Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Introduction
The Anglo-Saxons: fact and ®ction
DONALD SCRAGG
The essays in this book are based on papers presented at the third G. L.
Brook Symposium held at the University of Manchester in 1995. They
show ways in which the history of the Anglo-Saxon period has been
manipulated to satisfy the agendas of poets, dramatists and writers of
imaginative prose works ± even brie¯y by composers of ®lm scripts and
lyricists ± ranging in date from a little over one hundred years after the
Norman Conquest to the present day. Although there has been much
scholarly interest in recent decades in the agendas of antiquarians,
linguists, and political and ecclesiastical historians writing about this
period, those of creative artists have been largely ignored.1 The subject is
a topical one. It is notable that although nationalism is in vogue at the
present time, evidenced by the break-up of eastern Europe, the con¯ict in
former Yugoslavia, tribal antagonism in Africa and even devolution in the
United Kingdom, the English today are very unclear about their own
cultural identity and their history, as Tom Shippey's essay at the end of
this book makes clear. It has not always been so, and the preceding essays
examine some of the attitudes towards the ®rst `English' men and women
1 Some of the essays in Anglo-Saxon Scholarship: The First Three Centuries, ed. C. T.
Berkhout and M. McC. Gatch (Boston, 1982), glance ¯eetingly at the work of creative
artists, and recently V. B. Richmond, in `Historical Novels to Teach Anglo-Saxonism',
Anglo-Saxonism and the Construction of Social Identity, ed. A. J. Frantzen and John D.
Niles (Gainsville, Fla., 1997), pp. 173±201, looks at juvenile historical ®ction in
Victorian and Edwardian England, published after the essays in the present book were
written. For pictorial and sculptural art, there is a useful bibliography in Alfred the
Great: Asser's `Life of King Alfred', trans. with an introduction by S. Keynes and
M. Lapidge (Harmondsworth, 1983), pp. 218±19, note 77, and cf. also the entry by
Simon Keynes in Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. M. Lapidge,
J. Blair, S. Keynes and D. Scragg (Oxford, 1999), s.v. Anglo-Saxonism.
in literary works of different periods and the cultural concepts that such
attitudes embody. Literature in English is this book's primary target,
although some essays refer to material in French or Latin to locate their
subject's topics in an appropriate framework. The purpose of this
introductory chapter is to contextualize what follows, ®rst by giving a
brief history of the Anglo-Saxon period,2 and second by adding further
evidence of the incidence of the Anglo-Saxons in ®ction to the more
detailed analyses of the individual essays.
The term `Anglo-Saxon' was ®rst used in the pre-Conquest period as a
means of distinguishing the English Saxons from their continental
neighbours.3 Since the nineteenth century scholars have used the term to
denote the Germanic peoples who invaded Britain in post-Roman times in
the second half of the ®fth century. They replaced the existing Celtic and
Romano-Celtic political structures with a series of kingdoms throughout
southern Britain in most of the area now known as England and in part of
modern Scotland south of the Firth of Forth. Their common de®ning
characteristic was that they all spoke varieties of the ancestor of modern
English, although for some centuries the political reality was that they
consisted of warring groups, the success of each of which lay in the
strength of character of their kings. The principal kingdoms were, from
north to south, Northumbria (sometimes divided into Bernicia in the
north and Deira in the south), Mercia (broadly the midlands area), East
Anglia, Essex, Kent, Sussex and Wessex. One by one, these kingdoms were
converted to Christianity, initially by missionaries sent by Pope Gregory
the Great to Kent at the end of the sixth century and by Irish monks from
Iona in western Scotland during the early seventh. The earliest signi®cant
Christian kings were áthelberht of Kent (d. 616), and Edwin (616±633)
and his nephew Oswald (634±642), both of Northumbria. It was Gregory
2 Since I am here simplifying the historical background for the bene®t of those without
specialist knowledge of the period, I offer no supporting evidence. For a fuller account
of the whole period, see F. M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, 3rd edn. (Oxford, 1971),
or Blackwell Encyclopaedia, ed. Lapidge et al.
3 According to the OED, the modern use dates from William Camden, Britannia
(1586±1607), who uses Anglo-Saxones, Anglo-Saxonicus in Latin and Saxon in the
vernacular. His translator (Holland, 1610) adapted the Latin as Anglo-Saxon, i.e.
English Saxons rather than continental ones, and this gradually displaced the earlier
term English Saxon. But the term is much older; cf. Blackwell Encyclopaedia ed. Lapidge,
et al., s.v. Anglo-Saxons, kingdom of, and see below, p. 232.
Introduction
4 I use the forms of the Anglo-Saxon names which are found most frequently in the texts
under consideration, even though this leads to inconsistency in the representation of the
Old English ligature ñ.
Introduction
century has less sense of the Anglo-Saxons and their heritage than any
other period of our history. It is this contemporary stance, above all else,
that gives the subject its immediate interest.
The concern of the rest of this introductory essay is to construct links
between the items that follow and to ®ll the gaps between them.7 To
begin with the immediate post-Conquest period, Carole Weinberg's essay
on LaZamon's Brut, which is the earliest repository of Arthurian material
in English, naturally distinguishes between the Saxons, the enemy, and
the Celts, the upholders of chivalric values. Yet the essay suggests also a
wheel-of-fortune motif in the poem: the rise and fall of the Celts, the rise
and fall of the Saxons, and the rise of the Normans. There is consciousness
of the Anglo-Saxons as a people here, but since LaZamon was writing only
a century and a half after the Conquest, that is to be expected. The later
medieval period shows little awareness of pre-Conquest England,
although some of the major kings of the period continue to attract
attention. The collection of proverbial sayings which appears in the early
thirteenth-century text The Proverbs of Alured indicates the compiler's
sense that Alfred would be recognized as a signi®cant English writer, but
the early fourteenth-century verse romance Athelston,8 which is theoreti-
cally about the eponymous king, merely uses tenth-century names for
nostalgic effect. The impetus behind Athelston is not unlike that which
motivates the clerical author of the roughly contemporary Chronicle of
`Robert of Gloucester': a desire for the harmony and piety of an earlier
period, as Sarah Mitchell's essay shows. In `Robert', however, there is also
some sense of `Englishness', re¯ected, according to Jill Frederick, in the
South English Legendary of the same period, where there is much more
7 For much of what follows I drew on the resources of the Huntingdon Library, San
Marino, California. I am most grateful to the Librarian and his staff for their assistance
and for access to the collections. In all cases books are published in London unless
otherwise stated.
I make no claims to completeness in what follows, but undoubtedly the list of
references to the Anglo-Saxons in ®ction is longer here than any previously published.
Other titles, especially many nineteenth-century children's books which tell the
adventures of ®ctional Anglo-Saxon heroes, will be found in Anglo-Saxon England: Being
a Catalogue of the Shaun Tyas Library, published by the Merrion Book Co. of Wickmere
House, Wickmere, Norfolk, England (n.d.). I owe this reference to Nicholas Howe.
8 Elaine Treharne presented a paper at the Brook Symposium on Athelston which has now
been published as `Romanticizing the Past in the Middle English Athelston', RES 50
(1999), pp. 1±26.
Introduction
Edward the Confessor, and Earl Godwine. The popularity of the book
may be judged by the frequency of its editions and expansions. Its
publication span is almost co-terminous with the popularity of the
history play, which may be dated from John Bale's King John of 1538.
Since both the Mirror poets and the many dramatists who wrote history
plays drew on the chroniclers Hall, Holinshed and Stow, the question of
in¯uence here is problematic, but it may well be that each fuelled the
historical interest of the other. Certainly, although the moralizing thrust
of the Mirror poets is very different from the dramatists' use of history,
both poets and dramatists function in the same way: they appropriate
®gures from earlier periods (including the Anglo-Saxon one) to comment
on their own age.
Despite the history play's interest in English (and Scottish) subjects,
few dealing with the Anglo-Saxons have come down to us. Leah Scragg's
essay below lists the remnant still extant (as well as others which we
know to have been written) before concentrating her attention on one late
sixteenth-century play, the anonymous Edmund Ironside. In the following
essay, Julia Briggs writes about an early seventeenth-century play by
Thomas Middleton, Hengist, King of Kent, which, unusually, takes as its
subject the period of the Anglo-Saxon invasion.9 These two plays initiate
a long tradition of dramatists' interest in characters and topics drawn
from Anglo-Saxon history, a tradition which, as I shall show, extends into
the twentieth century. John Milton's commonplace book, a page of which
is reproduced as the frontispiece of this volume, lists almost thirty
possible Anglo-Saxon subjects for plays that he contemplated writing, a
list compiled some time after the appearance of Comus in 1634.
Furthermore, following the synopsis of a play on King Alfred he noted:
`A Heroicall Poem may be founded somwhere in Alfreds reigne, especially
at his issuing out of Edelingsey on the Danes, whose actions are wel like
those of Ulysses.' Any possibility that these or any other plays written by
Milton might ever have been performed was pre-empted by the very
Puritans whose cause he served and who closed the public theatres in
1642. But detailed examination of adjoining pages of the commonplace
book shows that the reason for his failure to write the plays ± or even a
9 One of the eighteenth-century William Henry Ireland forgeries is a play `by Shake-
speare' entitled Vortigern, played once in London in 1796 and revived at the Bridewell
Theatre in 1997.
Introduction
heroic poem on Alfred ± lay elsewhere, for in them we can see the
conception and growth in dramatic form of Paradise Lost. All that remains
of Milton's view of Anglo-Saxon England is in the last three books of his
History of Britain (1670),10 which cover the period from the ®fth century
to 1066, and which, though more discursive than many of the chronicles
and distinctly partisan, are heavily indebted to the twelfth-century
chronicler William of Malmesbury. Writings of antiquarians and histor-
ians are outside the scope of this book,11 but poets and dramatists were
undoubtedly in¯uenced by them and in some cases drew their material
from them, and I shall touch on some examples of such work later.
Milton's writings, both the History and the play topics, were widely read
subsequently, and I intend to show his in¯uence in later centuries both in
the theatre and in verse.
When the theatres reopened after the Restoration, playwrights turned
again to the chronicles for material, and Anglo-Saxon subjects, although
rare, were not wholly neglected. Edward Ravenscroft's tragi-comedy King
Edgar and Alfreda (published in 1677, although the Prologue claims that
it was written `at least Ten Years ago') is among the earliest, a tale of love
and jealousy, interspersed with songs and dances, with the Anglo-Saxons
transformed into Restoration gallants. Like so many others considered
below, the play has little to do with history, as the Epilogue admits:
Nor let the Critick that is deeply read
In Baker, Stow, and Holinshead,
Cry Dam-me, the Poet is mistaken here,
...
They writ a Chronicle, but he a Play.
10 Written probably during the 1650s and published in 1670. See volume V of John
Milton, the Complete Prose Works, gen. ed. D. M. Wolfe, 8 vols. (New Haven, Conn.,
1953±1982).
11 They have been extensively studied. See, for example, Anglo-Saxon Scholarship: the First
Three Centuries, ed. Berkhout and Gatch, and its sequel currently in preparation; and
some of the essays in Anglo-Saxonism and the Construction of Social Identity, ed. Frantzen
and Niles, esp. S. C. Hagerdorn's `Received Wisdom: the Reception History of Alfred's
Preface to the Pastoral Care'. Readers might also consult A. Frantzen, The Desire for
Origins: New Language, Old English, and Teaching the Tradition (New Brunswick, N.J.,
1990), and, for transatlantic views of the Anglo-Saxons, MarõÂa Jose Mora and MarõÂa
Jose GoÂmez-CalderoÂn, `The Study of Old English in America (1776±1850): National
Uses of the Saxon Past', Journal of English and Germanic Philology 97 (1998),
pp. 322±36.
The tradition was revived later. The philosopher William Henry Smith,
who trained for the law under Sharon Turner, wrote Athelwold (performed
1843, published 1846), while two female writers, both better known as
10