]),
Cotton and Devine-Wright [15] noted that place attachment and indicated that 5% of the error variance associated with negative
landscape change were common denominators in the public dis- attitudes and oppositional behaviors towards the wind farms was
course of siting HVOTLs. Cotton and Devine-Wright [16] also found explained by political efficacy. In a follow up investigation, Wolsink
that the public’s conceptualization included concerns about the [64] analyzed data collected from multiple surveys administered
effects of HVOTL siting on the sense of place (i.e., place attachment). between 1986 and 2002. Wolsink’s data showed that the combina-
Devine-Wright [21] empirically tested the extent to which place tion of political efficacy and other observed variables has a direct
attachment and project related factors explained public opposition relationship with the latent dependent variable, resistance to local
to HVOTL siting more accurately than NIMBY. Results indicated wind developments, and that other observed variables were medi-
that people’s objections to siting HVOTLs nearby was somewhat ated or partially mediated (i.e., explained) by the latent variable,
related to demographic factors (e.g., gender, age, education, and wind power attitude.
length of residence) and place attachment, but more strongly Wolsink’s [64] research supports the idea that political effi-
related to specific project related variables (e.g., positive and neg- cacy is an important theoretical aspect to public opposition to
ative impacts of the project, procedural justice, and trust in the siting wind turbines. Yet, there is an absence of research explicitly
developer and activist groups). Thus, those who were more emo- examining the relationship between political efficacy and public
tionally or “actively attached” to their physical environment were opposition to HVOTLs. It is worth noting, however, that Priestley
more opposed to siting HVOTLs nearby than those who were not and Evans [44] found that those who were older, had higher-
attached, but the statistical results also support the conclusion that status occupations, and who had lived in the neighborhood longer
the reasons the public opposed the siting of this HVOTL nearby viewed the lines more negatively than those who were younger,
were more related to project-specific factors than place attach- had lower-status jobs, or had recently moved to the neighbor-
ment or demographic factors. Carlisle et al. [13] obtained similar hood. Campbell [11] also showed that older Americans tend to
findings in their investigation of utility scale solar facility siting in participate more in politics, and as a result, often affect policies
the southwest region of the United States (U.S.). and outcomes that benefit them. This positive feedback loop likely
contributes to an increased sense of political efficacy in older indi-
viduals. Furthermore, in her work on political efficacy, Nabatchi
1.1. Research objective
[40] asserted, “Wealthy, educated individuals with professional
careers tend to have higher perceptions of political efficacy.” (pg.
The place attachment explanation accounts for some of the pub-
259). Taken together, these findings give credence to the idea that
lic opposition to HVOTL siting, but there may be other explanations.
those who were older, had higher-status occupations, were more
The purpose of this study was to investigate how two alternative
educated, and were wealthier had a stronger sense of political effi-
factors contribute to the explanation of public opposition to the
cacy and viewed the lines more negatively. In essence, there is
siting of new HVOTLs. Specifically, this study investigated whether
evidence that political efficacy is associated with oppositional atti-
respondents’ level of political efficacy (i.e., the degree to which
tudes towards HVOTLS; however, no research to our knowledge
a person believes their individual political behaviors or actions
has been published to empirically show this relation.
affects political outcomes) and whether familiarity (i.e., whether
respondents can see an existing HVOTL from where they live or
1.3. Familiarity
not) explained attitudes of support and opposition to siting new
HVOTLs. Investigating these two factors is in line with calls from
Few studies have examined the extent to which participants’
previous researchers (e.g., Refs. [27,32,59]) to develop a more com-
prior experience and exposure to HVOTLs (i.e., familiarity) affects
prehensive understanding of the nature of collective action (i.e.,
attitudes towards HVOTLs. Those that did obliquely studied aspects
opposition and support) for energy technologies such as HVOTLs. In
of familiarity and results were discrepant between studies. Soini
the next section, we describe how the political efficacy and familiar-
et al. [49] found that participants in Finland tended to agree
ity constructs are theoretically related to attitudes towards HVOTL
that it was possible to get used to the presence of HVOTLs over
siting.
time. This finding was the second highest positive perception of
HVOTLs, superseded only by participants’ agreement that HVOTLs
1.2. Political efficacy are required and are thus a justified disturbance to the natural
landscape.
The notion of political efficacy has been around for several On the other hand, Cotton and Devine-Wright [15] reported
decades. Campbell et al. [12] defined it as, “The feeling that indi- that people tended to strongly disagree with the assertion that the
vidual political action does have, or can have, an impact upon the ubiquity of overhead power lines in the existing landscape would
political process, (i.e., that it is worth while to perform one’s civic mitigate their negative effect on place attachment. Furthermore,
duties). It is the feeling that political and social change is possible, Devine-Wright et al. [24] found higher levels of familiarity were
and that the individual citizen can play a part in bringing about this associated with stronger agreement that new power lines should
change.” (pg. 187). This sense of political empowerment is central be placed underground regardless of cost. These authors concluded
to any measureable public opposition to the siting of unwanted that familiarity breeds contempt for new overhead power lines,
infrastructure, in that without a sense of political efficacy, people pylons, or substations—not more positive attitudes.
J.C. Joe et al. / Energy Research & Social Science 17 (2016) 127–134 129

However, the findings by Cotton and Devine-Wright [15] and 2.1. Observed variables: education, income, and opinion
Devine-Wright et al. [24] run contrary to a number of psychological
phenomena including habituation [53,54] and sensory adaptation While Devine-Wright [18,19] and Wolsink [63,64] have noted
[60]. Habituation is the decreased response to repeated exposures that political efficacy is an important factor in explaining public
to a stimulus, given that this stimulus is capable of eliciting a opposition to wind development, questions still remain regard-
response in the first place [53]. Those who can see existing HVOTLs ing how political efficacy relates to HVOTL attitudes, and what
from where they live could in essence become habituated to them, observable and measurable attitudes relate to political efficacy as a
which implies that any negative preconceived notions they had a theoretical construct in this context. Interestingly, Wolsink [63,64]
priori about HVOTLs would become attenuated over time. Those included political efficacy as a latent construct but did not describe
who cannot see HVOTLs from their home would have a stronger in great detail how it was measured by observed variables. The only
negative response to the proposition that new HVOTLs might be previously published study in the HVOTL literature that alludes
sited near them, given their preconceived notions about HVOTLs to examining how political efficacy relates to HVOTL attitudes is
and the absence of any opportunity to discover that their worst Priestley and Evans [44], and as discussed previously, their findings
fears may not be realized through the direct experience of living are consistent with research investigating the nature of political
within view of an HVOTL. efficacy (e.g., Refs. [11,12,40]) in that a person’s level of education
This hypothesized positive effect of familiarization, or some- and income has been shown to be positively correlated to levels of
thing akin to habituation or sensory adaptation, on attitudes would political efficacy.
also be consistent with a number of studies showing that residents’ We further assert, based on research by Zaller [67] and Shah and
attitudes toward wind turbines become more favorable over time, Scheufele [48], that people’s beliefs about how much of an opinion
including Braunholtz [9], Krohn and Damborg [34], Pasqualetti [42], leader they are in their circles of friends is also positively related to
Wolsink [61,62,64,65], and Young et al. [66], (though for exceptions, one’s sense of political efficacy. An important aspect of politics is
see Ref. [29]). Wolsink [65] summarizes his past studies showing how individuals influence others to get agreement on ideological
that wind attitudes are not static over time, and eventually become issues and on how communal resources should be used. Zaller [67]
more favorable. He writes: established that those who have greater political power (i.e., the
political elite) tend to express their opinions and provide other cues
“Generally, wind power attitudes follow a U-shaped develop-
to those who have less political power (i.e., average citizens) as a
ment pattern [62], ranging from very positive (i.e. when people
means to try to get those average citizens to agree with the policies
are not confronted by a wind power scheme in their neighbour-
they want to enact. The cross-sectional analysis of three separate
hood) to more critical (when a project is announced), and then
data sources (i.e., two national surveys and one panel study) by
to more positive again some reasonable time after construction.
Shah and Scheufele [48] also showed that opinion leaders also tend
These shifts have been proven to be statistically significant [64].”
to be civically engaged, since civic issues offer a convenient forum
(pg. 2698).
for those who wish to express opinion leadership to do so. From
Similarly, Braunholtz [9] reported that people who can see the these studies, we generally conclude that those who believe them-
wind turbines everyday had more favorable attitudes about them selves to be opinion leaders are also likely to feel like they are more
than those who only saw them infrequently. Thus, we believe the effective at wielding their political influence than others who think
balance of evidence supports the assertion that those who are their opinions do not matter. Thus, we used the extent to which
familiar with HVOTLs will tend to have more positive attitudes a person considers themselves an opinion leader, along with their
relative to those who do not view them with any regularity. education level and their income level as observed measures for
the latent construct political efficacy.

2.2. Outcome variables: visual intrusiveness, property values, and


2. Research approach geographic proximity

To investigate the relationship between political efficacy, famil- It is reasonable to suspect that the visual impact of HVOTLs
iarity, and levels of support and opposition to siting HVOTLs, this would be a significant attribute of people’s HVOTL attitudes, espe-
study used Structural Equation Models (SEM) with latent vari- cially given the size and height of pylons and the linear geographic
ables [5]. SEM is a statistical method that tests theoretical models, distance power lines traverse. Research has found that the visual
and is usually comprised of a measurement model that associates impact of HVOTLs on landscapes and their scenic attributes is fre-
observed variables with latent variables, and a structural model quently related to public opposition (e.g., Refs. [14,15,21,23,28,49]).
that defines how the variables are linked together. A SEM for Furthermore, a number of studies on wind energy cite the visual
this type of study requires multiple measures or factors to assess impact of wind turbines as being one of the most important fac-
latent constructs such as political efficacy and the public’s attitudes tors explaining public opposition (e.g., Refs. [18,33,43,45,55,64]).
towards HVOTLs (e.g., opposition). For this study, the factors, or Based on the preponderance of this evidence, we chose to use visual
observed variables, used to measure the latent construct politi- intrusiveness as one of the three measures of public support and
cal efficacy, included a person’s level of education, the extent to opposition to HVOTL siting.
which they believe they are opinion leaders in their social circles, In addition to the direct visual impact, people often have con-
and their income level. To measure the latent construct opposition cerns about the detrimental effect HVOTLs could have on property
to HVOTLs, outcome variables measuring participants’ attitudes values (i.e., real estate values). According to Boyer et al. [8], and
about the anticipated visual intrusiveness of HVOTLs, the perceived Rhodeside and Harwell [46], between one- and three-quarters of
impact of HVOTLs on property values, and their attitudes about the residents expressed concerns about the property value impacts of
geographic proximity of HVOTLs to their homes were used. Our HVOTLs. Priestley and Evans [44] and Elliott and Wadley [26] found
use of multiple measures is consistent with past studies that either that the public ranked adverse impacts on property values as their
advocated the use of multiple measures (e.g., Refs. [27,44]), or used second highest concern.
SEM, including LISREL (e.g., Refs. [49,63]). The rationale for choos- A considerable amount of research has also been conducted
ing these observed and outcome attitudinal variables is discussed specifically on HVOTLs and actual property values, rather than per-
in more detail in the following subsections. ceptions, with a number of studies showing a relationship between
130 J.C. Joe et al. / Energy Research & Social Science 17 (2016) 127–134

lower than expected average property values and the presence 3.2. Procedure
of HVOTLs. Des Rosiers [17] estimated the presence of HVOTLs is
related to a decrease in property values between 5 and 20%, depend- The study was approved for human subjects research by all of
ing on factors such as the distance from the HVOTL, the price of the the authors’ respective institutional review boards. To increase the
property, and which component of the HVOTL is sited nearest the telephone survey response rate, a pre-calling postcard was sent to
property (e.g., power line vs. pylon). Bond and Hopkins [6] reported all landline respondents the week prior to the telephone calls. The
similar effects, with the presence of HVOTLs being associated with postcard stated that the Social Science Research Unit (SSRU) would
a decrease in property value, roughly ranging between 3 and 20%. be contacting the household within the next week, described the
Furthermore, Hamilton and Schwann [30] reported an average purpose of the survey, and provided a toll-free number to call the
decrease of 6.3% on property adjacent to HVOTLs. Thus, given SSRU if they had any questions or concerns regarding the study.
the potential and significant economic implications of HVOTLs to Twelve interviews were completed in Spanish. On average, the
homeowners, which would naturally feed into their opposition to survey took twelve minutes to complete.
HVOTLs, we chose to include this as a measure of public attitudes The final response rate for the two frames combined, based on
towards HVOTLs. the American Association of Public Opinion Research’s standard
Geographical proximity is also often cited as an explanation for definition [2], was 24.4%, the final cooperation rate was 47.5%, and
public opposition to HVOTLs, and it makes sense that residents the final refusal rate was 26.7%. Survey weights were calculated
who live closer to the undesirable facility would generally be more and the weighted frequencies were then used because the dual-
opposed to it than those who live farther away. Numerous studies frame methodology creates different probabilities of household
have tested the ‘proximity hypothesis’ for HVOTLs and wind tur- self-selection, depending on whether they are mobile phone-only,
bines, with a number of them showing proximity matters (see Ref. landline only, or both. The weighting process is explained in detail
[15]). Swofford and Slattery [52] also found that those who lived in the following section, and also in Section 4 when explaining the
closer to the wind farm tended to be more opposed to its devel- comparison to Census data based on weighted frequencies.
opment than those living farther away. Additionally, the studies
cited above showed that geographic proximity is closely tied to 3.2.1. Estimation using dual frame methodology
concerns about the negative effect HVOTLs can have on property Survey weights were calculated in order to account for the
values, as well as concerns about the health effects of living within complex survey design. Households had differing probabilities of
close proximity of HVOTLs. Given the range of effects influencing inclusion in the study based on whether they lived in an urban or
opposition, we included a measure assessing the public’s attitudes rural county (because rural counties were oversampled to allow
about whether new HVOTLs should be built near their homes as an for an adequate sample size in that demographic) and whether
attribute of their global level of opposition or support for HVOTLs. respondents live in a household with both wireless and landline
telephones, only landlines, or only wireless phones. The number
of occupied households in Idaho is 552,726 using the most recent
data available from the U.S. Census Bureau [57]. In addition, recent
2.3. Summary of research approach data from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services esti-
mates the fraction of adults living in wireless-only, landline-only,
The purpose of this study is twofold. First, this study exam- mixed, or no-telephone households. Of all Idaho households, 98.8%
ined the strength of the relationship between respondent’s levels is estimated to have a telephone of some sort (including wireless),
of political efficacy and attitudes toward siting new HVOTLs. Par- 31.7% lives in wireless-only households, 9.5% lives in landline-only
ticipant’s level of education, the perception of whether they were households, and the remainder (57.6%) lives in households with
opinion leaders, and income were used as observed indicators of both a landline and at least one wireless telephone. These esti-
political efficacy. Visual intrusiveness, geographic proximity and mates are the first nationally published estimates of landline-only
property values were used as observed indicators of characteristics and mixed-phone households in Idaho (only estimates of the frac-
of HVOTLs. Second, this study examined the potential differences tion of wireless-only households were available previously) but the
in attitudes toward siting new HVOTLs based on whether survey proportion of landline-only households in Idaho closely matches
respondents can see existing HVOTLs from where they live or not estimates from data collected by the SSRU.
(i.e., familiarity). Accomplishing these objectives would clarify the We used an iterative re-weighting process to calculate survey
complex nature of support and opposition to siting HVOTLs. weights. Base weights were calculated from the inverse proba-
bility of selection given the sample size and population size for
the rural and urban strata. Weighted frequencies were calculated
with these weights, and new weights were generated for house-
3. Methods hold type using the weighted frequencies. These steps were then
repeated through one more complete iteration (using the strata,
3.1. Participants then household type) at which point the weighted frequencies for
both the strata variable and the household type matched published
Survey results from 695 residents from the southern part of data (Census Bureau data for southern Idaho counties and Health
Idaho, a state in the western region of the U.S., were used in this and Human Services data for household telephone status). Because
study. This study used a stratified random sample of households in no county level estimates of household telephone status exist, we
this region. The stratification was based upon whether the county made the assumption that households in Southern Idaho are simi-
of residence is classified as rural or urban. The sample was drawn lar to the state as a whole. In addition, we did not have household
so as to receive an equal number of responses in those two strata. In type (wireless-only, landline-only, or both) for all respondents, so
addition, this survey used a dual-frame survey methodology using the iterative re-weighting was done for those in which we had esti-
both a sample of household landlines (n = 1200), and a random digit mates (n = 314). We then ran an ordinary least squares regression to
dial sample of wireless phone numbers with an Idaho area code predict weights for the other respondents based on rural or urban
(n = 3000). Half of the landline numbers (n = 600) and half of the residency, the type of phone on which they were called (wire-
wireless numbers (n = 1500) were drawn from rural counties; the less or landline), and sex. The regression was strongly significant
remainder was drawn from urban counties. (F = 249.96, p < 0.0001) with an R2 value of 0.7267. Weights for the
J.C. Joe et al. / Energy Research & Social Science 17 (2016) 127–134 131

remaining respondents were then calculated using the parameter Table 1


Correlations among study variables.
estimates from the regression.
Variable M SD 1 2 3 4 5 6

3.3. Materials 1. Education 4.17 1.48


2. Opinion 2.62 1.26 .14***
3. Income 3.19 1.21 .36*** .20***
This study received funding from the U.S. Department of Energy 4. Familiarity .20 .40 −.02 .05 .01
(DOE) to develop and issue a public opinion survey to explore 5. Vis. Intrusive. 2.89 0.94 .20*** .05 .15*** −.14***
the public’s attitudes towards HVOTLs. Researchers designed the 6. Geo. Prox. 3.19 0.94 .06 −.02 .09* −.11** .48***
survey instrument with additional input from SSRU staff. The sur- 7. Property Value 2.07 1.05 −.06 −.04 −.11** .20*** −.51*** −.51***
vey quantitatively explored the relationships among the variables Note.
to assess how much uncertainty can be reduced with respect to *
p ≤ .05.
our theoretical understanding of public support and opposition
**
p ≤ .01.
***
p ≤ .001.
towards HVOTLs. Specifically, we examined the extent to which
factors such as visual intrusion of the lines, the respondent’s level
of political efficacy, and demographic characteristics, could pro- 3.3.1.6. Education. Education was measured by asking partici-
vide additional insights or explanatory power in understanding the pants, “What is the highest level of education that you have
nature of public support and opposition to HVOTLs. completed?” Possible responses included: 8th grade or less (1); 9th
to 12th grade with no diploma (2); high school graduate (3); some col-
3.3.1. Public attitudes survey measures lege with no degree (4); an associate’s degree (5); a Bachelor’s degree
To accomplish our study’s objectives, the following measures (6); or a graduate or professional degree (7).
were taken from the survey, which was issued to residents of South-
ern Idaho. 3.3.1.7. Income. Participants were asked to indicate their annual
income bracket. Respondents answered the question on a five-
point Likert-type scale, Less than 24,999 (1), $25,000–$49,999 (2),
3.3.1.1. Opinion. Participants were asked how often they had been
$50,000–$74,999 (3), $75,000–$99,999 (4), and More than 100,000
asked about their opinion surrounding topics in the news. They
(5).
responded to the question using a five-point Likert-type scale,
Almost Every Day to Never. The response options were recoded Never
3.4. Analytic plan
(1) Rarely (2), Occasionally (3), Frequently (4) and Almost Every Day
(5).
We analyzed the data by SEM, which is a theory-driven statisti-
cal method that estimates multivariate relations among observed
3.3.1.2. Familiarity. Familiarity was measured using a forced- and latent (i.e., unobserved) independent and dependent variables.
choice question: “Can you see an electric transmission line from Model fit of the data was determined by the ␹2 goodness-of-
your property or where you live?” Respondents answered either fit statistic and three fit indices that measure the approximation
no (0) or yes (1) to the question. It should be noted that in the intro- between the model and the data: Comparative Fit Index (CFI; [4]),
duction of the survey, participants were told that the purpose of Tucker Lewis Index (TLI; [56]), and root mean square of approxima-
the survey was to ask residents about “their opinions about high tion (RMSEA; [51]). An insignificant value of the ␹2 goodness-of-fit
voltage electric transmission lines,” which are different from res- statistic suggests a good fit. However, this statistic can be overly
idential electrical distribution lines. Furthermore, to simplify the conservative with large samples (e.g., a sample size above 200),
wording of the subsequent questions, high voltage electric trans- resulting in a significant chi-square [47]. Therefore we supplement
mission lines would just be referred to as ‘electric transmission the test with the ratio of chi-square and its degrees of freedom (i.e.,
lines’. the relative chi-square). A good model has a ratio of around two
[38]. A value of 0.9 or higher on fit indices for the CFI and TLI sug-
3.3.1.3. Visual intrusiveness. Participants responded to a measure gests a good fit, while a value of 0.95 or higher indicate an excellent
of visual intrusiveness to the nearby landscape, “How intrusive or fit [31]. Similarly, values of 0.06 or lower on the RMSEA indicate a
nonintrusive would a new electric transmission line be if it were good fit [31]. All data were analyzed by Mplus version 6.1 [39].
constructed as part of the nearby landscape that you see from SEM was carried out in two steps. First, we estimated a mea-
your private property?” Respondents answered the question on surement model with two latent variables, political efficacy and
a four-point Likert-type scale, Not Intrusive at All (4), Somewhat opposition. Three indicators measured each latent variable. Polit-
Nonintrusive (3), Somewhat Intrusive (2) and Very Intrusive (1). ical efficacy was measured by education, opinion and income.
Opposition was measured by visual intrusiveness, geographical
proximity and property value. Second, we tested a structural model
3.3.1.4. Geographic proximity. Participants responded to a measure in which political efficacy was hypothesized to predict opposition.
of geographic proximity of construction near one’s house, “New Additionally, an observed variable, familiarity was hypothesized to
electric transmission lines should not be constructed close to or predict opposition.
nearby my house.” Respondents answered this item on a four-
point Likert-type scale, Strongly Disagree (1), Somewhat Disagree (2),
4. Results
Somewhat Agree (3), Strongly Agree (4).

4.1. Descriptive statistics


3.3.1.5. Property value. Participants responded to a measure of
impact on property value, “Building new electric transmission lines Correlations among the study variables are depicted in Table 1.
within view of my property will decrease the value of my property.” Education, opinion, and income were positively correlated with one
Respondents answered this item on a four-point Likert-type scale, another. Participants with more education reported higher income
Strongly Agree (1), Somewhat Agree (2), Somewhat Disagree (3), and and were more often asked to share their opinion regarding topics
Strongly Disagree (4). in the news. There were positive relationships between education
132 J.C. Joe et al. / Energy Research & Social Science 17 (2016) 127–134

Fig. 1. Structural model of relations among political efficacy, familiarity, and attitudes towards HVOTLs.

and income with visual intrusiveness, suggesting that higher edu- to be detected (see Mueller [38] for more detail on sample size and
cation and greater income were associated with feeling that new SEM). The relative chi-square under 3.0 (␹2 /df = 2.82) suggests a
electric transmission lines near their home would be intrusive. Sim- good data-model fit [5,38].
ilarly, greater income was related to the belief that new HVOTLs
should not be constructed near homes and that these lines will
5. Discussion
decrease the value of the property. Without accounting for edu-
cation, income, or opinion, individuals who thought new HVOTLs
Results from the SEM measurement model indicated that edu-
should not be constructed near their homes were more likely to
cation, opinion, and income were significant observed variables
express that they thought the new electric lines would be intru-
that combined to form the latent variable political efficacy. All
sive and would decrease the value of their property. On the other
three observed variables were positively related to political effi-
hand, participants who were more familiar with HVOTLs, as they
cacy, indicating that those who had higher levels of political efficacy
could see them from their property, were more likely to report that
tended to be more educated, viewed themselves as opinion lead-
constructing new HVOTLs would not be intrusive, they would not
ers, and had greater levels of income. These results are consistent
be opposed to the idea of new HVOTL construction, and the lines
with past research on political efficacy [40] and the findings from
would not decrease their property value.
Priestley and Evans [44]. Similarly, visual intrusiveness, geographic
proximity, and property values were significant outcome vari-
4.2. Measurement model ables that combined to form the latent variable opposition. Visual
intrusiveness and geographic proximity were positively related to
The hypothesized measurement model was comprised of two opposition. Those who believed HVOTLs were visually intrusive
latent variables each made up of three observed variables. All and were concerned about the geographic proximity of HVOTLs
observed indicators loaded significantly on the two latent vari- to their house expressed more oppositional attitudes regarding
ables. Education (␤ = .53, p < .001), opinion (␤ = .28, p < .001), and HVOTLs. Additionally, property value was inversely related to
income (␤ = .69, p < .001) loaded positively on political efficacy. opposition. The relationship between these observed variables and
Visual intrusiveness (␤ = .70, p < .001) and geographic proximity the latent variable opposition is consistent with past literature. Cot-
(␤ = .68, p < .001) loaded positively, and property value (␤ = −.73, ton, Devine-Wright, and others (e.g., Ref. [49]) have shown that
p < .001) loaded negatively on opposition. The latent variables, visual intrusiveness is associated with attitudes opposing HVOTLs.
political efficacy and opposition, were significantly correlated with Similarly, Cotton, Devine-Wright, and others (e.g., Ref. [52]) have
one another, r = .25, p < .001. The measurement model showed an shown that geographic proximity to HVOTLs and wind turbines is
excellent fit to the data, suggesting that the observed variables mea- related to attitudes expressing less support for their presence. And
sure both latent constructs (i.e., political efficacy and opposition) past research by Des Rosiers [17], Bond and Hopkins [6], and others
well, 2 (8) = 22.60, p = .004, CFI = .98, TLI = .95, and RMSEA = .051. have found a reliable relationship between the presence of HVOTLs
and lower average property values.
4.3. Structural model The SEM structural model also showed a significant positive
relationship between the latent variables political efficacy and
Next, we tested a structural model using the latent variable opposition. As political efficacy increases, negative attitudes about
political efficacy predicting the latent variable of opposition (see HVOTLs also increase. Thus participants higher in political efficacy
Fig. 1). Familiarity was also used as an observed predictor. Results tended to oppose HVOTLs, and believed that HVOTLs were intrusive
revealed a significant relationship between political efficacy and and would decrease their property values. This result is consis-
opposition, ␤ = .25, p < .001. There was also a significant, negative tent with the psychological literature on political efficacy (e.g., Refs.
relationship between familiarity and opposition (␤ = −.21, p < .001). [12,40]), and Devine-Wright [19], which posited, but never empiri-
Preliminary analyses revealed that there was a non-significant cor- cally established, that opposition would be less likely in those with
relation between political efficacy and visual intrusiveness, and low political efficacy and that behavioral resistance towards siting
therefore we fixed the correlation to zero in the final model. The would be greater in those who believe they can affect change.
hypothesized model fit the data well as indicated by the three fit In addition, there was a significant inverse relationship between
indices, CFI = .97, TLI = .96, RMSEA = .04. The chi-square goodness familiarity and opposition. Those who could see an existing HVOTL
of fit showed a significant finding. However, this statistic is sen- from their home were less likely to express an oppositional atti-
sitive to large sample size [38]. Our large sample (>690) allows tude towards siting HVOTLs. Those who could not see an existing
trivial differences between the hypothesized model and the data HVOTL from where they lived were more likely to oppose to sit-
J.C. Joe et al. / Energy Research & Social Science 17 (2016) 127–134 133

ing new HVOTLs. The direction of this relationship is consistent perceptions and opposition to HVOTLs can be valuable to those who
with the psychological theories of habituation [53,54] and sensory are directly involved in the siting process, and to those who are indi-
adaptation [60], and is also consistent with the notion of a lack of rectly involved but nevertheless responsible for funding their work
political efficacy, but is contrary to some previous findings (e.g., (e.g., tax payers or utility ratepayers and shareholders). Neglecting
Refs. [15,24]). However, upon examining the point bi-serial corre- this aspect to siting HVOTLs can increase the risk of the project’s
lations between familiarity and the three outcome variables that failure, and adds costs to the utility that could have otherwise been
make up the latent variable opposition, we found all three correla- avoided.
tions support the interpretation that people who can see existing
HVOTLs from their homes also do not think the HVOTLs are intru- Acknowledgement
sive; that they are not opposed to siting new HVOTLs near their
home; and that they did not think new HVOTLs would decrease This material is based upon work supported by funding from
the property value of their homes. Equivalently, the three point the Idaho National Laboratory’s Laboratory Directed Research and
bi-serial correlations support the interpretation that people who Development program (project CA122, 10-079).
cannot see existing HVOTLs from where they live are concerned
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