Discuss why part-time and flexible working arrangements are more widespread in some European countries than others.

Discuss why part-time and flexible working arrangements are more widespread in some European countries than others. Within Europe there is substantial variation in the part-time and flexible working arrangements from one country to the next, this is due to numerous different causes, some of which are more prevalent than others. For a start, from one country to the next there are underlying differences in culture and history affecting not only the society around them but also the people s underlying beliefs, attitudes, perceptions and values. These contribute to everything within an individual s life, from the way they raise a family, their everyday life, their view on the world and of course what jobs they may desire or value. Of course the nature of the job market within a country is dependent on the country s own development and beliefs, and thus policy formation within it. However, I believe this to be often entwined with those of its citizens and ultimately over time the policies that are introduced are as a result of individuals decision making. I am going to explore some of the key differences between select European countries part-time and flexible working arrangements and hope to point out some of the major contributors to those differences. Only by analysing the past can we understand how these countries job market has evolved into what they are today. Part-time and flexible working arrangements on a large scale are relatively speaking a recent development. It s generally agreed upon that part-time employment is influenced by supply and demand and the recent structural shift towards a service and knowledge economy (Rasmussen, E. 2004). One of the main attractions of part-time work is the flexibility it offers. This is not just for the employee but also the employer. For the employee their individual circumstances may make a full time job impossible but still need a form of income. The ability to work different days each week gives the employee the empowerment to fit their job around their other commitments, or vice versa. The individual attraction to part-time work is infinite, there is however often trends that form whereby particular groups have a higher tendency to seek part-time flexibility such as women, youths, elderly etc but I will discuss this more later. For the employer again the attraction of a flexible workforce, or at least partially, entails an array of possible benefits. These will vary from country to country but some of the common attractions are the ability to choose when they have more employees working, for example in retail the weekends bring with them much higher levels of customers. To be able to hire part-time work for when it s needed saves

money and therefore increases efficiency. Flexible work allows companies to become more competitive and thus with its introduction came the re-shaping of the labour force. The quality of part-time work also varies from one country to the next and is often dependent on national differences in labour laws, trade unions bargaining power and strategies as well as welfare policies and rights. Public policy is also a big contributor to the formation of the working conditions, including welfare benefits, childcare facilities, taxation and employment regulations (Rasmussen, E. 2004). These can help to overcome some of the possible negatives associated with part-time work such as the treatment by the employer. Sometimes companies think less of part-time employees than they might with full-time ones, as a sort of disposable asset. With proper policy protection part-timers can be spared from such treatment. Often though the relationship is more of a positive one whereby both parties appreciate the flexibility in the relationship. The demands of both the employer and employee s private life can be met. Part-time work also acts as an escape from unemployment whether temporary whist looking for full time work or a long term basis (possibly involuntarily). Two countries within Europe that have particularly interesting approaches to part-time work are that of the Netherlands and Denmark. The data supplied in Divergence in Part-Time Work in New Zealand, the Netherlands and Denmark written by Erling Rasmussen, Jens Lind and Jelle Visser, presents interesting differences in their part-time labour markets. In the Netherlands the number of total jobs available increased by 2% per annum from 1983-2000. This is four times the EU average and one of the main contributors to this was undoubtedly the huge increase in part-time work, which consisted of three quarters of these jobs. The majority of these jobs were taken by women and by 2000 they held 63% of them. Now in the Netherlands 40% of the total workforce consists of part-time work. From the employer s perspective it meant access to new labour supply that could help to meet extra demand and meant longer business hours could be worked without having to pay overtime pay to full time employees. In the 1990s the Netherland s main union confederation, FNV began to fight for equal rights between part-time and full-time employees, male or female (Passchier and Sprenger 1997). The gap between part-time and full-time employee benefits began to shrink. Pension schemes were introduced entitling an individualised pension that is unrelated to earnings; these were based on citizenship as opposed to employment (Ginn

and Arber 1998). Today over 90% of Dutch workers are covered by such pensions which if fully matured will equal 70% of the employee s final or average salary. With the increasing attractiveness of part-time work it s no wonder it is so popular in the Netherlands. Employees claim to work part-time for a variety of reasons including the preference for leisure and study time as well as responsibilities such as motherhood. The earnings differences between part-time and full-time workers within the same occupation are either minimal or nonexistent depending if they work in the public or private sector. In Denmark the situation is very different, although it too is a social democratic welfare state. In the 1960s in Denmark there was a sudden demand for work from females which was satisfied by an increase in the number of part-time jobs available. However in the 1970s there was a sudden decline in the number of females in part-time work, this decline continued right up to the present day. This was a fall from about 48% of the female population right down to about 16%. This is partly because between the early 1970s to the late 1980s the standard full-time working week dropped from 44 hours to 37 hours, an attractive 7 hour reduction, but also as Lind claims because changes in unemployment insurance have made part time work less attractive (Lind 1998: 13). So working part-time it was difficult to claim unemployment benefits, but to receive full employment benefits they must work near enough full-time instead. Another suggestion is that employers were growing an increasing preference for full-time employee as they are more involved and thus accumulate greater skills and knowledge which in turn made them more valuable employees (Andersen, 1997). Legislative changes also contributed to making part-time work less beneficial, but at the same time unemployment benefits were high and those in lower paid jobs received little more than if they didn t work at all. It is therefore apparent that social factors might also play a part in female decision making related to work. In both countries efforts were made to tackle the negative factors associated with part-time work, and both have a tendency for females to fill such roles. This female orientated gender distribution towards part-time employment is however changing as more men and especially youths fill these jobs. Traditionally men would become involved in part-time work at the start and end of their careers with the majority middle section full-time. For women it has typically been the 25-45yr olds that would fill part-time positions as Motherhood meant full-time work was no longer an option. Now the 30-50yr old age bracket is the lowest

involvement in part-time work, with either the younger or elder women wanting such positions instead. In Denmark about 60% of part-time employees are below 30 years old and 42% are under 24. In the Netherlands 30% are under the age of 24, slightly less. It is claimed increased participation in further education might contribute towards this youth driven workforce. After all part-time work is often ideal for students. Whilst having to pay for education as well as living costs and so on, it can often be found necessary to have a side income to live off. From observing the differences between the Netherlands and Denmark it s evidential the State plays a large part in sculpting conditions within the job market. Partly due to the past negative attitudes often associated with part-time work, it has proved to be somewhat popular with non-citizens and immigrants who are looking for work. The State s policy on citizenship and immigration can therefore have a direct impact on the market. Countries such as Germany, Austria, Switzerland and Belgium tend to promote differential exclusion through policies such as the guest worker program. This however can unintentionally result in further negative views on part-time work and it s claimed the guest worker programs have resulted in the perception of second rate jobs/workers. Other countries such as Denmark, France and the UK (in the 1960s) have allowed the assimilation of workers, whereby immigrants and others are treated more similarly to the rest of the labour workforce. An example of which in France, their national census data does not record ethnicity or race. As we have found out from the Denmark/Netherlands comparison, the State s policies on family and work-life balance appear to be large contributors toward people s decision to opt for part or full-time work, especially with a large proportion of females seeking flexible work arrangements. Within the EU there is a general divide between the more traditional and possibly dated view and those introducing more modern policy. The more traditional Conservative/Institutional countries such as Germany, France and Italy provide fewer benefits such as lacking childcare facilities; instead informal unpaid care is more common. Some even offer financial compensation for mothers to stay at home instead of looking for work. Other more traditional approaches include that of the UK s Liberal view where again informal unpaid childcare is prevalent and mothers often have to choose between part-time work or no work. There are however emerging policies causing a shift to a more modern flexible job market. Latin Rim countries such as Spain, Portugal, Italy

and Greece also have informal unpaid care as standard, and mothers must choose between full-time work and unemployment. These seem to be rather less effective at job creation than the more Liberal or Social Democratic countries such as Denmark, Finland, Sweden and Norway. Here it is more common for there to be a strong support for childcare facilities accompanied by more flexible working arrangements such as parental leave. This approach is much more effective at promoting part-time work and successfully reduces negative attitudes towards it. The popularity of part-time and flexible working arrangements as we have established relies heavily on people s perceptions of them. Throughout Europe in the past negative perceptions put people off part-time work, but as emerging economic, technological and organizational challenges as well as political and legal changes have made these arrangements easier (ILO 2009), people have and are becoming more accepting towards the benefits they can present. From comparing the fundamental differences between some of these European countries, we have established the understanding that the progress made is heavily dependent on the State s cultural and political views. Some of the more traditional views such as conservative appeared to be less successful at job creation and at changing people s negative prejudice. Other s such as the Scandinavian State s proved to be adapting to the changing demands from modern lifestyles much quicker. This is reliant on how well they have managed to improve the rights and benefits associated with part-time work. The better these are, and more similar they are to that with full-time work, the more people have been accepting towards part-time options. Often the attitudes of the people have changed and they understand the advantages of flexible working conditions but the behaviour of policy makers has yet to take advantage of this, leaving a tendency to choose full-time jobs instead. In the years to come I believe the acceptance and evolution of parttime and flexible working arrangements throughout Europe will continue, yet with some cultures remaining more resilient to change than others, the rate at which will vary from one country to the next.

References y Rasmussen, E., J. Lind and J. Visser (2004) Divergence in part-time work in New Zealand, the Netherlands and Denmark . British Journal of Industrial Relations 42(4):637-658 y Fleetwood, S. (2007) Why work-life balance now? International Journal of Human Resource Management, 18(3):387-400 y y Passchier,C. E. And Sprenger, W. (1997). Actieve Flexibilisering. Amsterdam: FNV. Ginn, J. and Arber, S. (1998). How does part-time work lead to low pension income? . In J. O Reilly and C. Fagan (eds), Part-Time Prospects. London: Routledge. y Lind, J. (1998). Trends in the regulation of employment relations in Denmark . International Journal of Employment Studies, 6: 1-16. y Andersen, T. (1997). Do institutions matter? Convergence and national diversity in the restructuring of employment in British and Danish banking . European Journal of Industrial Relations, 3: 107-24. y The International Labour Organisation website- visited 07/01/10 http://www.ilo.org/public/english/dialogue/themes/ce.htm