My father the IPHAN my mother the academy: Bread and butter archaeology

By Julio Meirelles Steglich The ongoing debate about the official recognition of the archaeologist workers as professionals has been quite important to the development of the conscience of their own category in their struggle for their rights. Understanding their conscience is much important to deal with the contradictions sprung up from the origins of the own archaeologist in the Brazilian social formation of the last twenty years, whose main feature has been an intensive process of mutilation. The simmering clashes between the watchdog archaeologists and the IPHANs proactive civil servants are examples of how much the Brazilian archaeological community has to struggle to overcome the alienation process its last generation has undergone in a class society. This article has the aim of unveiling the dialectic within this struggle. Archaeology as labor We are living in an era when to find out ourselves into our own work has been crucial to the stabilization of our own society, within what is conventionally called identity. While in the industrial societies recognizing yourself in what you collectively produce was quite important to fight for better conditions of work up to the building of the well known real socialist experiences, now it has been vital to defend the very mankind existence regarding to the ongoing environmental issues. Inasmuch as the material culture is the archaeologists object of research (1), studying the traces of a human work nowadays is no more an archaeologist working specificity (2) though it is still an archaeological work (3). Comprehending the intellectual work in archaeology as a work and the paradigms as working tools, that is, under the alienation and mutilation process, seeks to help to improve the archaeological work as well. A lot has been spent in the Brazilian archaeology in the last twenty years to understand the archaeologist work through imported books like Bruce Triggers and Jose Alcina Franchs works (4), but nothing has been done by the Brazilian academies

over the development of a critic about this process. The importation of models has been, on the one hand, a way the academicians put respectability on themselves. A matter of fact, there has neither been difusionist, nor functionalist and nor structuralist archaeology in Brazil, neither processual nor post-processual one here, whatever you call the Brazilian archaeological thought, indeed; But, before of all, the unfolding upshots of importation of technical skills in commodity shape concentrating the archaeological work-field as a labor. Furthermore, the growing uttered need of the entrepreneurs for archaeologists in the work-field and the SABs Proposta de Nveis de Qualificao Profissional para o Exerccio da Arqueologia, this last one the most meaningful example of new phase of exploitation of archaeological work through a primitive accumulation process of capital (5), have pushed the urgent critic against them to a radical and anti-academic manifestation. So, let us see what kind of archaeologists have been the real agents of change against the status quo, their origins, the contradictions in their struggle, the challenges they must have been withstood, and their trustful partners in the fight for the protection of the Brazilian archaeological heritage. The watch-dog archaeologist as historical agent of change Mostly of people believe that archaeology is a discipline that should never set foot out of the academy walls. That is, they think that it should never be anything far from a University career; For others, archaeology is a way of taking a job in the executive civil service, like In; For scanty of followers it is a struggle. (6) Henceforth, the struggle for the recognition of the archaeologist as a working category in Brazil has rather to do with the revolutionary change in the development pattern of the Brazilian economy. The Brazilian archaeologist is, before of all, a new high productive profile as far as in the scope of international division of work. The spawning of the Brazilian archaeologists as a new working sector in the last twenty years owes to the protagonist role of the Brazilian State the overwhelming responsibility it has with their future. Although the academic profile of the Brazilian archaeologists, they have been mushroomed by it through its most important representative in the archaeological scope, the Instituto do Patrimnio Histrico e 2

Artstico Nacional (IPHAN), with the goal of attending the growing demand in the labor marked by companies whose projects can cause hazardous impacts in the Brazilian environment (7). Paradoxically, some of these Brazilian archaeologists have usually complained against IPHAN as being a neglecting agent. According to them, you can see digging works being carried out without the presence of an archaeologist everywhere, unfolding a process of destruction of the registers and, thus, meaning the losing of scientific information. For them, IPHAN should look after the Brazilian archaeological heritage at all, because it is its duty with it. However they fulfill an unmatched watch-dogging role in the Brazilian social formation, intending to improve the institutions performance and constituting in a sort of historical agent for change, their moans have rather to do with their lack of knowledge about what IPHAN really is. Their narrow hindsight over what the structural changes in this institution have meant for the Brazilian State apparatus in the last sixteen years shows that these archaeologists have committed the mistake of understanding IPHAN as an academy. What IPHAN is not at all. And this mistake has crippled their struggle. The springing up of the proactive civil servant The fledging social movements as potential political subjects have sprung up through the own bureaucratic State machine, like in the Brazils Instituto do Patrimnio Histrico e Artstico Nacional (IPHAN), always gearing powerless changing. In this sense, the democracy turned into technocracy, as a representation technique as a participating and managing one, constitutes the social form of society in the social and political organization through its very administrative technique. (8) A matter of fact, from a systemic point of view, you can sum up the dialectic of the conflicts between the Brazilian State and the watch-dog archaeologists as follows. Founded in the 1990s as an old Secretaria do Patrimnio Histrico e Artstico Nacionals (SPHAN) heir (9), IPHAN had inherited the old authoritarian structure of the former Vargas New State (1937-45) and the National Security Doctrine State (196485), to fulfill a role that has been, before of all, ideological, not scientific (10). 3

On the one hand, this kind of militancy the watch-dog archaeologists have carried on since the 1990s has sprung up a contradiction because, the addressing of the issues regarding to the protection and safeguard of the Brazilian archaeological heritage as they demand, has uttered for a proactive civil servant bold enough to dare to challenge this old arm of the Brazilian State apparatus in the name of a constitutional and democratic order. On the other hand, it has made of this new civil servant profile a real pain in the institutions neck, goddamned ones, growing tensions inside the IPHANs working relationships, sometimes classified as subversion, and raising punishments meted out against them to thwart would-be initiatives in behalf of the archaeological heritage. In short, the proactive civil servant arises as a negation of the very institution that helped to create the watchdog archaeologists. The synthesis of this contradiction in a class society like the Brazilian one is a weird backlash. Old regime heirs: the jackal oligarchic remains Amidst the changes got by conquests of the archaeology in Brazil since the regulation of the preemptive archaeology proceedings, you can realize the backlash against its inserting in the society into IPHAN through endless boycotts carried out by reactionary sectors which have insisted in denying the recognition of the changing role that the archaeology has worked on even in the Brazils far away counties.()We usually do not nurture illusions that everything is gonna be all right under smearing our thought: first, the silence, second, the calumny, and, at least, the lost of intellectual credibility. Of course, it is everything in the name of science. (11) The old authoritarian structure that makes the IPHANs backbone up is complex, because it is framed in by remains of jackal oligarchies, sheltered by fiat in the Brazilian public sector with an ideological reactionary purpose with links to the political underworld, relied on what has been dubbed as Brazilian Conservative Modernization trend (12) in behalf of their cronies pork barrel policies. In IPHAN, these jackals have usually geared a censorship system to repress proactive civil servants, imposing discipline and control and holding the sway on to keep them silent and tamed by fiat (13). 4

The watchdog archaeologists have no idea of what the IPHANs proactive civil servants have to put up with. They ignore the fact that these remains of jackal oligarchies entrenched in the Brazilian public sector by fiat, have hampered the proactive civil servants efforts based in an ideological Lombrosian view (14) of the working relationships that criminalize the creativity, with the aim of making civil servants nothing more than rubberstamp guys. In some Brazilian provinces there is even a very strong proto nationalistic ideology that those remains of jackal oligarchies try to handle as a way of keeping not only the exploiting rate of labor very high, hindering any attempt of integration, as well as splitting the superintendences staff under the argument like: Proactive civil servants are strange ones, a sort of foreigners and, because of it, they are unable of comprehending what people here really are. By the way, how would the watchdog archaeologists, as Brazilian civil servants for the protection of the national archaeological heritage, have felt after being scolded relentlessly with statements like: S/he wont bear the brunt for a long time, S/he is gonna be the last to quit, You shouldnt believe youre gotta succeed because its only who was born in this land that is capable of understanding how the things work here. Cultural heritage as a ruling class ideological tool: an old Portuguese world gift These elites which intend to lead their countries to the relentless progress beyond the post-modernity, have been the same ones that have kept the higher rates of worldwide land and wealth concentration, taking Europe and the USA as models, along with they have insisted in perpetuating the feudal realities to prioritizing their privileges. These elites have still to be made accountable over their affairs to the humankind, period. (15) Actually, there is nothing of stunning in the fact that the first cultural heritage to be protected by law in the SPHAN times is symbol of these remains of jackal oligarchies, which have been quite useful in soothing social tensions within the Brazilian social formation contributing to make of IPHAN a manufacture of stereotypes. For them, IPHAN has no compromise with science but with the status quo.

Their ideological project is summed up in deep bigotry that vies to display a Brazilian past without contradictions (16). Nevertheless, the democratization process within the class struggle stirred up by the 1930 Tenentista revolution and the called Movimento Modernista (17) in its second generation, there had never been anything new in the SPHANs view of the Brazilian heritage. You can see it since the colonial times, that is, from the beginning of the 1700s on at least. It is an inheritance from the Portuguese crown in Brazil (1808-21); a sort of Dom Joo VIs gift that had been put up in Brazil after the Portuguese king had left back to Portugal, when these jackal oligarchies had been in power. The Decree n 25th (11.30.1937) follows on the spirit of the Eighteen Century Portuguese paradigm of geopolitical occupation of the territory as an identity, under Alexandre de Gusmos diplomatic school. The category of Natural Monument and the foundation of the Torre do Tombo institution have as theoretical basis a supposed harmonious relationship between the humankind and the nature; the concept of Cultural Landscape is a key in the understanding of it, because it explains why there is so much concern within the Brazilian State regarding to the impact of projects which may interfere in this relationship. Under this ideology, the social tensions are gotten as having causes in the rupture of equilibrium between human and nature. The Directive DEPAM/IPHAN n 230 (12.17.2002) along with the Directive IPHAN n 127 (04.30.2009) (18), are based in this idea as an expression of the alliance between the old and new Brazils. The new imperial alliance and the commoditization of the archaeological heritage There is a consensus today among the archaeology thinkers that the whole material culture is an archaeological one. From the gardens, the streets, the artifacts, the edifications, the temples, the schools, the hospitals, the earthenware decanters, etc., etc., to all the human activities which had modified the nature and created the material culture. (19) Time of change in the mainstream institutional structure is in the spotlights, characterized by the commoditization of the objects of several former State monopolies. Nowadays, Brazil is resuming its efforts in recovering and improving its worldwide middle power status in the global geopolitics, resuming the carrying on of a multilateral diplomacy in the emergent Empire. The immaterial heritage, relied on 6

archaeological researches under the Cultural Landscape perspective, becomes the most important and strategic Brazilian cultural heritage in a new world where even the sovereignty of the countries over their territories and sea has been contested. The constituent elements of the nation State have lost their importance, being the landscape again the basic reference of the unity of a people. The expansion of the Exploitation Capitalist Frontier to those former areas of welfare State monopoly, like healthcare and security, has had in the cultural heritage scope one of their main postindustrial sources of high value as well. Henceforth, the springing up of the archaeology companies has made of the Archaeology of Contract the IPHANs and the Brazilian academies new actor. The directive DEPAM/IPHAN n 230 (12.17.2002) and Decree n 3551 (08.04.2000) (20) ratify the commitment of the capital with the Brazilian struggle for the recognition of its sovereignty in the Empire. So, on the one hand, the twenty-first century has brought several new challenges for the Brazilian archaeologist community, because IPHAN inherited an authoritarian structure. But the institution is a creation of a liberal agenda, which, on the other hand, characterizes this same institution as pregnant of contradictions as well. These contradictions are not regarding to the fact of IPHAN to be framed into an authoritarian structure on laid down remains of the jackal oligarchies, but in the working of an institution relied on the principle of self-sustaining and think-tank priorities in a deep unequal society, making of the archaeological heritage a commodity and the archaeologists work as a concentration of labor for the PhDs. The Brazilian State, as a capitalist one, has compromises with the private sector ( ). As a Brazilian States ideological arm, IPHAN has been turned a tool to attend private interests at first under the ideological goal of the State intervention in the economy. There has been a strong link between Brazil as a capitalist State into the capitalist system and the legitimacy of safeguarding certain archaeological heritage. In short, if the private interests are not attended, nowadays the cultural heritage does not exist under the archaeological heritage policies. For example, regarding to the institutions bureaucracy, the liberal reforms of the 1990s made of the IPHANs superintendents a kind of brokers. They are stood by the Directive DEPAM/IPHAN n 230 (12.17.2002) that states that the entrepreneur must finance the archaeological rescue works of the most meaningful archaeological sites threatened by the construction works at least (22).
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But the Law n 3924 (07.26.1961) protects all the prehistoric archaeological sites at once (23). How can the institution address this contradiction? In short, the superintendents have been turned from old technocrats to agents in charge of rationalizing the public money applied in the private sector. At large, it is a tactics that reshapes the concept of archaeological heritage management based on the category Externality. So, it is not more about protecting the archaeological heritage but how much can be afforded to make archaeology; And the main reply you are gonna take from them, about the protection and safeguard of a determined archaeological site, is: I am sorry but there are priorities. The alienation process and the new challenges A matter of fact, the watchdog archaeologists should comprehend that they had been bred by the Brazilian State through the incentives for the growth of the sector of the Archaeology of Contract under the new role of the Brazilian academy. There is no doubt about the massive alienation of scientific work in the academic archaeological field that has been carried out in the last twenty years relied in imported models, setting in the division of work and reducing the archaeologists to work-field and laboratory labor. Thus, the watchdog archaeologists should not slander proactive civil servants in the fulfilling of their duty, only because they are fed up of inspections while it might be a precious opportunity to learn to surmount their own grassroots origin, being able of becoming a stronger actor to struggle for the archaeological heritage. In a new era where the States Westphalian Sovereignty principles have been worn out to lumpenization (24), the proactive civil servants need support to defend the constitutional and democratic society. Otherwise, it will only turn the watchdog archaeologists work nothing more than Bread and Butter Archaeology. Bibliography ADORNO, T. and ASHOTON, E.B.. 1990. Negative diatectics. Routledge, London. ALTHUSSER, L.. 1985. Aparelhos ideolgicos de Estado. Graal, Rio de Janeiro.

BARSKY, R.. 2007. The Chomsky effect. A radical work beyond the ivory tower. Orient Blackswan, Hyderabad. BARTHOLOMEW, A.. 2007. Empires law. The American imperial project and the war to make the world. Orient Longman, Hyderabad. BASTOS, R. L.. 2010. Uma arqueologia dos desaparecidos. Identidades vulnerveis e memrias partidas. Superintendncia IPHAN/SP, So Paulo. BASTOS, R. L. e SOUZA, M. C.. 2010. Normas de gerenciamento do patrimnio arqueolgico. Superintendncia do IPHAN/SP, So Paulo, 3 edio. CHOMSKY, N.. 2003. Hegemony or survival. Americas quest for global dominance. Penguin books, London. CLARK, G.. 1970. Archaeology and society. Barnes and Nobel Books. DEFARGES, P. M.. 2009. Introduction la gopolitique. ditions du seuil, Paris, 3 dition. FAUSTRO, B.. 2007. Histria Geral da civilizao Brasileira. Tomo III. Sociedade e Poltica (1930-64). Bertrand Brasil, So Paulo,V. 10. FRANCH, J. A.. 1996. Arqueologia antropologica. Akal ediciones, Madrid. FOULCAULT. M.. 1982. Archaeology of knowledge & the discourse on language. Vintage books. New York. HARDT, M. et NEGRI, A.. 2000. Empire. Exit diteur, paris. HARVEY, D.. 2006. Condio Pos-moderna. Edies Loyola, So Paulo, 15 edio. HOBSBAWM, E.. 1994. The age of extremes (1914-1991). Abacus, London. ____________, E. J.. 2004. Naes e Nacionalismo (desde 1780). Paz e Terra, So Paulo. HOBSBAWM, E. J. e RANGER, T.. 1997. A inveno das tradies. Editora Paz e Terra, So Paulo. HODDER, I. and HUDSON, S. 2004. Reading the Past: current approaches to the interpretation in archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. HUDSON, M.. 2003. Super imperialism. The origin and fundamentals of US world dominance. Pluto press, London, 2nd edition. JAMENSON, F.. 2001. Postmodernism, or, the cultural logic of the late capitalism. Duke University Press Books, Duham, 9th edition. ______________. 2002. Archaeologies of the future: the desire called utopia and other science fictions. Verso. ______________ . 2007. Late Marxism: Adorno, or, the persistence of dialetic. Verso. 9

KUMAR, K.. 2006. Da sociedade ps-idustrial a sociedade ps-moderna. Novas teorias sobre o mundo contemporneo. Zahar, So Paulo, 2 edio. LOMBROSO, C.. 1891. Man of Genius. Havelock Ellis, London. MARX, K. H.. Capital. Jainco publishers, Delhi. MSZROS, I.. 2002. Para alm do capital. Rumo a uma teoria da transio. Boitempo editorial, So Paulo. PRADO Jr, C.. 1979. Dialtica do Conhecimento. Editora civilizao brasileira, Rio de Janeiro, 5 edio. SOUZA, M. C.. 2010. Arqueologia preventiva. Gesto e mediao de conflitos. Estudos comparativos. Superintendncia do IPHAN/SP, So Paulo. TRIGGER, B.. 2006. A history of the ARchaeological Thought. Cambrige University Press, Cambridge. VIZENTINI, P. G. F.. 1998. A poltica externa do Regime Militar brasileiro: multilateralizao, desenvolvimento e a construo de uma potncia mdia (1964 1985). Editora da UFRGS, Porto Alegre. _____________. 2003. Relaes Internacionais do Brasil: de Vargas Lula. Perseu Abramo, So Paulo. VIZENTINI, P. G. F. e WIESEBRON, M. 2006. Neohegemonia americana ou multipolaridade? Plos de poder e sistema internacional. Editora da UFRGS, Porto Alegre. WOODWARD, I.. 2007. Understanding material culture. Sage Publications Ltd, London. Article: PIRES, M. J. S. e RAMOS, P.. 2009. O termo modernizao conservadora: sua origem e utilizao no Brasil. In: REN-Revista econmica do Nordeste. V. 40, n 3. Periodicals: Coletnea de textos sobre o patrimnio cultural. 1987. Rodrigo e o SPHAN. MinC, Rio de Janeiro. Publicaes da Secretaria do Patrimnio Histrico e Artstico Nacional. 1986. Rodrigo e seus tempos. Fundao Pr-memria, Rio de Janeiro.

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BASTOS, R. L. e TEIXEIRA, A.. 2005. Revista de arqueologia do IPHAN. 11 Superintendncia regional/IPHAN Santa Catarina, Florianpolis. LIMA, T. A.. 2007. Revista do Patrimnio Histrico e Artstico Nacional. IPHAN, Braslia, n 33. Links: WWW.iphan.gov.br WWW.michael-hudson.com Proposta de Nveis de Qualificao Profissional para o Exerccio da Arqueologia WWW.sabnet.com.br

- According to Woodward: () it is only in relatively recent times that the field of material culture has been articulated as an area of enquiry. () Material culture is no longer the sole concern of museum scholars and archaeologists researchers from a wide range of fields have now colonized the study of objects. WOODWARD, I.. 2007. Understanding material culture. Sage Publications Ltd, London, p. 0304. 2 - Maybe the best known works to prove it is Michael Foucaults Archaeology of Knowledge: There was a time when archaeology, as a discipline devoted to silent monuments inert traces, objects without contexts, and things left by the past, aspired to the condition of history, and attained meaning only through the restitution of a historical discourse; it might be said to play on words a little, that in our time history aspires to the condition of archaeology to the intrinsic description of the monument.; and Fredric Jamensons Archaeologies of the Future, carrying out archaeology to understand the utopian thought as archaeology as well: So, if in the first moment I have characterized the utopias relationship to her social situation as one of raw material, we may now ask what kind of building blocks the historical moment provides. Laws, labor, marriage, industrial and institutional organization, trade and exchange, even subjective raw materials such as characterological formations, habits of practice, talents, gender attitudes: all become, at one point or another in the story of utopias, grist for the utopian mill and substances out of which the utopian construction can be fashioned. Actually, they are excellent examples to show that archaeology as a science is not synonymous of archaeological diggings. FOULCAULT. M.. 1982. Archaeology of knowledge & the discourse on language. Vintage books. New York, p. 07; JAMENSON, F.. 2002. Archaeologies of the future: the desire called utopia and other science fictions. Verso, p. 14. 3 - You can verify it already in Das Kapital (1867). To unveil the plus-value as the exteriorization of nonpaid labor-value into the commodity, Karl Marx carried out a study over the traces of this share of nonpaid labor in the commodity. He showed to the worker that that share s/he used to not to see as of his/hers because of the bourgeois conception of fair-price in the shape of salary, makes part of the whole good as well as is the very good the outcome of his/her own work. The same study of the traces of working can be seen in Marxs analysis about the mutilation process into the relationship between the worker and the tool, which produces the material culture in a dialectical way. By the way, would you dare to call Marx an archaeologist? Would it be possible to call the Historical Materialism in Das Kapital as archaeology? In my view, the historical materialism is archaeology. 4 - TRIGGER, B.. 2006. A history of the Archaeological Thought. Cambrige University Press, Cambridge; FRANCH, J. A.. 1996. Arqueologia antropologica. Akal ediciones, Madrid. 5 - The SABs (Brazilian Society of Archaeology) Proposta de Nveis de Qualificao Profissional para o Exerccio da Arqueologia is proposed not only the setting in of a division of work in the Brazilian archaeologist collective work but something nearby the Forcing Down Wages by Acts of the Parliament of England in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, shrinking the wages of all the University graduates

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in archaeology reduced to labor to shelter the PhD nobility privileges threatened by competition and the consequent fall of the archaeologists wages at large. MARX, K.. Capital. New Delhi, p. 294-298. 6 - Para muitos, a arqueologia uma disciplina que no deve deixar os muros acadmicos, mas, sim, constituir-se numa carreira universitria; para outros, constitui-se numa forma de enganjar-se num emprego pblico em rgos de gesto, como In; para poucos e raros seguidores combate. BASTOS, R. L.. 2010. Uma arqueologia dos desaparecidos. Identidades vulnerveis e memrias partidas. Superintendncia IPHAN/SP, So Paulo, p. 51. 7 - In the Memorando Circular n 001/2009 CNA/DEPAM (21.12.2009), the Centro Nacional de Arqueologias director, Mss. Maria Clara Migliacio, states: A gesto do patrimnio arqueolgico a rea do IPHAN que mais permanentemente dialoga com a poltica econmica e com projetos governamentais desenvolvidos no Brasil em cada governo, por fazer parte do licenciamento ambiental. A rea de arqueologia do IPHAN tambm dialoga cotidianamente com outros rgos dos governos municipais, estaduais e federais, que no s aqueles que tratam da cultura, tais como agncias ambientais estaduais e federal, alm das agncias governamentais federais estratgicas, como a de energia, logstica, etc. 8 - Os novos movimentos sociais, enquanto novos sujeitos polticos potenciais surgem de dentro da prpria mquina burocrtica do Estado operando mudanas que no mudam nada, como no caso do IPHAN no Brasil. Nesses termos, a democracia convertida em tcnica, seja de representao, de participao, de gerenciamento, constitui a forma social da sociedade (SAB) em organizao social e da poltica em tcnica de administrao dela mesma. BASTOS, R. L.. 2010. Uma arqueologia dos desaparecidos. Identidades vulnerveis e memrias partidas. Superintendncia IPHAN/SP, So Paulo, p. 161. 9 - It has been usual to commemorate the Instituto do Patrimnio Histrico e Artstico Nacionals foundation as in November 30th of 1937. In my view, it is analogous to state that the foundation of the Brazilian liberal and constitutional State had been in March 25th of 1824, ignoring the role of the autocratic empire of Dom Pedro I. 10 - This ideological role had not had spared even aristocrats as Sr. Rodrigo Melo Franco de Andrade, former director of SPHAN, that since before the foundation of that secretary used to endlessly complain. For example, the letter to his friend Mr. Mario de Andrade in 09.23.1936: Aqui- seu Mario no h seno a gente se conformar com o pis aller. Falta dinheiro para tudo e falta igualmente interesse ativo dos dirigentes. Imagine voc que at agora no tenho sequer verba para remunerar a comisso central de tombamento. Por isto mesmo estou tomando alturas: caso me compenetre da impossibilidade de aparelhar descentemente esse servio, direi com franqueza ao Capanema que melhor desistir de tudo (...) Jornal do Brasil, 01.28.1969: O Sr. Rodrigo Melo Franco tambm diz ter sido falsa e caluniosa a afirmao de que a denominada Casa da Baronesa doada Unio para sede regional do Departamento do Patrimnio Histrico e Artstico Nacional, em Ouro Preto, tenha servido para hospedar convidados seus e do chefe do distrito, cujas despesas com refeies e bebidas, pagas pelo patrimnio, atingiram cifras enormes (...) O DPHAN nunca disps de numerrio para atender satisfatoriamente s despesas com servios essenciais de suas atribuies e ainda para hospedagens que lhe custassem quantias considerveis. Coletnea de textos sobre o patrimnio cultural. 1987. Rodrigo e o SPHAN. MinC, Rio de Janeiro, p. 42, 120-121. 11 - Dentro das mudanas perpetuadas pelo avano da arqueologia no Brasil, a partir da normatizao dos procedimentos de arqueologia preventiva, no Iphan podemos identificar a reao sua insero na sociedade, dada os constantes boicotes operados por segmentos reacionrios que insistem em no reconhecer o papel transformador que a arqueologia vem efetuando nos mais longnquos rinces do Brasil. (...) No alimentamos iluses de que tudo ser bom para desconsiderarem o novo pensamento: o silncio primeiro, a calnia em seguida e, enfim, a invalidao intelectual, tudo naturalmente em nome da cincia. BASTOS, R. L.. 2010. Uma arqueologia dos desaparecidos. Identidades vulnerveis e memrias partidas. Superintendncia IPHAN/SP, So Paulo, p. 19 e 160. 12 - PIRES, M. J. S. e RAMOS, P. O termo modernizao conservadora: sua origem e utilizao no Brasil. in:REN-Revista Econmica do Nordeste. Volume 40, n 3, julho-setembro 2009. 13 - There still is an adage amidst the old political elites of the Rio Grande do Sul State, attributed to Dr. Julio de Castilhos, an old oligarch: Para os amigos tudo, para os adversrios a fora da lei. 14 - LOMBROSO, C.. 1891. Man of genius, London. 15 - Essas elites, que pretendem guiar seus pases em direo ao progresso contnuo, alm da modernidade, so as mesmas que mantm o maior ndice de concentrao de terra e riqueza no mundo, que tomam a Europa e os Estados Unidos da Amrica do Norte como modelo, mas insistem em perpetuar as realidades feudais para manter os seus privilgios imediatos; essas elites ainda devem prestar contas

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 humanidade sobre o que fazem. BASTOS, R. L.. 2010. Uma arqueologia dos desaparecidos. Identidades vulnerveis e memrias partidas. Superintendncia IPHAN/SP, So Paulo, p. 16. 16 - Moreover it has been bequeathed by IPHAN as a bright inheritance, the task of sugarcoating poverty as amusing iconography about the historical Brazilian inequality through what is nowadays knows as immaterial heritage. By the way, it loves to produce coffee-table books. 17 - According to Dr. Bastos: O patrimnio histrico do Brasil tem sua origem orgnica no projeto modernista de Mario de Andrade (1937). BASTOS, R. L.. 2010. Uma arqueologia dos desaparecidos. Identidades vulnerveis e memrias partidas. Superintendncia IPHAN/SP, So Paulo, p. 167. 18 - CONSIDERANDO que a chancela da Paisagem Cultural Brasileira valoriza a relao harmnica com a natureza, estimulando a dimenso afetiva com o territrio e tendo como premissa a qualidade de vida da populao. 19 - consensual hoje, entre os pensadores da arqueologia, que toda a cultura material arqueolgica. Desde jardins, ruas, artefatos, edificaes, templos, escolas, hospitais, talhas domsticas, etc., etc., e todas as atividades humanas que modificam a natureza e originaram a cultura material. BASTOS, R. L.. 2010. Uma arqueologia dos desaparecidos. Identidades vulnerveis e memrias partidas. Superintendncia IPHAN/SP, So Paulo, p. 29. 20 - Artigo 8 - Fica institudo, no mbito do Ministrio da Cultura, o Programa Nacional do Patrimnio Imaterial, visando implementao de poltica especfica de inventrio, referenciamento e valorizao desse patrimnio. 21 - Como destaca David Harvey: Capitalismo , por necessidade, tecnolgica e organizacionalmente dinmico. Isso decorre em parte das leis coercitivas, que impelem os capitalistas individuais a inovaes em busca de lucro. Mas a mudana organizacional e tecnolgica tambm tem papel-chave na modificao da dinmica da luta de classes, movida por ambos os lados., no domnio dos mercados de trabalho e do controle do trabalho. Alm disso, se o controle do trabalho essencial para a produo de lucros e se torna uma questo mais ampla do ponto de vista do modo de regulamentao, a inovao organizacional e tecnolgica do sistema regulatrio (como o aparelho do Estado, sistemas polticos de incorporao e representao etc) se torna crucial para a perpetuao do capitalismo. Deriva em parte dessa necessidade a ideologia de que o progresso tanto inevitvel como bom. HARVEY, D.. 2006. Condio Pos-moderna. Edies Loyola, So Paulo, 15 edio. 22 - Art. 5 - 2 - O resultado final esperado um Programa de Resgate Arqueolgico fundamentado em critrios precisos de significncia cientfica dos stios arqueolgicos ameaados que justifique a seleo dos stios a serem objeto de estudo em destaque, em detrimento de outros, e a metodologia a ser empregada nos estudos. Art. 6 - 1 - nesta fase que devero ser realizados os trabalhos de salvamento arqueolgico nos stios selecionados na fase anterior, por meio de escavaes exaustivas registro detalhado de cada stio e de seu entorno e coleta de exemplares estatisticamente significativos da cultura material contida em cada stio arqueolgico. 23 - Artigo 7. As jazidas arqueolgicas ou pr-histricas de qualquer natureza, no manifestadas e registradas nas formas dos arts. 4 e 6 desta lei, so consideradas, para todos os efeitos, bens patrimoniais da Unio. Artigo 17. A posse e a salvaguarda dos bens de natureza arqueolgica ou prhistrica constituem, em principio, direito imanente ao Estado. 24 - The possibility of turning blind eyes over archaeological material smuggling activities would not be limited to the civil servant omission, but forward to the spreading of the underworld businesses into the State apparatus as an upshot of the increasing failing of the own State within a juncture of capitalist crisis. On the one hand, the nation State has always needed of the underworld since its foundation, because the capitalist political power has never had any legitimacy by itself, having in the intelligence departments its institutional links and in its operatives its main agents. You can see it from Francis Drake to Coronel Oliver North, for example. But, on the other hand, things may spiral out of control as regarding to what has happened in Columbia and Mexico, where even tough repressive legislation to curb underworld activities have been useless. And the remains of jackal oligarchies are eager to fulfill their new role. By the way, a typical late capitalism postmodern phenomenon according to Frederic Jamenson: Postmodernity could then be seen as a dialectical saturation in which the hitherto semi-autonomous subsystems of these various social levels threaten to become autonomous tout court, and generate a very different ideological picture of complexity as dispersed multiplicity and infinite fission than the progressive one afforded by the preceding stage of modernity. JAMENSON, F.. 2002. Archaeologies of the future: the desire called utopia and other science fictions. Verso, p. 15.

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