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To cite this article: Glen H. Elder Jr. (2001) Families, Social Change, and Individual
Lives, Marriage & Family Review, 31:1-2, 187-203, DOI: 10.1300/J002v31n01_08
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Families, Social Change,
and Individual Lives
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INTRODUCTION
(Elder, 1974, 1999) marked the beginning of this new stage of work,
as later expressed in Life Course Dynamics (Elder, 1985a), Children
in Time and Place (Elder, Modell, & Parke, 1993), and Children of
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EARLY INFLUENCES
nation with this new world of agriculture led me to Penn State Uni-
versity and its School of Agriculture, though issues of social science
eventually captured my attention.
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individuals over time. With rich archival data over nearly 30 years, I
could see family life in the experience of individuals, and the role of
individual lives in family experience. These impressions had a last-
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more than 500 people (Eichorn, Clausen, Haan, Honzik, & Mussen,
1981). The Oakland Study (N = 167) obtained annual information
from Study members, mothers, and peers from 1931-32 through
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lowing additional editorial work, the book was accepted for publi-
cation by the University of Chicago Press, with publication
scheduled for 1974. Four theoretical principles of life course theory
emerged from the study (Elder, 1998a).
Born in 1920-21, the Oakland study members entered childhood
during this prosperous time, and then encountered family hardships
as young adolescents through the misfortunes of their parents and
relatives. Their historical time placed them at risk of this
deprivational event. Some were exposed to severe deprivations
through the family, whereas others managed to avoid them alto-
gether. These contrasting experiences, deprived and nondeprived,
produced an “experiment in nature” with empirical findings that af-
firm the principle of (1) historical time and place: that the life course of
individuals is embedded in and shaped by the historical times and places
they experience over their lifetime.
Within their lifetime, the Oakland Study members encountered
differences in the temporal order of major events. Some married
early and others late. Early marriage tended to generate a
cumulation of life disadvantages, such as economic difficulties and
the loss of advanced education. Whether early or late, the timing of
life transitions proved to have long-term consequences through
their effects on subsequent events and choices. The principle of (2)
timing in lives asserts that: the developmental antecedents and conse-
quences of life transitions, events, and behavior patterns vary accord-
ing to their timing in a person’s life.
Historical and individual experiences are connected through the
family and the interdependent fates of its members. Fates are
shared through family relationships. For example, economic hard-
ship tended to increase the explosiveness of men who were inclined
toward irritability. Thus, the more explosive they became under
mounting economic pressures, the more adversely it affected the
quality of marital relations and parenting. These observations sup-
port the principle of (3) linked lives: individual lives are lived interde-
pendently, and social-historical influences are expressed through this
network of shared relationships.
Lastly, the economic collapse of the 30s brings to mind a “world
out of control,” and the Oakland families often worked out success-
ful responses in dire circumstances. Parents and their children
Glen H. Elder, Jr. 195
that: individuals construct their own life course through the choices
and actions they take within the opportunities and constraints of his-
tory and social circumstances.
In this manner, empirical observations from the study illustrate
core principles of life course theory. I use the term “theory” to refer
to a theoretical orientation and framework (see Merton, 1968). Life
course theory defines a common field of inquiry by providing a
framework on matters of problem identification and conceptual de-
velopment. In terms of theory, the empirical findings of this work
did not support a life outcome of cumulative disadvantage from
Depression hardship. Whether deprived in the middle or working
class, the Oakland men and women typically fared well in their
adult years. The concept of turning point better fits their life course.
Three influences played a role in this turnaround–advanced educa-
tion, marriage, and, especially, military service.
This next phase of my career moved beyond Children of the Great
Depression in a number of respects. First, responses to the book
called for clarifications and elaborations of life course distinctions,
and broadened my cross-disciplinary contacts in history (Elder,
1977, 1978; Hareven, 1978) and developmental psychology (Elder,
1998b). Second, questions of generality arose. Are the findings
from this study likely to generalize to other birth cohorts, and to
other times and places? Theories of cohort differentiation led me to
expect little generalization across time and place. The issue of
generalizability was addressed by comparing the Oakland cohort
with a younger cohort, the Berkeley Guidance sample, with birth
years of 1928-29; and by exploring the impact of economic hardship
in the contemporary world of inner-city Philadelphia (Furstenberg,
Cook, Eccles, Elder, & Sameroff, 1999) and rural Iowa (Conger &
Elder, 1994). Third, we had to explain how so many men and
women from the Oakland cohort fared as well as they did in life,
given their economic disadvantage. What were the key turning
points?
Children of the Land (Elder & Conger, in press), along with insights
gained from the ways these families managed the risks and options
of their children beyond the household. This life course study over
seven years (from 7th grade to completion of high school) under-
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REFLECTIONS
The last half of the 20th century has witnessed a number of intel-
lectual transitions that are expressed in the path I have followed in
sociology and the behavioral sciences. These include the increasing
tendency to view behavior and collective life in context; to bring an
historical perspective to all problems; and to appreciate the tempo-
rality of families and of people’s lives. For reasons that are not easy
to identify, I have always been challenged by the powerful implica-
200 MARRIAGE & FAMILY REVIEW
tions of a changing society for people’s lives, a topic that was ne-
glected at the time I entered graduate school. Sociologists had little
to contribute to an understanding of social change.
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NOTES
Glen H. Elder, Jr. 201
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