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SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO

AND HIS GENERALS


by Leonard C. Sebastian

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY a civilian government where the to provide the military with an
special position of the armed forces adequate budget. Third, if a
The Indonesian National Military
allowed it autonomy to reserve civilian government is unable to
(TNI, Tentera Nasional Indonesia)
power enabling the TNI to play a maintain national stability and unity.
may no longer be the most dominant
leading role in politics or mediate Particularly in the third scenario,
player in Indonesian politics but
between political contenders. The the likelihood that the TNI will
has pragmatically incorporated a
TNI’s preeminent position was a temporarily re-enter the political
strategy that enables it to play a
reflection of its special entitlement arena in partnership with other like-
significant “behind the scenes” role.
owing to its role in the war of minded social and political forces
The situation in Indonesia today
independence (1945-48) where its to stabilize national politics cannot
has closer parallels with the state
defence of the Republic ensured be discounted. The mindset of
of civil military relations in Germany
that the returning Dutch colonialists the officer corps has not changed
between the two World Wars or
would not be able to subdue the drastically despite the abolition
France in 1958.1 In analysing the TNI
independence movement by military of its Dual Function role in 2000.
relationship with the Yudhoyono
means. There remains a deep contempt for
presidency, this paper argues that
civilian rule and a belief that only the
Dr Yudhoyono enjoys the loyalty and
The situation in Indonesia since TNI is capable of rising above the
trust of the TNI elite. The current
1998 is delicately poised where petty rivalries and self-interested
relationship can be defined as
civilian leadership throughout the behaviour characteristic of post-
partnership where the President
archipelago is weak and divided Suharto era civilian politicians. Such
protects the institutional interests
allowing the military the possibility thinking will prevail for sometime.
of the TNI while insulating it from
to grab some measure of power. Presently, those assuming pivotal
excessive reform measures that
There are three possible scenarios command positions were middle
might impede its effectiveness
for military intervention in politics. ranking officers in 1998 holding
and in return benefits from the
First, civilian intrusion in matters ranks of Colonel or Lieutenant
assurance that the TNI will secure
considered within the realm of Colonel and serving either as Chiefs
his Presidency.
internal military autonomy and of Staffs in sub-region military
prerogative. Second, prolonged commands (Korem); Assistants to
BACKGROUND
conditions which compromise the Regional Military Commander
Indonesian society since 1945 was
the welfare of a TNI soldier due to (Kodam); in middle management
either under military rule or under
an elected government’s inability positions at the Armed Forces

1
See Leonard C. Sebastian, Realpolitik Ideology: Indonesia’s Use of Military Force (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies,
2006): p. 350.

Policy Brief 
Policy Brief: No 1/2007 January 2007
or Army Headquarters; or as self perception and despite its process; the territorial structure If East Timor was the stepping stone extending Gen Sutarto’s term of 1974 to 1976 still hold the largest
Commanders of District Military withdrawal from politics, the officer allowed the Army considerable for an older generation of officers office with the intention of having percentage of strategic positions at
Commands (Kodim). In 1998, these corps retains a mindset that they latitude at the regional level and from the mid-1970s to the late him oversee the TNI’s withdrawal the TNI Headquarters, Army central
officers were in their forties and will are entitled to assume leadership if facilitated its involvement in local 1990s, then service in Aceh had now from Aceh. This action had the and regional commands. Most of the
be expected to be in active service civilians cannot effectively protect business leading to the expansion become an important testing ground added benefit of allowing the officers in Class 1977 are currently
until they reach the age of 58 years. the national interest. Note then of informal business activities; there the emerging TNI elite. All officers three service chiefs, one of whom, colonels and Korem Commanders.
TNI commander General Wiranto’s were few if any serious efforts to promoted in the May 2004 reshuffle earmarked to become the Armed Many are expected to be promoted
Indonesia today is a proto- carefully worded statement during root out the military personnel that took up their new appointments one Forces Commander time to gain to the rank of brigadier generals.
democracy2 while employing Armed Forces Day in 1998 when were involved in the human rights year after the declaration of martial enough experience in order to be
processes that preserve its he introduced the TNI’s “new violations; and there was also no law in the province. An Ambonese presented as a credible candidate. For the time being, President
democratic image, in reality the paradigm” stating that the “TNI signal that the TNI would abandon officer, well regarded in intelligence Yudhoyono has managed to avert
current political model is fraught would shift its role in politics and the security approach to conflicts, circles B.G. George Toisutta, the Djoko Santoso’s appointment as a possible dispute by ensuring that
with disadvantages that encourage the national development process consequences of which were evident head of the Military Operations the Army Chief of Staff was the the number two spot in the Armed
new forms of military participation. by not always being at the front of in recent violence in Papua and the Command in Aceh became first indication of the President’s Forces hierarchy stays with the
For example, military officers still leadership, not to occupy but to general obstruction of government Commander of Kostrad’s First strategy to reshape the TNI elite. Army. Since the collapse of the
hold prominent positions in cabinet; influence, not in a direct way but attempts to solve the Aceh conflict Infantry Division. Also promoted in The new service chiefs of the Navy, Suharto regime, the position of
intelligence agencies are poorly indirectly, based on the willingness by peaceful means from 2000- a minor reshuffle in January 2005 Admiral Slamet Soebijanto, and Air Kasum TNI has consistently been
regulated; military officers manage for political role sharing with other 2003 until the Tsunami struck in were two Aceh Korem commanders, Marshall Djoko Suyanto of the Air given to non-Army officers. Endang
considerable economic resources; national groups in Indonesia”. The December 2004.1 Col Gerhan Lantara and Col A.Y. Force were Yudhoyono’s classmates Suwaryo’s appointment as Kasum
populist nationalist causes are military’s withdrawal is tactical and Nasution currently commanding in the military academy (Class TNI ensures that while an Air Force
also espoused by military leaders; we can safely assume conditioned ANALYSIS units in Kostrad. With the cessation 1973). Apart from the new service officer, Air Marshall Djoko Suyanto
paramilitary forces continue to be or predicated on the state of national Officers that will figure prominently of hostilities in Aceh, it is likely that chiefs, the Aceh Commander Maj may be Armed Forces Commander,
instruments for social control; the security in Indonesia. President within the TNI over the next Papua will become the next proving Gen Endang Suwaryo (Class 1973), the Army retains supreme control
military’s presence in the provinces Yudhoyono then Chief of Territorial five years are products of three ground for a new generation of TNI became Deputy Army Chief of of all sections of TNI Headquarters.
has been enhanced by strong Affairs (KASTER) under Wiranto will reshuffles, in October 2003, leaders. Staff. Yudhoyono’s brothers in law Those who implement policy at TNI
patrimonial ties with local elites continue to support such a role for February 2004 and February-March – Maj Gen Erwin Sujono and Brig Headquarters from echelon II level
and coupled with poor conditions the TNI. 2005. Prominent in the October 2003 The most significant reshuffle took Gen Pramono Edhie Wibowo were on down are predominantly from
of public administration in the promotions were the top performers place in February-March 2005 which promoted a month later. During this the Army. As initiators of the Aceh
provinces allow them significant Proof that the TNI still retained its of the military academy classes involved the replacement of the three period newly promoted Maj Gen peace process, both Yudhoyono and
latitude to manipulate local political substantial autonomy and influence 1974 and 1975 some earmarked to service chiefs. The removal of hard- George Toisutta assumed command his Vice President Jusuf Kalla have
processes. Such advantages allow in the Yudhoyono era is irrefutable: be future leaders of the TNI. Class line Army Chief of Staff Ryamizard of the strategically significant a vested interest in supporting an
the military considerable leverage there were five senior officers as 1975 graduate Major-General Djoko Ryacuddu and the promotion of Lt Trikora Kodam in Papua. A further Air Force officer as TNI Commander
to weaken democracy by steering cabinet ministers; a prominent Santoso, Kodam Jaya Commander Gen Djoko Santoso as his successor two officers were handpicked for convinced that a potential flare-up
social forces in directions that number in political parties, became the new Army Chief of signaled a resolve of the new service in the Presidential Palace or there would be more likely with an
benefit their interests. The TNI sees Yunos Yosfiah, Andi Ghalib, Amir Staff placing him in line to become administration to develop a new Istana. Col Kurdi Mustofa became Army officer in that position. Kalla
itself an instrument of the state and Syarifudin, Muchlis Anwar (PPP), the next Army Chief of Staff. His strategy for dealing with the Aceh the President’s private secretary has also benefited by advancing
guardians of the constitution. Its Theo Syafii, Agus Widjojo, Slamet successor, a Class 1974 graduate crisis. Ryamizard’s pronouncements and Maj Gen Bambang Sutedjo the promotion of one of Suyanto’s
political role though diminished and Supriyadi, Adang Ruchianta (PDI-P), Maj Gen Agustadi became Kodam had constantly compromised the took up the position of presidential subordinates, the ethnic Bugis two
not immediately obvious, will be Suwarno Adi Widjojo (PAN), Wiranto, Jaya Commander. The same government’s peaceful attempts at military secretary. Both officers are star Marshall Muhammad Basri
present if the need arises. Prabowo Subianto, Budhi Harsono, promotion exercise also resulted in a conflict resolution when Yudhoyono well known to the President. The Sidehabi as Suyanto’s assistant for
Afifudin Thaib, Yahya Sancawira, Class 1977 officer becoming general was Coordinating Minister of promotion pattern was influenced security. Djoko Suyanto’s promotion
Doctrinal statements since the Soemarsono (Golkar), Soeroto, E.E. for the first time. Col Hotma Marbun Security during the Megawati by three factors: field experience in also reinforces the President’s
collapse of the Suharto regime Mangindaan, Sutadji, Budi Utomo was named Deputy Commander presidency. Having assumed office Aceh; the emergence of the Class reformist credentials by breaking
in 1998 further emphasize my (PD) thereby allowing some influence of Army’s elite Special Forces in October 20, 2004, Yudhoyono of 1977 officers; and personal with a Suharto era precedent of no
point. TNI’s history shapes its in the post Suharto legislative (Kopassus). took incremental steps to sideline influence or preferences of President longer discriminating the Air Force.
Ryamizard. His strategy involved Yudhoyono.4 The officers of Classes Furthermore by rotating the Armed
2
A proto-democracy is a transitional model after the demise of the predecessor regime though moving towards a more democratic
situation.
3
The general consensus both in domestic and international circles after the Tsunami disaster was the need for peace to prevail in
Aceh so that the urgent task of rebuilding and rehabilitating the province could continue unhindered. Such opportune conditions
opened a window of opportunity for Yudhoyono to sideline hard-line elements within the TNI.
4
“Current Data on the Indonesian Military Elite”, Indonesia Vol. 80 (October 2005): p. 129.

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Forces Commander position among matters and while officers close ex-general, President Yudhoyono
the various services, the President to Ryamizard remain a disgruntled is in a stronger position than
abides by the “spirit of reform” element, the bulk of the TNI, loyal a civilian elected president to
within the TNI, more importantly, to their respective service chiefs determine how the TNI will be used
communicating that there is equal who in turn are Yudhoyono allies in MOOTW contingencies. It is likely
opportunity for all military officers will follow orders. For political though that he may give the Army
in all the three services and further expediency, Yudhoyono may use Air leaders enough leeway to craft an
consigning the antagonism between Marshall Djoko Suyanto as a stop- appropriate MOOTW doctrine that
the Army and the Air Force over the gap later appointing a senior officer could exploit the loopholes evident
latter’s alleged role in the abortive from the Army as Armed Forces in Law No. 34/2004 that give the TNI
1965 coup to history. Commander when the 2009 general Commander wide scope to interpret
and presidential elections draw near. how it will be employed for MOOTW
CONCLUSIONS An Air Force officer cannot deal operations. Through Santoso, the
There are three points to consider with the problems of the Army and president has control over the Army.
why Djoko Suyanto’s accession Lt-Gen Djoko Santoso may be the In a sense, the appointment of an
to TNI Commander ensures candidate most suited to step up Air Force officer as TNI Commander
that President Yudhoyono will into the position of Commander in is a subtle reminder to Suyanto that
retain the support and undivided Chief in order to ensure the military’s it is Yudhoyono and not the TNI
attention of the TNI in the event neutrality during the elections. Commander that controls the Army.
of an emergency. First, the role of
Third, Indonesia’s 2003 Defence Associate Professor Leonard
patrimonial links in consolidating
C. Sebastian is Coordinator of the
control: in the Indonesian military, White Paper argued that Military
Indonesia Programme at the
merit can only carry a person so far. Operations Other than War S. Rajaratnam School of International
Patrimonial links often determine (MOOTW) or Operasi Militer Selain Studies Nanyang Technological
Perang is within the military’s University, Singapore. He is author
career advancement. Djoko Suyanto
of a recently published book on
and navy chief Slamet Soebijanto jurisdiction and claimed that the
the Indonesian military entitled
trained together with Yudhoyono Army is responsible for internal Realpolitik Ideology: Indonesia’s Use
when they were cadets at Akabri in security. This emphasis now of Military Force.

1973. Djoko Santoso served under enshrined in Law No. 34/2004


Yudhoyono when he was Danrem mandates that the TNI undertake
for Yogyakarta. Having witnessed at MOOTW with an emphasis on
close hand how fractious executive- internal security operations like
military relations can compromise a overcoming armed separatist
Presidency when he was a minister movements, combating terrorism,
in the Wahid cabinet, Yudhoyono and actions to deal with piracy
understands that trusted allies within and illegal immigration. Despite
the military are critical. Hence, he civil society opposition to the
prizes character traits like loyalty possible expansion of the TNI’s role,
and trust, qualities he believes can President Yudhoyono in a speech to
only be nurtured over the years mark Armed Forces Day on October
through shared experiences, be it 5, 2005 boldly requested the TNI
though tours of duty or training. to assist the government in the
fight against terrorism. The military
Second, by promoting Suyanto the promptly responded by offering to
president secures the allegiance reinvigorate its territorial commands
of all branches of the military. for high intensity surveillance and
Supporting Santoso as Army Chief establishing a new anti-terror
of Staff ensures the continued detachment deployed in several
backing of the Army in security regional military commands. As an

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