APN BriefBook

Believe in Israel. Believe in Peace.
BRIEFING FOR THE
112TH Congress
Americans for Peace Now History APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
Americans for Peace Now (APN) was established in 1981 to mobilize support for the
Israeli peace movement, Shalom Achshav (Peace Now). In the years since, APN
developed into the most prominent, respected American Jewish, Zionist organization
working to achieve a comprehensive political settlement to the Arab-Israeli
conflict—the leading voice of American Jews who support Israel and know that only
peace will ensure Israel’s security, prosperity and continued viability as a Jewish,
democratic state. Positions advocated for more than two decades by APN and
Shalom Achshav—like calling for the creation of a viable Palestinian state and the
freezing and evacuation of settlements—are now recognized by most American Jews
and Israelis as basic requirements both for peace and for a secure future for Israel.
Our sister organization in Israel, Shalom Achshav, was established in 1978, when
348 Israeli senior reserve army officers and combat soldiers came together to urge
their government to sign a peace treaty with Egypt. They knew then what remains
true today—real security for Israel can be achieved only through peace. In the
years since its establishment Shalom Achshav has worked for the achievement
of peace agreements between Israel and all her Arab neighbors, and has come to
be recognized, both in Israel and abroad, as Israel’s leading grassroots, Zionist
movement. Best known for mobilizing mass demonstrations, for many years
Shalom Achshav has also been the only group conducting comprehensive
monitoring of Israeli settlement activity in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and
the Gaza Strip (until Israel’s 2004 evacuation of Gaza settlements). Shalom
Achshav is widely cited in the Israeli and international media as the foremost
authority on settlements.
APN is a non-partisan organization with a non-partisan mission. We supply timely

information, expertise and education, providing a pro-Israel, pro-peace, American
Jewish perspective on issues and legislation. We also engage in grassroots political
activism and outreach to the American Jewish and Arab American communities,
opinion leaders, university students and the public at large. We further promote
Israeli-Arab peace through press releases, editorials and personal contacts
with journalists, serving as a respected source of balanced information, analysis,
and commentary.
Americans for Peace Now
Martin Bresler Jo-Ann Mort

Chair Vice Chair
Sidney Topol Debra DeLee

Secretary/Treasurer President/CEO
February 2011
Dear Member of the 112th Congress:
In the coming two years, you will be regularly called upon—by fellow legislators,
the Administration, lobbyists, grassroots organizations, and constituents—to take
positions on issues related to Israel and the Middle East. You will be asked to
co-sponsor legislation, cast votes, sign letters, and make statements that can have
a profound impact on issues of vital importance to both the United States and
Israel. Your actions will be scrutinized and debated not only by colleagues, voters,
and interested organizations, but by people all over the world.
As you consider your positions and actions on these issues, we urge you to
remember that the majority of American Jews support U.S. leadership to help
achieve Israeli-Arab peace.
For more than 20 years our organization, Americans for Peace Now (APN), has
been the leading voice of the Zionist, pro-peace American Jewish community.
Our name does not reflect a naïve belief that peace can come in an instant, but
denotes an objective. If anything is naïve, it is the belief that Israel can have real
security and a future as a stable, prosperous, Jewish state and a democracy
without also achieving peace with its Arab neighbors.
APN, like our sister organization in Israel, Peace Now (Shalom Achshav), is not a
pacifist organization. We recognize Israel’s right and responsibility to defend itself
against terrorism and other threats, and we support the maintenance of a strong
Israeli military with real deterrent capability. At the same time, we recognize that
real security for Israel is a function of both a strong military and a real commitment
to achieving peace.
We look forward to continuing our work on Capitol Hill with the 112th Congress.
This booklet contains a snapshot of key facts and APN positions on many of the
most important Israel-related issues that will likely arise during the 112th Congress.
We hope that you and your staff will find this booklet helpful, and we look forward
to providing you additional information, analysis, and policy recommendations in
the future.
Sincerely,
Debra DeLee Lara Friedman

President & CEO Director of Policy & Government Relations
TABLE OF CONTENTS APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
Page
What is Pro-Israel? 4
Peace: A U.S. National Security Imperative 5
The Imperative of U.S. Leadership 6
Open Debate: A Jewish, Democratic Value 7
Aid to Israel 8
Aid to the Palestinians 9
Peace Partners: Egypt & Jordan 10
Regional Peace: Seizing the Opportunity 11
Syria & Lebanon 12
Settlements 13
Settlements & U.S. Policy 14
Jerusalem 15
Refugees 16
UNRWA 17
The Gaza/Hamas Challenge 18
Iran 19
Turkey 20
Palestinian Statehood 21
Incitement & Hate 22
Map: The West Bank 23
Facts on the Ground: The APN Map Project 24

What is Pro-Israel? APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
Since the birth of the Jewish state, American political leaders—from both
parties—have supported the special relationship between the U.S. and Israel. This
relationship is anchored in shared values and interests, and in recognition of the
historical imperative for a safe homeland for the Jewish people. It is buttressed by
America’s interest in a secure Israel living at peace with its neighbors. This U.S.
commitment to Israel has been reflected in strong economic and military assistance
and uncompromising diplomatic support, backed by members of Congress from
both parties. Strong continued support for Israel is critical today, as Israel faces
very real threats.
The question is: what does “pro-Israel” mean today?
Some try to intimidate members of Congress into believing that only hardline,
hawkish positions are pro-Israel, and that all other positions are therefore “anti-Israel.”
Some try to use Israel-related issues to score partisan political points. These cynical
tactics harm both the U.S. and Israel.
The most pro-Israel Congress is not the one whose members try to outflank each other
with dogmatically hawkish positions and legislative initiatives on Israel and the Middle
East. Rather, it is one whose members understand that Israeli-Arab peace is essential
to Israel’s security, well-being, and viability as a Jewish state and a democracy. It is a
Congress whose members recognize and embrace this fact: sustained, credible U.S.
efforts to achieve Israeli-Arab peace are an essential element of U.S. support for Israel.
Israel’s first Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion (quoted by Ehud Olmert on

November 27, 2006) said, “I would consider it a great sin, not only towards our
generation but towards future generations as well…if future generations had cause to
blame the Government of Israel of missing an opportunity for peace.” Pro-Israel
means recognizing the costs, now and for future generations, of failing to make peace.
APN urges members of Congress to:

Recognize that pro-Israel credentials are not measured in political grand-
standing, but rather in support for policies that promote Israel’s security,
stability, and viability as a Jewish, democratic state, which requires a
two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; and
Support measures that advance the two-state solution and refrain from
actions that reduce the issue to zero-sum terms, senselessly demonizing
or apportioning blame to only side; foreclose political or diplomatic
options; or create obstacles for U.S. diplomacy in the Middle East.
Need more information on this issue? Call APN’s Director of Policy & Government Relations,
Lara Friedman at 202-408-9898, or send an email to: LFriedman@peacenow.org
4
Peace: A U.S. National Security Imperative APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
Today, it is undeniable that achieving Israeli-Palestinian and Israeli-Arab peace

is key to U.S. national security and must be a central U.S. strategic priority.
There is an undeniable connection between these festering conflicts and
developments in other countries in the region and beyond. These include the
growing strength of extremist, militant groups ready and willing to use terror
against their own governments, the U.S., and Israel. In much of the Arab and
Muslim worlds, perceptions of the U.S. are shaped by the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict, for both good and bad. When the U.S. is seen as credibly leading for
peace, support for the U.S. increases; when the U.S. is seen as not being an
honest broker, while the situation languishes or deteriorates, anger at the U.S.
rises. This has clear implications for U.S. efforts in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq,
and elsewhere.
Likewise, U.S. failure to credibly lead Middle East peace efforts has global
implications, with U.S. allies and adversaries alike watching and judging U.S.
credibility and relevance in the foreign policy arena based on U.S. performance
in the Middle East. It is not an exaggeration to say that the credibility of U.S.
foreign policy as a whole is at stake in the Middle East. The conclusions that
will be drawn from a failure of U.S. foreign policy in the Israeli-Arab arena—in
Tehran or Pyongyang, when negotiating over their nuclear programs, or in
Moscow, when negotiating over arms control, or even Paris and London when
considering NATO interests—have very real and damaging consequences for
U.S. national security.
Clearly, the Israeli-Palestinian and the Arab-Israeli conflicts are not the source
of all problems in the region. However, the linkages between the conflict and
U.S. national security are undeniable.
Sustained, credible U.S. efforts to achieve Israeli-Arab peace are a necessary

element of U.S. support for Israel and must be a cornerstone of any serious U.S.
approach to confronting the challenges emanating from this volatile region.
The simple fact is this: the U.S. can—and perhaps at times should—want peace
more than the parties, given all that the U.S. has at stake.

Recognize that the achievement of Israeli-Palestinian and Israeli-Arab
peace is a U.S. national security imperative; and
Press President Obama to work resolutely to achieve Israeli-Palestinian and
Israeli-Arab peace agreements.
5
The Imperative of U.S. Leadership APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
When President Obama came into office in 2008 he defined Israeli-Palestinian peace
as a U.S. national interest and a foreign policy priority, and promised to spare no
effort in order to achieve it. Regrettably, efforts during his first two years in office
failed to deliver results for either Israelis or Palestinians—reflecting the complexity of
the issues, the refusal of the parties to cooperate, and the absence of sufficient
political resolve on the part of the U.S.
There is no single magic formula for moving forward. While there is already
a longstanding and broadly-based consensus on most of the elements of a
permanent status agreement, it is clear that, on their own, Israelis and Palestinians
cannot get to an agreement. The difficult compromises that will be demanded from
both sides necessitate U.S. leadership to bring the sides together and help them to
come to agreement.
To achieve this, the President must lead with conviction. Whether one is talking
about a new effort to launch Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, or about more dramatic
steps, the success or failure of any U.S. policy will lie first and foremost in the ability
of the U.S. to get the parties to take the effort seriously. Such U.S. leadership is vital:
there is no option of putting peace efforts on hold, awaiting more propitious
circumstances. There is no "managing" a conflict that, with each new development
on the ground, has the potential to inflame the region and beyond.
Likewise, the two-state solution—the only viable solution to this conflict and a
solution that is vital both to Israel's survival and to U.S. national security interests
—won’t survive indefinitely. The absence of a credible peace process leaves the
door open to violence, emboldening both those who advocate unilateral action
and those who support the use of force over negotiations. As important, it permits
developments on the ground—like settlement expansion in the West Bank and
East Jerusalem—that are antithetical to the two-state solution.
Americans for Peace Now (APN) urges Congress to:

Press President Obama to work resolutely to achieve Israeli-Palestinian and
Israeli-Arab peace agreements;
Abstain from actions that undermine efforts to achieve peace; and
Reject legislative initiatives—letters, resolutions, etc.—that send a message
that Congress does not support Israeli-Palestinian peace and the two-state
solution or that unhelpfully heap blame on only one side.
6
Open Debate: A Jewish, Democratic Value APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
A truly pro-Israel position is one that recognizes that criticism of Israeli policies
and actions must be judged on its content. It is both true and deeply troubling that
anti-Israel and anti-Semitic sentiment is sometimes cloaked in criticism of Israeli
government policies and actions. At the same time, it is both true and deeply
troubling that some Israeli policies and actions legitimately merit criticism.
The notion that being pro-Israel leaves no room for any criticism of Israel, on the
grounds that such criticism “delegitimizes” Israel, should trouble anyone who cares
about Israel’s future and Israel’s democratic character. It is foolish, as well as
reckless and irresponsible, for anyone to deny Israel’s right to exist, call for Israel’s
destruction, or deny Jewish ties to the land of Israel. Likewise, boycotts and
divestment campaigns against Israel are generally misguided, targeting the
average, innocent Israeli citizen—who may well support peace and a two-state
solution—rather than the Israeli government policies that are ostensibly the target
of such efforts. They are also largely counterproductive, provoking a “circle the
wagons” response. Such a response is understandable, since much of the support
for these campaigns has a virulently anti-Israel tinge, creating very real worries
about global anti-Semitism and feeding the perception that the campaigns are not
truly (or only) about Israeli policies but rather reflect a deep-seated hatred for and
rejection of Israel.
However, criticizing and challenging Israeli policies and actions—like its continued
settlement in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, its harsh treatment of non-violent
protestors in Israel and the West Bank, its continued closure of Gaza, or the
ongoing attacks inside Israel on democracy and democratic institutions—is entirely
legitimate and, indeed, appropriate. A vibrant debate over these issues, both in
Israel and the U.S., is sorely needed. Efforts to quash all criticism/protest—whether
in Israel or outside Israel—by labeling it “delegitimization” are inconsistent with the
core democratic values of both Israel and the U.S.—like freedom of speech,
freedom to organize, and freedom to peacefully protest.

Reject efforts to label all criticism of Israel as “delegitimization”, recognizing
that supporting Israel is not synonymous with defending all Israeli policies
and actions; and
Act as a true friend of Israel by urging Israel to end policies and actions
that are indefensible and that, by their nature, mobilize legitimate
international criticism and directly undermine Israel’s security, reputation,
and character as a democracy.
7
Aid to Israel APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
Annual U.S. assistance is a key element of U.S. support for Israel. It helps Israel
maintain its qualitative military edge in the region and remain strong and secure.
It is also a tangible expression of the enduring U.S.-Israel relationship.
Continued robust U.S. assistance for Israel, and Congressional support for this
assistance, sends an important signal of U.S. support for and solidarity with Israel.
The longstanding ban on the use of U.S. assistance to support settlement
activities—reflecting U.S. recognition that settlements are a threat to Israel’s security
and viability as a Jewish state and a democracy—also sends an important signal of
U.S. disapproval of Israel’s settlement policies.
U.S. assistance is also vital, in real and symbolic terms, in preparing the ground for
any future Israeli-Arab peace agreement. It should be recalled that U.S. assistance
for Israel (and Egypt) was a key element of the Camp David Accords, which gave
birth to an historic peace agreement that has stood the test of time.
Any future peace agreement with the Palestinians, Syria, or the Arab world will
require Israel to take serious, calculated risks. It is in no small part the strength of
the U.S.-Israel relationship, as embodied in U.S. financial support for Israel, which
has provided Israelis the confidence to take such risks thus far, and will reassure
them in similar decision-making in the future.

Support continued robust U.S. assistance to Israel;
Continue to require that no U.S. assistance be used to support settlement-
related activities in the West Bank;
Demand expanded accountability regarding Israel’s expenditures on
settlements, including reporting from the State Department on the amount
of funds Israel is spending annually across the Green Line to support and
expand Israeli residential development.
8
Aid to the Palestinians APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
U.S. aid plays an important role in building a Palestinian society ready and able to
live, as a state, side-by-side with Israel in peace and with security. Today, the U.S.
provides funding for, among other things, humanitarian projects, civil society
programs, and training to bolster Palestinian moderate leadership and enable the
PA to continue to build its security capacity. It supports the ongoing efforts led by
Palestinian Prime Minister Salaam Fayyad to build Palestinian institutions capable
of becoming the infrastructure of a future Palestinian state. U.S. aid also has an
important multiplier effect, with other countries viewing U.S. aid as a positive signal
that they, too, should provide assistance.
U.S. law has long barred direct assistance to the Palestinian Authority (PA), unless the
President determines that such assistance is necessary for U.S. national security. In
this case, the law then requires extensive reporting to Congress on how the funds are
used and accounted for. Otherwise, U.S. assistance is provided directly to the
Palestinian people through non-governmental organizations. Here, too, Congress has
over the years piled on an ever-increasing number of far-reaching conditions and
oversight requirements on all such assistance.
Today, assistance to the Palestinians is arguably the most conditioned, restricted,

audited, and monitored U.S. aid program in the world.

Support continued assistance to the Palestinians;
Preserve the President’s authority to waive restrictions on aid to the PA,
as he deems necessary and with proper reporting to Congress; and
Reject efforts to add gratuitous new conditions, restrictions, and oversight
requirements to Palestinian assistance, recognizing the difference between
legitimate accountability concerns and over-burdensome requirements
that undermine the aid program altogether.
9
Peace Partners: Egypt & Jordan APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
In 1978, Israel and Egypt signed the Camp David Accords, ensuring stability and
security on Israel’s southern border for more than a quarter of a century and
opening the way for diplomatic, security, and economic cooperation. In 1994, Israel
and Jordan signed a peace agreement, ensuring the stability and security of the
Israeli-Jordanian border and of the Israeli-controlled border between the West
Bank and Jordan, and paving the way for diplomatic relations, economic ties, and
water-sharing agreements.
These agreements reflected courageous leadership in all three countries. Neither

agreement could have been achieved without hands-on U.S. leadership. In the years
since, Jordan and Egypt have played vital roles in efforts to stop violence and resolve
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as well as in supporting other key U.S. policy priorities
in the region. These agreements have also dissipated security pressures facing Israel
along two of its borders, freeing up Israeli security resources and giving Israel
breathing room to focus on other security threats and challenges.
The enduring nature of these agreements, even under the strain of crises and
pressures in the region, demonstrates that peace agreements can succeed, and can
pay huge dividends in terms of stability and security, both for Israel and its neighbors.

Support continued strong U.S. relations with Israel’s courageous partners
in peace—Jordan and Egypt;
Support continued U.S. aid to Egypt and Jordan, as requested by
the President.
10
Regional Peace: Seizing the Opportunity APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
Regional partners in peace are a key to Israel’s security and Arab-Israeli peace can
be a key to regional stability. Indeed, Israel and its Arab neighbors share both
interests and threats. These include a desire for prosperity and stability, and
concerns about the rising tide of religious extremism, the growing influence of Iran,
and the dangers of Iran obtaining nuclear weapons.
In 2002, the Arab League put forth the Arab Peace Initiative (API), offering full
normalization of relations between Israel and the Arab world in exchange for the
implementation of a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
and a resolution of Israel’s conflict with Syria. For years Israel and the international
community, including the U.S., largely ignored the API, while cynics denounced it
as an Arab ruse. Many of these same cynics have demanded that the Arab states
“prove” they are serious by beginning normalization with Israel in advance of any
progress toward Israeli-Palestinian peace.
Recently, positive interest in the API has grown, both inside and outside Israel. This
is a hopeful development. The API is an historic plan, representing a real basis for
negotiations that could deliver comprehensive regional peace. At the same time,
attempts to exploit the API in an effort to force Arab states to normalize relations
with Israel, independent of progress on the Israeli-Palestinian track, are shortsighted
and counterproductive. Israel’s relations with the Arab world are, for better or for
worse, inextricably linked to Israeli-Palestinian peace—as evidenced by the fact that
at the height of the peace process in the 1990s Israel’s relations with many Arab
states warmed significantly. Today, efforts to delink the two won’t work. Worse yet,
such efforts distract from urgent challenges that need to be addressed on the
Israeli-Palestinian front and ultimately undermine the prospects for reaching a
regional peace accord.

Embrace the Arab Peace Initiative as a signal of Arab willingness to pursue
peace and normalize relations with Israel and as a basis for negotiations
that could resolve the Israeli-Arab conflict;
Recognize that normalization of relations between Israel and the Arab
world will not be achievable without tangible progress toward Israeli-
Palestinian peace; and
Press the Obama Administration to show real leadership to achieve Israeli-
Palestinian peace.
11
Syria & Lebanon APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
The 2006 Israel-Lebanon war underscored how delicate the situation on Israel’s
northern border can be. Five years later, that situation remains fragile: Hezbollah,
aided by Iran and abetted by Syria, is stronger than ever; the Lebanese domestic
political situation is extremely tense; and both Israelis and Lebanese are convinced
that a new war could start at any moment. The news of Syrian efforts to build a
nuclear reactor (that was bombed by Israel in 2007), and the 2010 news that Syria
was permitting the shipment of missiles to Hezbollah, only underscore how high
the stakes are in these two arenas.
The volatility of this situation highlights the urgent need for serious U.S. leadership
and engagement to prevent escalation on the Lebanon-Israel border, to prevent the
further strengthening of Hezbollah, to stabilize the situation inside Lebanon, and to
curb Iranian influence in the region. The return of a U.S. Ambassador to Damascus
in early 2011 (a position that was vacant since 2005) is a good first step—not as a
reward for Syria but as an essential element toward achieving these goals. Continued
tough, resolute engagement—using carrots and sticks, not just more sanctions and
recriminations—is the right way forward.
U.S. leadership is also critical to re-invigorate Israel-Syria negotiations. An Israel-Syria

peace agreement would ease tensions and end the state of war on the border the
two countries share. It could also pave the way for an Israel-Lebanon peace
agreement, strengthen efforts on the Israeli-Palestinian peace track, and drive a
wedge between Damascus and Teheran. Israel’s security establishment has long
argued that an Israeli-Syria accord is both possible and important for Israel, and
should be pursued. Progress in previous Syria-Israel negotiations has already
resolved or nearly resolved most issues necessary for a peace agreement; what is
needed now is the political will to finish the job.

Embrace a smart approach to U.S.-Syria relations, founded on a commitment
to resolute engagement and diplomacy;
Support the opening of a new Israel-Syria peace track and U.S. engagement
in such efforts;
Reject any efforts to place preconditions on negotiations, pre-empt U.S.
options for supporting negotiations, or block U.S. support for an agreement
that such negotiations may produce; and
Support continued U.S. assistance to Lebanon.
12
Settlements APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
Israeli politicians today, from across the political spectrum, acknowledge that most
settlements—Israeli civilian neighborhoods built on land occupied by Israel in 1967
—will have to be removed as part of any final peace agreement. In contrast, past
negotiations suggest that most settlers should be able to remain where they are,
as part of a land-swap deal. Existing settlements already make such arrangements
complicated; if settlements continue to expand, creating new facts on the ground
in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, they will further complicate negotiations and
could eventually make an agreement impossible.
After more than four decades of watching settlements grow to take up more and
more land and damage the fabric of their lives, Palestinians view settlement
construction today as a litmus test of Israeli seriousness about peace. Settlement
expansion extinguishes hope among Palestinians that Israel is serious about peace.
It destroys the credibility of Palestinian moderates who reject violence and tell their
people that negotiations will deliver a viable state.
Settlements are also a liability for Israel. It is because of settlements that the route
of Israel’s “separation barrier” has been distorted, lengthening and contorting
Israel’s lines of defense. It is because of settlements that Israeli soldiers are forced
to act as police within the West Bank, rather than focusing on their real
mission—defending Israel. Settlements are also a huge drain on Israel’s economy,
with the government continuing to fund construction and to provide settlers a wide
range of financial benefits.
Finally, settlements threaten Israel’s character as a Jewish state and a democracy.

They force Israel to rule over a huge—and growing—non-Jewish, disenfranchised
population, contrary to basic democratic values. They erode Israel’s image in the
world as a democratic state that respects the civil rights of all people under its rule.
And, if allowed to block a two-state solution, they will ultimately leave Israeli
decision-makers with an impossible choice: be a democracy and give full rights to
the Palestinians, at the cost of Israel’s Jewish character, or deny rights to the majority
of the people under Israeli rule—which the Palestinians will soon be—validating
accusations that Israel is increasingly an Apartheid-like state.

Clearly and publicly oppose Israeli settlement activities in the West Bank
and East Jerusalem, and reject efforts to excuse or rationalize such
activities; and
Urge Israel, for its own sake, to stop all settlement activity.
13
Settlements & U.S. Policy APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
The U.S. has long opposed settlement activity in the West Bank and East Jerusalem,
recognizing it as a political and security liability for Israel and an impediment
to achieving a negotiated solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Unfortunately,
the U.S. has failed to translate this longstanding official opposition to settlements
into a coherent policy that has convinced Israel to stop settlement expansion.
Settlements today continue to grow, despite Israel’s obligations under the
Roadmap, Israel’s repeated commitments to the U.S. and the international
community, and—in some cases—in violation of Israeli law.
The Obama Administration’s focus on Israeli settlements over the past two years
reflects the reality that settlements are a central obstacle to Israeli-Palestinian
peace. A settlement freeze is not and has never been an end unto itself: the goal
of any peace policy is to achieve a conflict-ending agreement that renders the
settlement issue moot. That said, while a settlement freeze need not be a
precondition for peace negotiations, continued settlement growth cannot be
dismissed or ignored.
For the sake of Israeli-Palestinian peace, Congress and the Obama Administration
must convince Israel’s leaders that U.S. opposition to settlements can no longer be
dismissed. Continued settlement expansion undermines Palestinian moderates,
feeds extremism, exacerbates tensions on the ground, and diminishes the chances
of achieving a negotiated agreement that could end the conflict. Likewise, Israel’s
failure to rein in settler renegades threatens the viability of peace efforts.
For the sake of Israel’s own vital interests, the U.S. must convince Israel that
expanding settlements and coddling settler extremists is a self-defeating and
dangerous path that threatens Israel’s social contract, security, economic
prosperity, and viability as a democracy and as a Jewish state.

Support the Obama Administration in opposing settlement construction and
support any Obama Administration efforts to press Israel to halt such activity;
Ask the Obama Administration to regularly report to Congress on Israeli
settlement activities and the U.S. response; and
Exercise oversight regarding the issue of Israeli settlement activities and
their impact on efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, by among
other things, conducting hearings and public briefings, and requiring the
State Department to provide regular reporting on settlement activity.
14
Jerusalem APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
No one can deny the Jewish connection to Jerusalem, which is and forever will be
Israel’s capital. Likewise, no one can deny the deep Palestinian connections to
Jerusalem, which they view as the only possible capital of a future Palestinian state.
And no one can deny the deep and longstanding attachments to Jerusalem held not
only by Jews, but also by Christians and Muslims everywhere. All these stakeholders
are sensitive to actions/words that deny these attachments; such actions/words
threaten to transform the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from a resolvable political
conflict into an intractable religious conflict, with potential destabilizing effects
reaching far beyond the city’s borders.
In this context, Israeli settlement activities in East Jerusalem—construction and

policies for the sole benefit of Jewish Israelis in areas of the city annexed by Israel
after 1967—take on particular significance. They destabilize the city, undermine any
Israeli-Palestinian political process, and directly threaten the two-state solution.
They alter the delicate status quo, seek to prejudice the outcome of negotiations,
and create obstacles to an agreed-upon solution in the city. Indeed, if current
trends continue, the day will soon come when the demography and geography of
Jerusalem are so Balkanized that a solution in Jerusalem is no longer possible. And
if there is no solution in Jerusalem, there is no two-state, conflict-ending resolution.
Those who support settlement in East Jerusalem and oppose negotiations over the
future of the city are in effect calling for Israel to live forever by the sword. A
mutually-agreeable, negotiated solution for Jerusalem is possible, consistent with the
principle that Palestinian areas of East Jerusalem would be under Palestinian control,
Jewish areas under Israeli control, and the Old City under special arrangements
agreed to by both sides—as postulated numerous times in the past.
Finally, in 1995 Congress passed the Jerusalem Embassy Act, directing the president
to move the U.S. embassy in Israel to Jerusalem. That legislation gave the president
authority to waive the requirement if he judged it to be necessary for U.S. national
security. Every successive U.S. president—Republican and Democrat—has used this
waiver, recognizing that moving the embassy outside the context of a peace
agreement would be provocative and would undermine U.S. credibility, compromise
U.S. peace efforts, and harm U.S. interests.

Oppose Israeli settlement activities in East Jerusalem, support a negotiated
solution on the future of Jerusalem, and refrain from statements or actions
that could delay, harm or hinder such negotiations; and
Reject efforts to force an immediate transfer of the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem.
15
Refugees APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
The refugee issue is at the heart of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Arab-Israeli
wars of 1948 and 1967 gave birth to a large population of Palestinian refugees—men,
women, and children who lost property, homes and livelihoods in the land which is
now Israel. Any effort to resolve the conflict without resolving the issue of refugees
will almost certainly fail, sowing deeper frustration and creating fertile ground for
future protest and violence. Moreover, the issue affects the stability and security of
countries of the region that are home to Palestinian refugee populations and
provides a powerful point around which extremists rally support.
A resolution of this human tragedy, in a manner that recognizes the grievances and
dignity of refugees and does not threaten the character of the State of Israel, must
be one of the most important goals of the peace process. Successive peace
plans—including the Clinton parameters, the Geneva Initiative, and the Arab Peace
Initiative—all make clear that a solution to the issue must be found that is
acceptable to both sides—respecting both the sensitivities of the Palestinian
refugees and Israel’s sovereign right to determine who may live within its borders.
It is clear that any such solution will be found for the most part within the borders
of a future Palestinian state, rather than inside Israel.
Finally, Jewish refugees from Arab countries—Jews who fled or were forced to flee
their homes as Israel came into existence and thereafter—have every right to seek
redress. However, resolution of such claims is not an Israeli-Palestinian issue and
Jewish refugee claims do not “balance out” or erase the Palestinian refugee issue.
Rather, such claims are properly bilateral issues between Israel (or France, or the
U.S., or wherever the Jews in question now live) and the countries these Jews fled.
It is politically cynical and morally indefensible for anyone to try to hold
Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations—and a peace agreement that could end the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with all this would mean for Israeli security—hostage to
the resolution of these claims.

Support a political process to resolve all issues related to the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict, including Palestinian refugees; and
Reject efforts to use the legitimate claims of Jewish refugees as a pretext
for blocking an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement.
16
UNRWA APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
The issue of Palestinian refugees has been recognized by all parties—including Israel,
the Palestinians and the U.S.—as one of the key “final status issues” to be resolved
through negotiations. The United Nations Relief Works Agency (UNRWA) is the UN
body charged with providing humanitarian support for Palestinian refugees in the
West Bank, Gaza, Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon, until there is such a resolution.
UNRWA has long played a vital role as a source of stability and humanitarian
assistance—food, medical care, education—to a population in severe distress. The
continued effective operations of UNRWA—until a peace agreement resolves the
refugee question—is crucial to the interests of both the U.S. and Israel. Absent
UNRWA efforts, the vacuum could be filled by Hamas or other extremists who build
political support by providing humanitarian relief.
Over the years, the U.S. has contributed generously to UNRWA. This funding should
be recognized as an investment in the stability and security of the region and the
well-being of Israel. It also ensures that Israel is not forced to shoulder the burden
of caring for refugees in the West Bank and Gaza.
It is appropriate for the U.S. to demand accountability of UNRWA. However, demands

for unreasonable levels of oversight, efforts to disband UNRWA, and demands that
an agency that has no security mandate or resources fight terrorists, disclose other
agendas—including a desire to “resolve” this final status issue outside the context of
negotiations. Such undermining of UNRWA is inconsistent with the interests and
publicly articulated policies of both the U.S. and Israel. For the sake of Israeli and
U.S. interests, and for the sake of innocent civilians, Congress must resist efforts to
politicize support for UNRWA or undermine its operations.

Reject efforts to undermine or de-legitimize UNRWA; and
Support continued U.S. funding of UNRWA, with reasonable oversight and
accountability of U.S. taxpayer funds.
17
The Gaza/Hamas Challenge APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
The Gaza-West Bank split poses real challenges to peace efforts. It is clear today—
five years after Hamas, a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization, took
control of Gaza—that efforts to pressure Hamas through boycotts and blockade
have failed. They have neither ousted Hamas from power nor forced it to accept
international conditions (known as the Quartet conditions). Instead, these policies
contributed to creating a miserable humanitarian situation that has sparked harsh
criticism of Israel throughout the world.
It is also clear today—3 years after the 2008 Gaza war—that the status quo is not
sustainable. Israel’s refusal to significantly loosen the siege continues to translate
into collective punishment of the Palestinian civilian population of Gaza. Renewed
rocket attacks from Gaza threaten to escalate, once again, into broader conflict.
And IDF Corporal Gilad Shalit remains a prisoner. Israel has learned through painful
experience that military force alone cannot eliminate all threats or “solve” the
problem of Gaza.
The U.S. should stand with Israel in demanding that Hamas end/prevent rocket and
mortar attacks on Israel. It should also press Israel to finally end the siege on Gaza,
while supporting reasonable Israeli measures to block the import of weapons into
the area. Most importantly, the U.S. must get the peace process back on track. In the
absence of a credible effort to reach a negotiated solution to the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict—one that takes into account the situation in Gaza—extremists will inevitably
gain popular support.
The U.S. should recognize that a Palestinian government that represents all
Palestinians, and with security and governance capacity in both the West Bank and
Gaza, is vital to any future peace agreement. The U.S. should encourage Palestinian
reconciliation, making clear that relations with any Palestinian government—including
a unity government—will be based on the positions and actions of that government,
not on the basis of whether Hamas is included in it.
APN calls on members of Congress to:

Recognize that past U.S. policies have failed to weaken Hamas and may
even have strengthened it, and that it is time for another approach;
Support efforts to promote Palestinian national reconciliation; and
Reject any efforts to further tie the Administration’s hands with respect to
U.S. policy toward a future Palestinian power-sharing arrangement that
may include Hamas.
18
Iran APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
The U.S. must deal soberly with the serious challenges posed by Iran. This requires
a policy driven by clear goals that reflect vital U.S. national security imperatives,
including getting the Iranian regime to: accept stringent oversight of its nuclear
program; end support for terrorist groups; cease activities that undermine U.S.
efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan; stop belligerent anti-Israel rhetoric; and respect
human rights inside Iran. Achieving these goals will require a wise combination of
engagement and multilateral pressure. Such a policy must be nimble and must
recognize that there is no “quick fix.” A long-term solution will require resolute
efforts and patience.
Sanctions targeting the Iranian regime, its security organs and its nuclear program
can be a powerful tool for putting pressure on Iran. At the same time, sanctions are
not a policy in themselves. They are valuable only as part of a broader strategy
that uses both engagement and pressure to convince Iran to alter its
behavior—meaning smart pressure coupled with determined engagement.
Sanctions that deliberately inflict suffering on the Iranian people, however, are
morally perilous and their efficacy is dubious.
As demonstrated by past experience, engaging Iran will not be easy; indeed it will
almost certainly be an arduous process. Nor is its success a foregone conclusion.
But such an effort is indispensable if the U.S. is serious about dealing with the
challenges Iran poses to U.S. foreign policy and to U.S. national security.
Finally, while the military option should not be taken off the table, it must be
recognized as the least desirable and by no means inevitable option of last resort.
Military action is far less likely than resolute, determined U.S. and international
engagement and pressure to achieve U.S. goals, and would likely have serious
consequences for regional stability, the security of U.S. personnel in Iraq and
Afghanistan, and the security of Israel.

Support a serious, results-oriented Iran policy, comprising sanctions and
meaningful incentives and founded on direct, determined diplomacy,
without preconditions;
Encourage cooperation with U.S. allies to facilitate unified international
effort in negotiations with Iran; and
Reject casual rhetoric about U.S. or Israeli first-strike options.
19
Turkey APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
Turkey has for decades been a key ally of Israel. In 1949, Turkey was the first Muslim
state to recognize Israel. Since that time, both Israel and Turkey have recognized
the importance of this relationship, investing in diplomatic, military/security
cooperation, and economic ties. While historically Israel and Turkey did not see
eye-to-eye on every issue, they succeeded in placing the bilateral relationship
above any disagreements. Unfortunately, in recent years this has changed. Tensions
that came to the fore with the 2008 Gaza War and that have deepened since that
time—particularly in the wake of the May 2010 Gaza flotilla debacle—today
threaten to derail the Israel-Turkey relationship. Neither Turkey, nor Israel, nor the
U.S. is blameless in this cycle of escalating tensions.
There is unease in Israel and among many supporters of Israel about Turkey, with
a growing sense that Turkey's government is becoming more Islamist and is
seeking to project power into the Middle East through improved relations with
countries like Iran and Syria, through solidarity with Hamas, and through harsh
criticism of Israel. In Turkey, there is a growing sense that Israel is deliberately
seeking to undermine Turkey-Israel relations. The absence of a credible peace
process that can deal with, among other things, the problems in Gaza, perpetuates
the kind of crises that drive the escalation in Turkey-Israel tensions.
This erosion of the Israel-Turkey bilateral relationship has serious potential negative
ramifications for Israel, threatening to deprive Israel of an important and politically
powerful ally in the region—one who has, and in the future can, represent a bridge
to the Arab and Muslim worlds. This erosion also threatens to harm US-Turkey
relations, with potential negative ramifications for U.S. national security interests in
the region, including its policies vis-à-vis Iraq, Iran and Syria.
APN urges Congress to

Work to prevent further erosion of the Israel-Turkey alliance and press
the Obama Administration to engage both of these allies to help them in
this effort;
Reject any efforts that could contribute to an erosion of U.S.-Turkish
relations; and
Help both Israel and Turkey by working to address the situation in Gaza
and to achieve Israeli-Palestinian and Israeli-Arab peace.
20
Palestinian Statehood APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
The lack of progress in peace efforts has produced a growing sense among
Palestinians and in the international community that the time has come for the
Palestinians to force the issue by seeking international recognition of their state.
The Palestinian move to seek international recognition of a state of Palestine, even

under occupation, reflects not only frustration with the pace of peace efforts but
an understandable desperation. This desperation is founded in a recognition that
the situation is nearing a tipping point where developments on the ground in the
West Bank and East Jerusalem, in particular settlements and settlement-related
infrastructure, will soon make the two-state solution impossible. The Palestinians’
quest for recognition reflects this loss of faith in a negotiated settlement as well as
a laudable commitment by the Palestinian Authority to use only non-violent means
to try to gain leverage.
While it is the Palestinians’ right to seek international recognition of a state of

Palestine, even under Israeli occupation, unilateral actions, by Israel or the
Palestinians, will never be a substitute for negotiations and cannot resolve the
conflict—something that the Palestinian leadership itself has recognized even in
the context of this effort. U.S. demands that the Palestinians desist from this effort
will be irrelevant until such time as a credible negotiating process is
re-established. Absent such a renewed and reinvigorated process, support for
recognition of Palestine, outside a negotiated peace agreement, can be expected
to gain significant momentum. Eventually, Israel could find itself opposing
recognition of Palestine by the UN—a difficult case for Israel to make, given that it
was the UN that gave birth to Israel after Israel’s founders went to that body with
their own demand for recognition.

Demand courageous U.S. leadership and engagement to restore faith in
negotiations that can deliver a two-state solution in the near term; and
Reject efforts to use this issue as a pretext for imposing additional
conditions/sanctions on the Palestinians.
21
Incitement & Hate APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
Incitement against Israel and Jews is a serious problem that must not be ignored
or dismissed, particularly in light of the Jewish people’s painful history. It plants
the seeds of hatred in successive generations and helps cultivate a culture of
intolerance toward Israel and Jews. Combating this problem must be an important
element of U.S. bilateral relations and regional policy in the Middle East and around
the world. The Palestinian Authority deserves credit for the extensive and ongoing
efforts it has made in recent years to address this problem.
Anti-Arab and anti-Muslim incitement must also be rejected. A fundamental tenet

of democracy is that discrimination and incitement against any people based on
their religion or ethnicity is unacceptable, and neither acts by extremists nor
profound political disagreements change this.

Condemn and reject anti-Israel and anti-Semitic incitement emanating from
the Arab world, including from friends and allies of the United States;
Condemn and reject anti-Arab and anti-Muslim incitement, keeping in mind
that a double standard by the U.S. when it comes to racist speech will only
strengthen extremists;
Reject wholesale condemnation of the Palestinians on this issue, recognizing
that the PA is engaged in a serious effort to fight incitement—an effort that
should be encouraged, not dismissed; and
Encourage efforts to build tolerance and understanding.
22
The West Bank APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
Map: Peace Now
Need larger-scale maps? Call APN’s Director of Policy & Government Relations,
23
Facts on the Ground: The APN Map Project APN 112TH CONGRESS BRIEFING
In 2010 APN released a revolutionary interactive

mapping tool, which for the first time gives
anyone, anywhere, a comprehensive real-time view
of what is happening on the ground in the West
Bank.
Facts on the Ground: The APN Map Project is

APN’s “app” for iPhone and iPad devices (also
available online). It provides detail and context for
the debate on Israeli settlements, allowing anyone,
anywhere, to access a comprehensive settlements
database, integrated with high-tech mapping
technologies. The app is updated constantly to
reflect breaking events and issues in the news.
Not everyone can get out and see the situation on

the ground for themselves. With this app, anyone
can explore the West Bank with just a click of a
mouse or a touch of a finger. The app shows the unfiltered realities that settlements
create on the ground of the West Bank. The app breaks through polemics and spin,
and anchors discussion about settlements in the facts. While people are entitled to
their opinions on this divisive issue, there is only one set of facts, and this app makes
these facts available in unprecedented clarity and detail. The app is made possible
through the unparalleled depth and breadth of the expertise of the Israeli Peace Now
movement’s Settlements Watch team.
The application is available, free, for iPhones and iPads, through iTunes.
The web-based version is available, at: www.peacenow.org/map.
A Hebrew version is currently under development.
Need more information about this project? Call APN’s Director of Policy & Government Relations,
24
Believe in Israel. Believe in Peace.
Americans for Peace Now is a national grassroots

organization of American Jewish Zionists committed
to peace and security for Israel.
For further information about any topic covered in this Congressional

Briefing or any other matters related to the quest for peace and security
in the Middle East, please contact Director of Policy & Government
Relations, Lara Friedman at LFriedman@peacenow.org.
APN also publishes regular news briefs and analyses regarding

developments in Israel and the Middle East. To subscribe to our
publications, send an email to: apndc@peacenow.org.
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Believe in Israel. Believe in Peace.

BRIEFING FOR THE

APN is a non-partisan organization with a non-partisan mission. We supply timely

Americans for Peace Now

Martin Bresler Jo-Ann Mort

Sidney Topol Debra DeLee

Dear Member of the 112th Congress:

Debra DeLee Lara Friedman

Peace: A U.S. National Security Imperative 5

The Imperative of U.S. Leadership 6

Open Debate: A Jewish, Democratic Value 7

Aid to the Palestinians 9

Peace Partners: Egypt & Jordan 10

Regional Peace: Seizing the Opportunity 11

Syria & Lebanon 12

Settlements & U.S. Policy 14

The Gaza/Hamas Challenge 18

Incitement & Hate 22

Map: The West Bank 23

Facts on the Ground: The APN Map Project 24

The question is: what does “pro-Israel” mean today?

Israel’s first Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion (quoted by Ehud Olmert on

APN urges members of Congress to:

Today, it is undeniable that achieving Israeli-Palestinian and Israeli-Arab peace

Sustained, credible U.S. efforts to achieve Israeli-Arab peace are a necessary

APN urges members of Congress to:

Americans for Peace Now (APN) urges Congress to:

APN urges members of Congress to:

APN urges members of Congress to:

Today, assistance to the Palestinians is arguably the most conditioned, restricted,

APN urges members of Congress to:

These agreements reflected courageous leadership in all three countries. Neither

APN urges members of Congress to:

APN urges members of Congress to:

U.S. leadership is also critical to re-invigorate Israel-Syria negotiations. An Israel-Syria

APN urges members of Congress to:

Finally, settlements threaten Israel’s character as a Jewish state and a democracy.

APN urges members of Congress to:

APN urges members of Congress to:

In this context, Israeli settlement activities in East Jerusalem—construction and

APN urges members of Congress to:

APN urges members of Congress to:

It is appropriate for the U.S. to demand accountability of UNRWA. However, demands

APN urges members of Congress to:

APN calls on members of Congress to:

APN urges members of Congress to:

APN urges Congress to

The Palestinian move to seek international recognition of a state of Palestine, even

While it is the Palestinians’ right to seek international recognition of a state of

APN urges members of Congress to:

Anti-Arab and anti-Muslim incitement must also be rejected. A fundamental tenet

APN urges members of Congress to:

Map: Peace Now

In 2010 APN released a revolutionary interactive

Facts on the Ground: The APN Map Project is

Not everyone can get out and see the situation on

Americans for Peace Now is a national grassroots

For further information about any topic covered in this Congressional

APN also publishes regular news briefs and analyses regarding

NATIONAL HEADQUARTERS LOS ANGELES OFFICE

NEW YORK OFFICE

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