The Molly Maguires:

Vigilante Miners With A Cause

Kyle R. Snyder Senior Thesis Professor Barbara Headle University of Colorado at Colorado Springs
Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 1 of 32

From the mid 1860s through the 1870s, the United States endured recovery and reconstruction as a result of the Civil War. But in eastern Pennsylvania, there was another struggle being fought within the anthracite coal region. The struggle that ensued was not a quarrel to free a particular race, gender, or to unite a nation. The fight was for the safety and economic well being of the miners working hundreds of feet below the surface vacating underground caves of their precious resource of anthracite coal. Many of these individuals were Irish immigrants recently entering America in the hopes of acquiring prosperity and enhancing their economic situation. In reality, they found labor controlled by a stingy and powerful industry whose economic profit meant more than the safety, well being, and fair payment of its laborers. This unfair treatment led to the formation of labor unions who would organize for the rights of the miners. The first authentic mining union to form in the coal region began in the spring of 1849. Formed under the name of the General Bates Union, the organization shared many principles and similarities to the trade unionism movements of England. The movement appealed to the men working in the Pennsylvania coal fields because it gave the miners the opportunity to raise their concerns without reprisal. The union had demanded a diminution in working hours, the eradication of wage payments in orders on company stores, and limitations on the total production of coal. Although the General Bates Union was a local union with no national support, it still numbered between four and five thousand members. Despite its size, the union proved to be unimportant to the industry, and set precedence for future mine unions to materialize. It also had a significant impact on the disclosure of complaints by the miners and on the methods to improve the status of these men.
Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 2 of 32

In May of 1849, a strike was ordered to force the mining industry to compromise on the grievances of the miners. It was enforced by bands of miners, often armed with weapons, who went from colliery to colliery compelling non-sympathetic miners to strike with them. The strike lasted for several weeks mainly because the coal mine owners refused to meet with the union leaders to arrange for conditions to terminate the strike. After several more weeks of negotiations, an agreement was settled upon to cease the strike because of compromises by both parties. The organization survived until the fall of 1850 when it was disbanded because the union president and founder, John Bates of Saint Clair, absconded with the contents of its treasury.1 Although the General Bates Union failed when John Bates abandoned the union, it was highly unlikely that the organization would survive for an extended period of time. The organization lacked many resources that a larger union could provide. The union members were miners who eventually would give in to the demands of the mine owners because the union did not have large monetary resources to support the cause. Miners were left without pay, food, and sometime shelter while the union struggled to raise funds to maintain the strikes. The General Bates Union also had flaws in its organization. John Bates did not have the backing of major investors, lawyers, and technicians to support the strikes. There were no supporting structures to branch out and quickly organize the miners in the different coal fields. Often the miners were torn between monetary gain through continued work and the desire to improve conditions by participating in the strike. Often, these predicaments would cause the strikes to fail because the employees of one mine may have been persuaded to strike while many
1

J. Walter Coleman, The Molly Maguire Riots: Industrial Conflict in the Pennsylvania Coal Region (New York: Arno Press, 1969), 23.

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others were unsympathetic to the struggle and would refuse to strike. This allowed for coal to still be produced in other coal fields. If one coal mine went on strike and failed to attain the support of the workers in fields throughout the region, the strike would then be negated. Following the General Bates Union, the only unions that formed between 1850 and 1868 were local unions. These unions were doomed to the same consequences and failures of the General Bates Union. Although the labor unions that laid their roots early in the anthracite region would not have any overwhelming achievements toward improving conditions concerning the long term advancement of coal miner issues, they did provide the necessary groundwork for a more influential organization to base itself upon. With time, the Molly Maguires would emerge as the primary, yet secretive, labor union of the anthracite coal region in eastern Pennsylvania during this period. They did not have a political agenda or an invested interest in anything outside the fair treatment of those employed by the coal and railroad industry. The Molly Maguires were an organization, who in spite of tremendous odds, managed to counteract the anti-union society of the coal and rail industry of northeastern Pennsylvania through concealment, intimidation, and when required, aggression, in order to acquire safer conditions and a justified economic retribution for those employed by the industry. The primary setting for the Molly Maguire legend is centered in four counties in Pennsylvania: Columbia, Carbon, Northumberland, and Schuylkill,2 although most of the key events took place in Carbon and Schuylkill counties. The organization was active from 1862 until 1879 when the last execution of Peter McManus, and Ancient Order of
2

H.T. Crown and Mark T. Major, A Guide to the Molly Maguires (Schuylkill Historical Society: Pottsville, Pennsylvania, 1995), 4. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 4 of 32

Hibernians bodymaster from Coal Run, took place. The trials, convicting captured known members of the Molly Maguires for the murders of high ranking officials in the coal and rail industry throughout the region, took place in Mauch Chunk, Carbon County, in 1876 and 1878, Bloomsburg, Columbia County, in 1877, Lebanon, Lebanon County, in 1875, Sunbury, Northumberland County, in 1878, and Pottsville, Schuylkill County, in 1876 and 1877. Documentation providing information about or proving the existence of the organization known as the Molly Maguires cannot readily be found. Adding to the strife of a researcher, many of the locations have changed dramatically since the Molly Maguires operated. This only complicated things further because the Mollies operated through secret works and did not maintain any written documentation of their meetings or actions. There is only one known work about the organization published during the period of their operations that can accurately recreate the environment in which the Mollies flourished. The book is called The Molly Maguires by F.P. Dewees. Dewees work was originally published in 1877 during the heart of the Molly trials. His book is heavily biased towards the coal and rail industries denouncement of the Mollies, because any support of the organization would raise suspicion about Dewees participation as a member or sympathizer of the Mollie Maguires. Although biased, the book provides an accurate assessment of the region and its struggles during the period. The majority of sources that can be found featuring the Molly Maguires derive from newspaper reports or heavily biased interviews of disgruntled miners or coal and rail industry figures. The interviews should be considered heavily biased, including the interviews from those claiming to be members of the Molly Maguires. Within the
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organization, some members claimed they performed crimes they did not actually perform in an attempt to gain status and payment for the deed. Further complicating historical research and making the topic extremely difficult to recreate, many of the structures and locations of key landmarks have been altered since the events occurred. The mines have been closed, filled in, or abandoned. Key roads have been rerouted to accommodate new community developments, transportation routes, and technologies. And key structures have either been destroyed or modernized, stripping them of their heritage. Of the buildings that remain, very few are as they were in the 1860s and 1870s. The driving force behind the influx of miners was the readily available resource of anthracite coal throughout the region. Anthracite coal was first discovered in 1790 by a hunter named Necho Allen near Ashland, Pennsylvania. Legend tells of how Allens campfire ignited an outcropping of hard anthracite at the base of Broad Mountain. When he awoke, he was startled to find a rather large fire burning because of the ignition of the outcropping. When anthracite coal burns, it produces energy, has an even heat flow, and a high level of British Thermal Units (BTUs) when compared to other fuels. It has low sulfur and high carbon content making it one of the cleanest burning fuels on the planet. Anthracite also produces no smoke making it friendlier to use than wood during the period. The first iron furnace that utilized anthracite coal as a heat source was built along the Schuylkill River in 1795. This symbolized the beginning of the anthracite era as the driving force behind the industrial revolution of America. By 1808 anthracite was being shipped commercially down the Susquehanna River towards larger ports. It was utilized
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throughout the civil war and even helped the confederates avoid detection as they crossed the blockades of the Union Army. They would burn the anthracite in their furnaces because it did not produce smoke, thus making them undetectable to the Union soldiers. The uses of anthracite continued to grow and from the middle to late 1800s until the 1950s it would serve as the primary fuel for heating buildings and homes across the northern United States. The connection between the Molly Maguires of the United States and the Molly Maguires of Ireland is one that has baffled many historians. Essentially, the Molly Maguires can be tied to a variety of organizations originating in Ireland. The roots will never be completely known but James McParlan, the secret detective agent who penetrated the surreptitious circles of the Molly Maguires, made many attempts in order to explain their lineage. McParlan stated early in his investigation that the Molly Maguires had originated in Ireland and made its way to the United States through their heavy ties to Great Britain. He told of how in the 1950s, the Mollies and an Irish militaristic union organization named the Ribbonmen were the same organization acting under different designations. The Ribbonmen were eventually dismantled by the Irish authorities, but a majority of its membership emigrated to England and Scotland. In these two countries the former Ribbonmen operated under the guise of the Ancient Order of Hibernians.3 The Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH) is an organization comprised entirely of Irish Catholics. In order to be a member one must be a catholic and be born in Ireland or of Irish descent. It was first started in New York City in 1836, as sentries to
3

Kevin Kenny, Making Sense of the Molly Maguires (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 17. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 7 of 32

safeguard Catholic Churches from anti-Catholic influences of the middle nineteenth century. It played a secondary roll to assist and protect Irish Catholic immigrants from the discriminations they received during this period. It also served as a central location for political activity amongst Irish-American citizens. Throughout his investigation, McParlan had made many claims as to the real source of the organization, none of which contained factual data. Dewees presented further claims, making arguments such as: no connection is known to exist between the Ribbonmen and Molly Maguires of Ireland and the Molly Maguires of the coal region, withoutand of that there is no present proofsuch connections should be through the Ancient Order of Hibernians. The Mollies have often committed outrages here that resembles in the minutest details the crimes of their prototypes across the ocean, and this, too, without one single mitigating circumstance to relieve their horrid enormity. The Molly Maguire of the coal region comes into existence without cause, or pretense of a cause, in the past or present history of this country.4 Despite all the claims of where the Molly Maguires of the United States originated, there is no evidence directly linking them to the Ribbonmen or Ancient Order of Hibernians. Although, many Mollies were members of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, the Hibernians often denounced the organization and their actions as being criminal and against the teachings of the organization. Even if an organization showed public displeasure with the Mollies, this did not deter the Mollies from obtaining membership within these organizations. The Catholic Church had denounced and excommunicated all those who were Mollies. They claimed that those fighting the coal industry were going against the will of God and would never be accepted into the Kingdom of Heaven. The spiritual denouncement of these men
4

F.P. Dewees, The Molly Maguires (New York: Burt Franklin, 1877), 44. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 8 of 32

was an important yet ineffective tactic to stop the Mollies. To the Molly Maguires and Irish population: religion is to them a very simple matter; to pay their priest his dues, to communicate now and then, getting absolved after confession; after which they return refreshed to the commission of crimes planned in secret meetings which are opened with prayer. If their crimes are detected and the gallows becomes their doom, they confess at last, not to the public they have outraged, but to their priest in private, whose absolution they regard as a passport to heaven, when they die with a lie in their mouths.5 With the threat of denouncement and excommunication from the Church, the congregation felt that such words and acts have no deterring effect on the Irish population. They are regarded as mere formalities of clerical duty, which may be disobeyed without penal consequences, the confessional being always open, and absolution never refused to the penitent.6 No matter what a Molly Maguire did, if he had the forgiveness of a priest through confession, his rite of passage into heaven was guaranteed. The concept of perpetual forgiveness allowed the frustrations of the miners to be carried out through violence and form into a well organized group where the rights of the miners would prevail. The larger organizations of the Ancient Order of Hibernians and the Catholic Church had allowed for the miners to organize in groups of individuals with common interests. These settings gave the miners a safe haven to vent their frustrations. Their frustrations were one of many factors which drove the formation of the Molly Maguires. The most prevalent of these conditions included payment for labor. In 1821 the total production of anthracite coal in Pennsylvania was 1,322 tons. By 1880, at the end of
5

J. Walter Coleman, The Molly Maguire Riots: Industrial Conflict in the Pennsylvania Coal Region (New York: Arno Press, 1969), 29. 6 Ibid., 29. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 9 of 32

Molly Maguire regime, the total tonnage of coal production had increased to 28,649,812.7 The increase in production from the 1820s through the 1880s (see Appendix I) created many more jobs within the region. The necessary supply of labor could be regulated without difficulty because of a continuous foreign immigration into the region.8 Many of these new immigrants could easily be induced to come to the coal regions on the promise of work, and forced to labor at very low wages [because] work was not plentiful elsewhere.9 They were hired at ports of immigration and loaded onto trains owned by the coal company which were attached to the back of coal cars. From there, they would be transported to the coal region hubs, such as, Pottsville, Tamaqua, and Mauch Chunk, where they would disperse to the mines and coal patches. The new laborers were forced to work in the mines because travel was costly and difficult10 for the new laborers who often had little money and no prospects for work elsewhere. Throughout the 1800s few industries had greater opportunities for exploiting workmen, and in few industries was the treatment more bitterly resented11 than that of the miners in the coal fields of eastern Pennsylvania. Once the laborers were forced into the work of the mine they would discover that payment was not always in the form of money. The coal industry and mine owners typically owned every aspect of the territory, transportation, and production. The terrain of the anthracite region is far from ideal for any agricultural gain. Due to the Appalachian Mountains, much of the land that would be profitable to farming during the
7

J. Walter Coleman, The Molly Maguire Riots: Industrial Conflict in the Pennsylvania Coal Region (New York: Arno Press, 1969), 6. 8 Ibid., 3. 9 Ibid., 3. 10 Ibid., 3. 11 Ibid., 3. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 10 of 32

1800s, was confined to a few localities12 in the region. Growing crops was not an option for the laborers who were forced to live close to the mines. This meant that the food the miners consumed had to be purchased from a store close to the laborers home, which was owned by the mine owners as well. Although the mine owners never formally required that the employees purchase their goods from the company store, a pressure was applied by laying off those who refused to purchase the goods from them or through harder labor tasks. For the employees and families that did make their purchases from these stores, some were granted favoritism by giving them lighter duties which would allow them to make the same pay but with fewer deductions and lighter work, typically outside the mine. In many instances these goods were sold at higher than average costs. In an effort to ensure their prices were never questioned by the miners, the mine owners would deduct the cost of groceries directly from the laborers paycheck. The operators policy of charging miners for various articles, quite aside from the equity of the price, was the source of continuous dissatisfaction between employer and employee.13 Further enraging the laborers, who were already disgruntled about the low wages they received, they often were forced to pay rent to the coal and rail industry because their place of tenancy was often owned by their employer as well. The rent was deducted just like the food before they ever were given their pay. The collieries had two main methods of paying their employees. The first way was through the use of day wages. This meant that they were paid for the work they performed only during that day. These wages were extremely fluid because the wages were based off of the current price the coal was being sold at. The second way was
12 13

F.P. Dewees, The Molly Maguires (New York: Burt Franklin, 1877), 21. J. Walter Coleman, The Molly Maguire Riots: Industrial Conflict in the Pennsylvania Coal Region (New York: Arno Press, 1969), 13. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 11 of 32

through the contract system. The contract system meant that the miners were set specific wages for each duty and promised the predetermined wages for the labor they performed. This method was the most commonly used but contract labor had its disadvantages as the miner was charged for incidental expenses which were deducted from his pay.14 Some of these deductions included the kegs of powder used to blast the coal, oil to lubricate tools, picks and associated sharpening costs, and drill bits to place the powder charges. Even more, typically one third of the miners gross pay, was given to the laborer who spent his day filling the coal cars with the loose coal dug by the miner. It was not uncommon for the total deductions to add up to equal or more than the amount the miner made that pay period. In some cases the work performed in the mines was free labor for the mine owners because they controlled every aspect of the miners life. Any extra money was typically spent in the local pubs, which also were regulated and owned by the mine owners. Another avenue for any excess funds was utilized bribing their supervisors for lighter duty. No matter what the miners task was, the opportunity for favoritism was always present, and every miner faced the necessity of standing in the good graces of his immediate supervisor. If the boss wished to do so, there was little to prevent him from levying petty graft in the form of bribery for giving a man a soft job or for retaining him in any kind of job.15 The bribery was levied from all aspects of the colliery from the miners to the scale recorder. Often the men operating the scale were private security agents for the colliery and would
14

J. Walter Coleman, The Molly Maguire Riots: Industrial Conflict in the Pennsylvania Coal Region (New York: Arno Press, 1969), 13. 15 J. Walter Coleman, The Molly Maguire Riots: Industrial Conflict in the Pennsylvania Coal Region (New York: Arno Press, 1969), 12. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 12 of 32

record less than what the miner had brought out of the mine. This meant the miner and laborer received less payment and the kickback was rewarded to the scale operator. To complicate matters further, the local police force was often the security force of the mine. They were paid directly from the coal companies profit and would spend more time protecting the number one resource, the mine, than that of the workers in the towns. Disputes would often go in favor of what was best for the mine and not what was best for the town. The corruption in the mines ran rampant as every aspect of the industry strived towards advancement. Another driving factor behind the labor revolts and formation of the Molly Maguires was the increasing dangers within the mines. Much of the work being performed deep underground was unregulated and provided no protection for the new laborers. Workers went into mines with almost no legislation to protect their lives, let alone their pursuit of happiness. In 1871, 112 men were killed in the Pennsylvania anthracite mines and 339 permanently injured. In seven years, around that date 566 men were killed and 1,665 permanently injured.16 Increasingly the work within the mines was becoming more dangerous due to various labor practices performed in early coal mining. Tactics such as pillar robbing, the systematic removal of pillars supporting a mine, were often used to save money on new materials and reuse old materials in parts of the mine which were no longer valuable for mining. The tactic was unregulated and new supports could be charged to the miner. This led to unsafe removals and cave-ins which often would collapse the mine further than the area that was abandoned, thus killing innocent miners.
16

James D. Horan and Howard Swiggett, The Pinkerton Story (New York: Van Rees Press, 1951), 127. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 13 of 32

In 1869, the conditions of the mines had reached a breaking point. The influx of new immigrants had driven the wages paid to the miners down because those working in the mines were easily replaced by new miners. These new, rookie miners caused the rate of injuries to increase and the working conditions continued to deteriorate for economic prosperity of the mine owners. Then on September 6, 1869, at the Avondale mine in Luzerne County, a fire erupted inside the mine. Those who perished in the fire were suffocated to death by the toxic fumes because they were not provided an alternate exit to the mine. In all 110 coal miners perished in the fire.17 Events like this were not uncommon throughout the region. the mine owners without one single exception had refused over the years to install emergency exits, ventilating and pumping systems, or to make provision for sound scaffolding. In Schuylkill County alone 566 miners had been killed and 1,655 had been seriously injured over a seven year period18 When the bodies of those who died in the Avondale mine were being brought out, the head of the Workmens Benevolent Association, John Siney, made a compelling speech to the miners who had gathered from local communities at the disaster site. Approximately 10,000 miners watched as Siney climbed onto a wagon and declared that: if you must die with your boots on, die for your families, your homes, your country, but do not longer consent to die, like rats in a trap, for those who have no more interest in you than in the pick you dig with.19

Richard O. Boyer and Herbert M. Morais, Labors Untold Story (New York: United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers of America, 1976), 44-45. 18 Ibid., 46. 19 Richard O. Boyer and Herbert M. Morais, Labors Untold Story (New York: United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers of America, 1976), 45. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 14 of 32
17

The need for a labor organization was apparent20 and urgently needed during this time period in eastern Pennsylvania. The mining industry, particularly in this region, was overwhelmed with corruption and dangerous practices. This often would result in men being killed or being forced to work for almost no pay. With the continual failures of the unions to gain better conditions for the miners and the leaders of these organizations always remaining in secrecy, the development of secret organizations was to be expected.21 In response to the historical belittling of the Irish population in the region, the Molly Maguires were founded. The first known violent response to the coal and rail industry happened on January 2, 1863. In Coal Castle, James Bergen was attacked and murdered by five armed men.22 The violence began to escalate with more attacks occurring as the years went on. The targets soon became connected as all of those attacked, murdered, or assaulted had a connection to the railroad or coal industry in the region. In sixty days from mid-April to mid-June, 1870, the following known crimes were committed in one county: Foreman of Silver Creek Colliery shot from ambush. Franklin Gowen, president of the Reading, attacked on highway by armed men. Merchant shot on streets of Tamaqua. Bridge watchman beaten up by thugs. House of colliery superintendent fired into. Breaker and Mahanoy City burned. Mine superintendent waylaid and beaten. Farmer mortally wounded on highway. Mine boss murdered.

20

J. Walter Coleman, The Molly Maguire Riots: Industrial Conflict in the Pennsylvania Coal Region (New York: Arno Press, 1969), 27. 21 Ibid., 27. 22 F.P. Dewees, The Molly Maguires (New York: Burt Franklin, 1877), 372. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 15 of 32

All of these crimes were believed to be the work of the secret society known as the Mollie Maguires, a part of or affiliated with, as you may prefer, the Ancient Order of Hibernians.23 In response to the growing violence, the mining industry took a stance for the protection of their invested interests particularly against the Mollies. In October of 1873, the president of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad Company and the Philadelphia and Reading Coal and Iron Company, F. B. Gowen, wrote to the president of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency, Major Allen Pinkerton, requesting Pinkerton call Gowens office. Gowen had a strong backing amongst the coal industry because he had lived in Pottsville and served as the District Attorney for Schuylkill County before he had relocated to Reading. He had managed to persuade the companies to purchase vast amounts of land in the coal region and along the railroads so that the products from the mines could moves exclusively along their property. This cut costs and increased the companys control over the region. The first step was eliminating large scale crime in the locality where the properties resided. Gowen stated that in order To maintain the value of his purchases organized crime must be rooted out.24 This meant he had to eliminate the unions in the region as well as the Molly Maguires. Gowens despise for the organization was very obvious. On several occasions he was renowned for clearly stating his opinion about how "the name of Molly Maguire being attached to a man's name is sufficient to hang him."25 He clearly felt the pressure from the organization and knew his economic advancement was threatened by the
23

James D. Horan and Howard Swiggett, The Pinkerton Story (New York: Van Rees Press, 1951), 128. 24 James D. Horan and Howard Swiggett, The Pinkerton Story (New York: Van Rees Press, 1951), 130. 25 William Cahn, A Pictorial History of American Labor (New York: Crown Publishers, 1972), 126. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 16 of 32

organization. Their impact on the region and ability to secretly commit crimes against the industry clearly played into the Mollies favor. This attitude from a public figure only allowed for the Mollies to gain more support from other miners who may not have been Mollies but supported their cause. Meanwhile, Pinkerton had devised a plan to infiltrate the Molly Maguires with one of his own agents. Because of the delicate nature of the mission, Pinkerton made an arrangement with Gowen that his agent was only authorized to converse with one man inside the region. He also declared that the agent would never be forced to testify during a trial for the things he witnessed while undercover performing his investigation. Gowen agreed to the terms and the process began to select the individual who would infiltrate the secretive organization. Pinkerton selected James McParlan, a native of Ireland, to be converted into the undercover agent. He pulled McParlan into his office and described the delicate assignment. McParlan was then presented the opportunity to refuse the job offer and not lose any reputation in the company. McParlan accepted the mission and began his expedition towards the coal fields of Pennsylvania under the guise of James McKenna. When McParlan arrived in the coal region of Pennsylvania he spent many nights drinking alcohol in the pubs and became notorious for being drunk and spending a horde of money each night. He claimed to the locals that he was looking for work and was finally given a job working in the mines as members of the Molly Maguires did. His additional agent was assigned as a member of the Coal and Iron Police Force in order to intermingle with the crowd and get the dispatches from McParlan out of the region without being detected. By 1864, McParlan had made a name for himself with some
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members of the Molly Maguires. He claimed on numerous occasions that he was a Hibernian in the old country and was out of practice with the signs for quite some time. This bought him some time to understand the secret works and get accepted into the inner workings of the organization. He was escorted around by a man named Lawler who was a member of the organization and vouched for him on many occasions when challenged by other Mollies. Then On April 13 Lawler told McParlan his name was coming up and the Mollies Council the next night.26 It was on this night that McParlan first infiltrated the secret organization. In an effort to maintain his cover, McParlan began to participate in the different exploits that the Molly Maguires would embark upon. He was well liked by some of the local leaders of the organization and was recommended as the next leader of a local chapter of the Mollies. He respectfully declined the offer with the understanding that an unwavering refusal of the position could jeopardize his cover and position in the organization. Claiming his alcoholism and newer status in the organization he was able to escape becoming the supreme leader of the local chapter of the organization but was appointed to the secretary position. From here he was able to gain valuable information about the secret meetings and upcoming crimes that were about to be committed. This also gave him the opportunity to warn the heads of the coal and rail industry about the next attempt on their life and afford them an opportunity to escape the area and spare their life. It was not always easy being undercover. On one occasion McParlan had nearly jeopardized his cover. At the postal station he was confronted by the clerk, who had
James D. Horan and Howard Swiggett, The Pinkerton Story (New York: Van Rees Press, 1951), 135. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 18 of 32
26

connections with the Mollies, and questioned about a letter to both James McParlan and James McKenna. The clerk had noticed that they had the same handwriting and McParlan was able to escape further questioning by stating that he knew the man and would take the letter to him. This close encounter was the catalyst for the collapse of his undercover operation. On several occasions he would leave the area to visit his sister, which was the soubriquet given to the Pinkerton office in Philadelphia, to discuss his findings and any information that may be of significance. The trips began to grasp the attention of another local Molly Maguire leader, John Kehoe. Kehoe was the leader of another local chapter and was renowned as one of the toughest members within the organization. He was known as a level headed yet brute individual who would spare no life if it meant advancement in the state of affairs. Kehoe also was suspicious because on many occasions McParlan would attempt to postpone or call off actions planned by the Molly Maguires against the industry leaders he was surreptitiously assigned to protect. These blunders, combined with the leadership role placed upon McParlan, forced him to remain undercover and conduct his investigation longer and perform harder tasks than he ever expected. With McParlan in a leadership role he was unable to directly witness and participate in the transgressions being committed by the membership of the Mollies. This meant that although he had proof of plans to commit crimes he was unable to verify they were actually committed by those associated with the Molly Maguires and not disgruntled civilians. Not being from the area hampered his quick investigation
Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 19 of 32

strategy as well because he had to build a reputation for himself within the region. He confided to some that he was a fugitive in Buffalo for murder, which helped rationalize his constant money issues and necessity for secrecy. Despite all the advances McParlan made in his investigation, he still felt as if he was never going to be able to obtain enough evidence to have the organization and its members placed on trial. McParlan wrote Pinkerton, I am sick and tired of this thing. I seem to make no progress.27 The frustrations of not being able to complete the job had become a point of great stress for McParlan. Meanwhile, bitter and displeased, Gowen had formed alternative plans in response to the constant union demands and hostilities continuing to be carried out by the Mollies. Dewees notes in 1873 that Gowen had every intention of lessening the power of the labor unions and eliminating the Molly Maguires, if possible. By the end of 1874, Gowen would lead the industry in declaring a twenty percent pay decrease for those working within the mines. This caused further uprising among the miners and on January 1, 1875, the miners began to strike. In response to the strike and in an effort to control the labor movement, Gowen began to authorize a type of vigilante justice. Edward Coyle, a leader of the union and of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, was murdered in March. Another member of the AOH was shot and killed by the Modocs led by one Bradley, a mine superintendent. Patrick Vary, a mine boss, fired into a group of miners and, according to the later boast by Gowen, as the miners "fled they left a long trail of blood behind them". At Tuscarora a meeting of miners was attacked by vigilantes who shot and killed one miner and wounded several others.28
James D. Horan and Howard Swiggett, The Pinkerton Story (New York: Van Rees Press, 1951), 151. 28 Richard O. Boyer and Herbert M. Morais, Labors Untold Story (New York: United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers of America, 1976), 51-52. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 20 of 32
27

By August of 1875, the temperament of the mining industry had transformed into a battlefield where miners were pitted against mine owners. McParlan would provide daily records of his work to the Pinkerton agency with detailed analysis of the events, locations, and people involved. On August 29, 1875, Allen Pinkerton wrote a letter to George Bangs, who was one of Pinkertons superintendents, recommending vigilante action be taken against the Molly Maguires. Pinkerton stated that: The [Molly Maguires] are a species of Thugs... Let Linden get up a vigilance committee. It will not do to get many men, but let him get those who are prepared to take fearful revenge on the [Molly Maguires]. I think it would open the eyes of all the people and then the M.M.'s would meet with their just deserts.29 Following his direction, in December 1875, another attack occurred upon three men and two women in their residence. These individuals were identified by McParlan as Mollies in his reports to Pinkerton. The actions seemingly followed the orders given by Pinkerton himself to show no mercy upon the Molly Maguires. The method by which the attack was carried out deeply disturbed McParlan. He had no issue with justice being brought upon the members of the organization. He felt that they were receiving justice for their connections in terrorizing the labor industry. The matter that disturbed him was that his memos identifying these individuals were becoming available to the vigilante hoards. What distraught McParlan even more was the crimes were now being committed against women and children who he deemed as innocent parties in the coal region. In response to the December 10, 1875 attack McParlan wrote to the Philadelphia office:

29

J. Anthony Lukas, Big trouble: a murder in a small western town sets off a struggle for the soul of America (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1998), 184. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 21 of 32

Friday: This morning at 8 A. M. I heard that a crowd of masked men had entered Mrs. O Donnells houseand had killed James ODonnell alias Friday, Charles ODonnell and James McAllister, also Mrs. McAllister whom they took out of the house and shot (Charles McAllisters wife.) Now as for the ODonnells I am satisfied they got their deserving. I reported what those men were. I give all information about them so clear that the courts could have taken hold of their case at any time but the witnesses were too cowardly to do it. I have also in the interest of God and humanity notified you months before some of those outrages were committed still the authorities took no hold of the matter. Now I wake up this morning to find that I am the murderer of Mrs. McAllister. What had a woman to do with the case-did the Sleepers in their worst time shoot down women. If I were not here the Vigilante Committee would not know who was guilty and when I find them shooting women in their thirst for blood I hereby tender my resignation to take effect as soon as this message is received. It is not cowardice that makes me resign but just let them have it now I will no longer interfere as I see that one is the same as the other and I am not going to be an accessory to the murder of women and children. I am sure the Sleepers will not spare the women so long as the Vigilante has shown the example.30 The letter shows how even McParlan was discouraged by the tactics of the mining industry. The resignation letter was influential in convincing Pinkerton to cease the vigilante violence but also led even further to the unraveling of his secret identity. Only a Molly could have identified the men as Mollies and the attacks against them proved that the organization had a mole. Kehoe became ever more suspicious of McParlan and began to investigate his background. It was not long before the undercover agent was forced to flee because of the threat from Kehoe that he was going to murder McParlan. Kehoe was curt and cold. He said the trial was off and that McParlan better see Father OConnor in Pottsville and clear himself.31 The threat had been made and
30

James D. Horan and Howard Swiggett, The Pinkerton Story (New York: Van Rees Press, 1951), 152. 31 James D. Horan and Howard Swiggett, The Pinkerton Story (New York: Van Rees Press, 1951), 155. Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 22 of 32

McParlan was forced to flee to Philadelphia despite the option of being arrested for his protection and to help dissuade the possibility that he was the conspirator. Upon his arrival in Philadelphia, McParlan met with Allen Pinkerton and was asked if he would testify at the trials for what he had witnessed during his time undercover. After a short time to think it over he agreed he would testify and proved to be influential in the conviction of many Molly Maguires in the anthracite region. His work as an agent had proved successful in exposing the inner workings of a secret organization. The trials of the suspected Molly Maguires began in April of 1875. Dan Dougherty was tried in Lebanon, Lebanon County, for the murder of George Major. But it was not until January of 1876 when the floodgates would open for the trials of the Molly Maguires. In Mauch Chunk the trial of Michael Doyle began for the murder of John P. Jones. The trial became more of a festival than a trial. The courtroom was so packed that some feared the floor would collapse and the crowd would end up in the shoemakers shop below the courtroom.32 By the end of the trial the prosecution had managed to convince the jury that Doyle was guilty, but that he had ties to the Hibernians as well. On February 1st, the jury returned with the verdict. Those on the jury who had found him guilty of first degree murder knew they were now marked men. Doyle was sentenced to be hung on February 23rd. The media attention began to grow for the trials and they became more and more of a point of interest across the region. Newspapers along the eastern seaboard were reporting on the Molly trials and how the vigilantes were finally being put to justice. However, the justice system was just as corrupt as the mines. In the trials of James
32

Wayne G. Broehl, JR., The Molly Maguires (London: Oxford University Press, 1964), 272.

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Carroll, James Boyle, Hugh McGeehan, and James Roarity for the murder of Benjamin Yost in May of 1876 the corruption became apparent. A juror named Levi Stein was admitted to be a juror even though he admitted I dont understand much English.33 Another man named William Becker was admitted to the jury after during questioning he asked to be questioned in Dutch as I am light on EnglishI would not understand the witness. He was accepted after he responded that he was not opposed to hangings.34 This trial was also set to be the trial where James McParlan would testify against the accused. The trial had already become such a spectacle when on May 6th, another decisive blow to the Mollies occurred. In the middle of the trial rumors began to circulate that Mollies were being marched up the street to the prison in Pottsville. As the audience looked outside they saw John Kehoe and ten other Mollies being marched to the prison. Before the trial could be completed Levi Stein fell ill and died resulting in an incomplete trial. The men were retried in July of 1876 and all were found guilty of first degree murder. By the time the trials had ended, twenty Mollies were convicted and sentenced to be hanged. Twenty two men were given jail sentenced equating up to 140.5 years in prison.35 Through all the death sentences and years in prison, the impact of the Molly Maguires had set the stage for future labor movements. The Molly Maguires, although a band of violent miners, were extremely influential in the improvement of conditions within the mines and mining industry. When the industry was skimping on the basic necessities of those risking their lives deep in the
33
34

Wayne G. Broehl, JR., The Molly Maguires (London: Oxford University Press, 1964), 296. Ibid., 296. 35 H.T. Crown and Mark T. Major, A Guide to the Molly Maguires (United States of America, 1995), 143-145.

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mines, a violent overthrow was the only resort they had not attempted. Many strikes and blockades of the mines were quickly put to an end by either hasty settlements with no real value which were often overturned by the mine owner shortly after arrangements were made or the miners were replaced with new recruits and forced to abandon their jobs. The influence of the Molly Maguires on the mining industry and the impacts the organization had on future union movements did not cease after they were disbanded. Following their demobilization, several mining strikes took place across the country for the rights and advancement the Molly Maguires attempted to acquire in the 1860s and 1870s. On April 18, 1912, another violent mining strike began along Cabin Creek and Paint Creek, West Virginia. Similar to the Molly Maguires, these miners demanded: the right to organize, recognition of their constitutional rights to free speech and assembly, an end to blacklisting union organizers, alternatives to company stores, an end to the practice of using mine guards, prohibition of cribbing, installation of scales at all mines for accurately weighing coal, unions be allowed to hire their own checkweighmen to make sure the companies' checkweighmen were not cheating the miners.36 Fearing an uprising comparable to the Molly Maguires, the operators brought in mine guardsto evict the miners and their families from company houses.37 The miners refused to leave and soon the United Mine Workers of American (UMWA) had contributed large amounts of weapons and ammunition38 to the striking miners. By contributing the arsenal to the miners, the UMWA permitted the striking miners to follow
36

West Virginia Archives and History, West Virginia Mine Wars, http://www.wvculture.org/history/minewars.html (accessed May 1, 2010).
37

West Virginia Archives and History, West Virginia Mine Wars, http://www.wvculture.org/history/minewars.html (accessed May 1, 2010). 38 Ibid.

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in the Molly Maguires footsteps. Both sides committed violent acts including the mine owner traveling through the miner camp in a heavily armored train and allowing the mine guards to fire into the camp. In response, the miners attacked a mine guard camp and at least sixteen people were killed.39 The violent response to a corrupt mining industry was the only way the miners could advance their position during this period. The Molly Maguires fought for safety, health, and wage issues. When the miners were disregarded or replaced the only way to influence the industry was through violence. The violence was not the first move these organizational members took. They first went on strike in an attempt to pressure the industry heads to give in to their demands. When the industry threatened to replace the miners, remove them from their homes, and take away their freedoms, the natural reaction of the miners was to threaten back. On many occasions, the Molly Maguires would leave threatening letters for the industry heads giving them the opportunity to escape. Only after the mine owners disregarded the demands of the miners and showed aggression towards them, whether physically or economically, were the miners left with no alternative but to strike back. The violence that followed was not a first strike against the industry. Prior to the Molly Maguires, the industrial revolution occurring across the United States controlled every aspect of the working class. Safety concerns were neglected resulting in numerous industrial accidents and deaths all over America. Standing up to the industrial machine meant economic suicide as the influx of immigrants would work longer and harder because they had to in order to achieve work. The failure of unions was apparent and highly ineffective to rapidly enact changes of even the smallest scale.
39

Ibid.

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This meant that the workers had to take matters into their own hands. It was in this moment that the Molly Maguires began a movement that would set the ground work for future reform. The acts of violence being utilized only as a last resort symbolized the patience and deep commitment to the reform of working conditions. Knowing their actions were punishable by law the men carried out crimes because there was no alternative. The violence the Molly Maguires committed paved the way for labor reforms nationwide. Following the Molly Maguires, labor unions became more powerful because the threat of violence was a strong deterrence. The organization served as a role model for miners and labor reformers to declare they do not need to sit idle and allow atrocities to occur. They declared the safety and well being of the worker was more important than the industries desire for higher profits at the expense of its employees.

Bibliography Primary Sources Dewees, F.P. The Molly Maguires. New York: Burt Franklin, 1877. Thomas, William M. Report of the Case of the Commonwealth Vs. John Kehoe Et Al., Members of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, Commonly Known as "Molly Maguires". New York: General Books Llc, 2009. Secondary Sources Bimba, Anthony. The Molly Maguires. New York: International Publishers, 1950. Boyer, Richard O. and Herbert M. Morais. Labors Untold Story. New York: United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers of America, 1976.
Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 27 of 32

Broehl, Wayne G., JR. The Molly Maguires. London: Oxford University Press, 1964. Campbell, Patrick. A Molly Maguire Story. Lawrenceville, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1992. Coleman, J. Walter. The Molly Maguire Riots: Industrial Conflict in the Pennsylvania Coal Region. New York: Arno Press, 1969. Crown, H.T. and Mark T. Major. A Guide to the Molly Maguires. United States of America, 1995. Horan, James D. and Howard Swiggett. The Pinkerton Story. New York: Van Rees Press, 1951. Kenny, Kevin. Making Sense of the Molly Maguires. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998. Lukas, J. Anthony. Big trouble: a murder in a small western town sets off a struggle for the soul of America. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1998. Ward, Leo L. Schuylkill County Volume II. Charleston, South Carolina: Arcadia Publishing, 1998. West Virginia Archives and History. West Virginia Mine Wars. http://www.wvculture.org/history/minewars.html (accessed May 1, 2010).

Appendix I

40

Production Rates of Coal in Pennsylvania 1821-1880

TOTAL PRODUCTION OF ANTHRACITE COAL FOR PENNSYLVANIA Year Tonnage Year Tonnage 1821 1,332 1831 217,842 1822 4,853 1832 447,560 1823 8,563 1833 600,907 1824 13,685 1834 464,015
40

J. Walter Coleman, The Molly Maguire Riots: Industrial Conflict in the Pennsylvania Coal Region (New York: Arno Press, 1969), 6.

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1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830

42,988 59,194 78,151 95,500 138,086 215,272

1834 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880

690,854 864,379 3,358,899 8,115,842 15,664,275 28,649,812

Appendix II
Miner Pay Stub Coal mined, 49 tons at 71 cents $35.03 Supplies . $8.25 Blacksmith . .30 Fixing two drills . .30 Rent 6.00 Groceries, etc. .. 20.18 Total 35.03 Net Balance $00.00

41

41

F.P. Dewees, The Molly Maguires (New York: Burt Franklin, 1877), 368.

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Appendix III
Coffin Notice from Molly Maguires

42

42

F.P. Dewees, The Molly Maguires (New York: Burt Franklin, 1877), 368.

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Appendix IV
John Kehoe

43

43

H.T. Crown and Mark T. Major, A Guide to the Molly Maguires (United States of America,

1995), 72.

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Kyle Snyder The Molly Maguires Page 32 of 32